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North-South Divide: the Role of the Border in Tourism to Northern Ireland

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North-South Divide: the Role of the Border in Tourism to Northern Ireland Visions in Leisure and Business Volume 17 Number 4 Article 5 1999 North-South Divide: The Role of the Border in Tourism to Northern Ireland Stephen Boyd Staffordshire University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/visions Recommended Citation Boyd, Stephen (1999) "North-South Divide: The Role of the Border in Tourism to Northern Ireland," Visions in Leisure and Business: Vol. 17 : No. 4 , Article 5. Available at: https://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/visions/vol17/iss4/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at ScholarWorks@BGSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Visions in Leisure and Business by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@BGSU. NORTH-SOUTH DIVIDE: THE ROLE OF THE BORDER IN TOURISM TO NORTHERN IRELAND BY DR. STEPHEN BOYD, SENIOR LECTURER DIVISION OF GEOGRAPHY STAFFORDSHIRE UNIVERSITY STOKE-ON-TRENT, ST4 2DF ENGLAND ABSTRACT INTRODUCTION Using the case study of the border between Borders have received limited attention in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, the tourism literature (30, 31). This is this paper addresses a number of key issues somewhat surprising as they represent arbi­ related to borders and tourism: attractivity trary lines that separate different places, and co-operation. Visitor data from 1994 to peoples, and spaces-all elements that have 1997, reveals that the border itself does not the potential to be of interest to tourists, es­ function as a tourist attraction, but rather pecially if these differences help shape their there is sufficient attraction within what is overall trip experience. In light of this, this identified in the paper as a border zone. At­ paper addresses a number of key issues re­ tention is given to examining heritage attrac­ lated to borders and tourism, using the case tions (those receiving over 5000 per year, study of the border between Northern Ire­ and those that are free) as the position taken land and the Republic of Ireland. Attention in the paper is that heritage tourism best en­ is given to the role that borders play both as capsulates the experience available to the a deterrent (barrier) and stimulus to tourism visitor. Results show there to be no differ­ movement, as well as their potential to be ence between attendance at attractions considered part of a region's attraction base. within the border zone and those outside it. The border is not key to influencing move­ Two broad concepts related to borders un­ ment, but rather represents a barrier where derpin this paper. The first is attractivity in tourism flows have been strongly influenced terms of the degree of similarity or dissimi­ by the history of conflict that has character­ larity of cultures that are present on both ized Northern Ireland over the last 30 years. sides. This concept can also be considered Discussion is also presented on co-operation, from the perspective of what type of attrac­ particularly how the signing of the Good Fri­ tions exist at borders to appeal to tourists. day peace Agreement (April 10, 1998) may The second concept is that of co-operation, create opportunities to develop formalized both in a general political sense between both links with the Republic of Ireland, those spe­ countries, as well co-operation required to cifically directed at tourism, helping to foster promote cross-border tourism planning. greater cross-border movement of visitors. With respect to the first concept, a paucity of research exists. One work is that by Timo­ thy (30) who provides a typology of border 50 types for tourism crossings based on the de­ from the border, supporting what Matznetter gree ofdifficulty tourists are presented with ( 16) views as a scenario in which the politi­ crossing borders, and the degree ofsimilarity cal boundary runs between two touristic ar­ in the culture and society present on both eas in both countries, but at a significant sides. Four types emerge, those that present distance from each. If, however, the border high degree ofdifficulty to cross and where region is viewed as having a tourism appeal, the cultures are dissimilar or similar; and then it is possible to infer that a different those which are easily crossed but where scenario may emerge, one that Matznetter cultures areeither similar or different. While ( 16) describes as touristic areas touching the this simple classification is useful, ifexoge­ border itself nous factors are considered, it is possible to suggest that the nature ofthe border type Co-operation has received most attention canchange through time. Also, it is possible within the general tourism planning litera­ to argue that sections ofborders can have ture, being viewed as an actual type oftour­ elements ofboth cultural groups. It is these ism planning (13, 32). When the context in­ latter elements that emerge when the border volves borders, the concept is important in between Northern Ireland and the Republic forging linkages to encourage cross-border ofIreland is considered. tourism planning. Recently a number ofre­ searchers have noted the increase in tourism It may be inferred that exogenous factors planning across political boundaries which such as ongoing terrorist activity, along with capitalizes on developing and promoting borderlands being perceived to be dangerous common resources (14, 26, 32). One ele­ given their high security presence, could in­ ment of this cross-border tourism planning fluence border crossings, making it psycho­ has been the development of attractions logically difficult to cross even though the within the neighboring jurisdiction (31), par­ act ofcrossing was relatively easy. The fact ticularly activities like cross-border shop­ that 'the other side' was viewed as different ping. At a more general level, co-operation and foreign could add to this unwillingness can be viewed as the establishment of to cross. For sections ofa border where the mechanisms that can promote better relations culture is relatively similar ( sections inside between different polities from which tour­ the Northern Ireland border which had ism can benefit. strong nationalist tones), the reality ofter­ rorist activity, for example, could be argued In light ofthese concepts, a number ofkey to remain a strong enough deterrent to limit points are examined in the paper. First, in the extent ofmovement across the border. addressing the issue ofattractivity, an argu­ ment is made that the Northern Ireland­ A number· ofresearchers have addressed ac­ Republic ofIreland border itselfis not key in tual attractions present at borders, where influencing movement. Instead it repre-­ they involve the experiences ofcrossing the sented a barrier with tourism flows being border itself(28), or viewing specific land­ strongly influenced by the history ofconflict . marks or monuments which demarcate that until recently had characterized the boundaries (30). When the attraction ofthe North of Ireland for the past thirty years. border between Northern Ireland and the The absence ofexogenous factors, particu­ Republic ofIreland is considered, it is hard larly terrorism activity, consequently resulted to argue that this represents a border which in a significant tourist flow into the North functions as a tourist attraction. In fact the fromthe South. This is examined by looking most popular attractions are located away specifically at the 1994 to 1997 peri�d as it 51 represented the start of the cessation of vio­ TOURISMIN NORTHERN IRELAND lence and the development of political initia­ tives to promote peace within Northern Ire­ A conceptual model of the nature of tourist land. Both the extent of movement occur­ flow for regions that once enjoyed peace, ring and flow from specific market regions is then endured long periods of terrorist activ­ examined. The fluctuation of the Irish Re­ ity before conditions changed to promote a public market is particularly singled out as it return to peace again is shown in Figure 1. represents the obvious market to engage in While a multiplicity of endogenous and ex­ crossing the border. Movement of this mar­ ogenous factors influence tourist flows for ket sectoris examined in general _andthrough regions facing terrorism, the model plots a case study of a popular tourist attraction in only key developments, namely the time ,the North. The second element of attractiv­ when conflict starts and when negotiations ity is directed at the border region itself. begin to resolve it, and depicts how the na­ Here the .bprder is not being presented as a ture of tourist numbers are influenced by tourist attraction, rather the argument to be these events. made is that the border region has tourism appeal, albeit somewhat limited. Focus is This generalized pattern of tourist flow can also directed at a specific type of tourism­ be applied to suit the NorthernIreland situa­ heritage tourism-as it is argued that this tion as illustrated in Figure 2. Total trips best represents the majority of tourism· taken are plotted over a time period starting attractions present in the North. Third, and in 1959 (pre-trouble years) continµe up to lastly, discussion is presented on co­ the present, and include the period of early operation in terms of how the signing of the negotiations (late 1980s) and recent terrorist Good Friday Peace Agreement (April 10, cease-fires (1994 and 1997). The graph 1998) has created opportunities to develop · shows that the years prior to the start ofter­ · formalized links specifically directed· at . rorism (1959-1967) were characterized by tourism, which may foster greater cross­ substantial growth, rising from 615,000 bordermovement of visitors. (1959) to ·1.1· million tourist trips (1967). With the start of terrorist activity in 1969, Within the context of tourism, Northern· Ire­ visitor numbers declined dramatically with landhas evoked a limited, if negative body of 1972 recording the lowest figure of 435,000 research which has focused more on the .
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