238 Reviews because of appendixes 3 and 4: the a length of 15 equinoctial hours for solar altitudes of the table in the longest day of the year and this appendix 3 are calculated for the value corresponds to a latitude of latitude of Cordova (38;30º); the 40;41º (if we use an obliquity of the interpretation of this table in the ecliptic of 24º) and of 41;17º (for an translation (Fasc. 3, p. 186) is full of obliquity of 23;33º). This value does errors and absurd values, mainly not correspond to Cordova but because the translator is not aware rather to Toledo and this is why I of the existence of a Western abjad suggested that al-Mur×d÷ was living system in which several letters have in Toledo during the period in different values from those in which the city became the most Eastern abjad . This table had important scientific centre in al- already been edited twice, by King Andalus (see Las Ciencias de los (1978) and by Casulleras (1996). On Antiguos en al-Andalus , Madrid, the other hand Cordova is explicitly 1992, pp. 249-257). This is a mere mentioned in appendix 4. It seems hypothesis but it seems to me more that the authors of this publication acceptable than placing the author do not realize that the four append- in Cordova. ixes have nothing in common with As a conclusion, I would say that the machines described in chapters this publication is an important 1-30 and that at least two of them advance in the study of an derive from earlier sources: append- extremely interesting scientific ix 1 is attributed to Ibn al-¼aff×r and work because it provides us with an appendix 2 to al-Batt×n÷ in the text; excellent facsimile of the manu- appendix 1 is identical to the script, an edition and a translation description in the Kit×b f÷ l-hay’a by which make the text more Q×sim b. MuÐarrif al-QaÐÐ×n as accessible. It is not, however, a established by Casulleras (1993). To finished product and an accurate this one should add that Casulleras interpretation of the machinery has established that the maximum described in the 29 extant chapters rising and setting amplitudes of the is still needed. I only hope that the sun mentioned in the text is 30º, work done by the authors will which corresponds to a latitude of encourage other scholars to finish 37;6º and could be that of Cordova. the task. It seems clear that machine 31 and the four appendixes derive from Julio Samsó Cordovan sources. In the rest of the book (machines 1-30) the situation is entirely Charles Burnett, Arabic into different: in machines 14, 17, 18, Latin in the Middle Ages. The and 27 we find explicit references to Translators and their Intellectual Reviews 239 and Social Context. Ashgate- papers (I, V, VI, VII, VIII) the Variorum, Farnham, Surrey, translated sources come from al- 2009. VIII + 412 pp. Andalus; paper III deals with Adelard of Bath, who used Charles Burnett is today’s leading Andalusian sources in spite of the expert in the history of medieval fact that he never came to the scientific and philosophical Iberian Peninsula, although his translations from Arabic into Latin probable passage through Antioch (an updated list of his works can be raises the possibility of the found at http://warburg.sas.ac.uk/ introduction of sources available institute/cburnett.htm#top#top). His there. This idea is reinforced in editions, in collaboration with M. paper IV on the existence of a Yano, and K. Yamamoto, of Arabic connection between Antioch and astrological works (Abý Maþshar Pisa, which explains the arrival in and al-Qab÷½÷), together with the Europe of Eastern books that were corresponding Latin translations and unknown in al-Andalus. Paper II is bilingual glossaries of technical concerned with the analysis of a few terms, have become a model to be Arabic-Latin translations related to imitated and the only way through natural philosophy, the origin of which a serious study of the which is not clear, made in southern medieval translation phenomenon Italy in the 11 th c. Finally paper IX can be undertaken. This is why the is, again, concerned with Antioch present volume will receive a warm through the figure of Theodor, who welcome from the community of became the philosopher of Emperor scholars interested in the subject. Frederick II. Arabic into Latin in the Middle The opening paper (“King Ages is a collection of nine long Ptolemy and Alchandreus the papers previously published Philosopher”) deals with the between 1990 and 2002, followed European diffusion of the Latin by a detailed Addenda et Corri- texts of the “early collection” on the genda and indexes of manuscripts astrolabe and other astronomical and names. The order in which the instruments, based on Arabic articles are printed follows the sources of some kind, which seems chronology of the topics dealt with, to have been compiled in Catalonia beginning towards the end of the towards the end of the 10th c. In tenth century and ending in the first 1931 Millàs Vallicrosa proposed half of the thirteenth. The series of that Gerbert of Aurillac (ca. 950- nine papers closely follow the great 1003), the future Pope Sylvester II, steps in the history of the was the main transmitter of the translations from Arabic into Latin corpus. Burnett tends, instead, to and, thus, represent an analysis of emphasize the importance of the crucial problems at each one of the monasteries near Orléans (St. different stages. In five of these Benoît of Fleury and St. Mesmin of 240 Reviews Micy), as well as of the cathedral of cibis, Hippocrates’s Airs, Waters Chartres, in the transmission of and Places and pseudo-Galen’s De these texts. The collection probably spermate ) which are Grecizing reached Fleury very early, when translations of Arabic texts, similar Abbo was the abbot of the monas- to those of Constantine the African, tery (988-1004) and Constantine of although they do not appear in the Fleury was studying there. It was lists of translations made by the later transmitted to Micy, probably latter author. As a conclusion he by Constantine himself, who was states that, in the 11th c., there were dean of St. Mesmin (988-996) and translations from Arabic into Latin abbot of the same monastery (1011- related to natural science which 1020). Constantine had connections must have begun before the arrival with Gerbert of Aurillac and asked of Constantine in Salerno, coming Ascelin of Augsburg for an from Qayraw×n, ca. 1077. In the explanation of the construction of appendix (pp. 81-109) Burnett edits the astrolabe. The result was and translates De elementis, De Ascelin’s Compositio astrolabii metallis and De cibis. which Burnett edits, translates and The story continues in the British comments in an appendix (pp. 343- Isles as well as in several places in 358). Ascelin was, probably, the the Mediterranean in the first half of master of Bern de Prün who later the 12 th c. with a most illuminating became abbot of the monastery of analysis of the mysterious figure of Reichenau (ca. 978-1048) and the Adelard of Bath. (III “Adelard of teacher of Hermann Contractus Bath and the Arabs”), one of the (1013-1054), the author of a treatise most important translators of the on the construction of the astrolabe period and one of the very few who as well as of other texts related to never went to the Iberian Peninsula, the early collection. As a in spite of the fact that his scientific consequence, Burnett establishes a translations show clearly that he is possible chain of transmission from using Andalusian materials. He Fleury to Micy, as well as, later, to probably learnt Arabic in Syracuse Reichenau. To this he adds that two and Burnett suggests a stay in manuscripts of the collection seem Antioch (IV, pp. 2-4; V, pp. 228- to have been copied in Chartres, the 229 and Addenda, p. 4). There are exemplar of which derives from works of his written in elegant Latin Fleury via Micy and not based in Arabic sources ( De With the second paper (“Physics cura accipitrum, De eodem et before the Physics ”) Burnett moves diverso, Quaestiones naturales, an to southern Italy in the 11th century introduction to the abacus): they are through the study of the contents of dedicated to important persons, such two 12th century British manu- as William, Bishop of Syracuse, in scripts which contain a series of the case of De eodem et diverso, and texts ( De elementis, De metallis, De they are intended for the education Reviews 241 of young noblemen and the might have been a mere Latinization members of bishops’ households. In of a previous translation made by one case (De opere astrolapsus ) we Petrus Alfonsi into some kind of have a work sharing the char- common language. This would acteristics of the previous group, therefore be an early example of the dedicated to Henry, the king’s four-hand translations which be- nephew and the future King Henry came common slightly later. II, which is based on previous The fourth paper (“Antioch as a sources belonging to “the early link between Arabic and Latin collection” ( De utilitatibus astro- culture”) develops a new idea also labii, Geometria incerti auctoris ), studied in another paper published which had clearly reached the by Burnett in J.P. Hogendijk and British Isles by then. A third group A.I. Sabra (eds.), The Enterprise of of works is the most interesting for Science in Islam: New Perspectives , our purposes, because it contains a Cambridge, Ma., 2003, pp.