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Home , Kozhikode, Rajan Gurukkal, Zamorin

Science, Technology and Development ISSN : 0950-0707

An Epigraphical study of the rise of under the

Dr. V.V. Haridas, Associate Professor and Head, Dept. of History, Dt., .

Abstract A minor territorial unit called Eranadu later developed as a kingdom under Netiyirippu Svarupam and came to be called as Kozhikode. The ruler was called . The development of this kingdom is shrouded in mystery. Only fragmentary evidences and legends are available on the process of the transformation. The present paper is an attempt to glean the information from the available fragmentary epigraphical evidences on the rise and growth of the kingdom of Kozhikode. The Zamorins emerged as one of the prominent powers of medieval Kerala. Zamorin got international attention by the arrival of Portuguese under in 1498. The causes for the emergence of the kingdom of Kozhikode are analysed for a better understanding of the nature of the polity. Inscriptions of the Zamorins are scarce, whereas inscriptions of the Perumal period are comparatively available. The overseas trade appears as the major cause catapulted the kingdom of Kozhikode as the prominent power.

Keywords Inscriptions, Kozhikode, Medieval Kerala, Nadu, Zamorin.

I. Introduction Kozhikode was under the Zamorins from about the twelfth century to the second half of the eighteenth century. The rise and growth of the kingdom is shrouded in mystery. Except a traditional account called Keralolpaththi 1 no accounts are available on the emergence of this kingdom. Before the emergence of the medieval principalities, such as those of Kozhikode, practically the whole of present-day Kerala was under the rule of Perumals (also called the Cheras) of Mahodayapuram (AD c. 800-1124).2 The disintegration of the Perumal suzerainty resulted in the emergence of these chiefs as independent rulers. Venadu, Kozhikode and Kolathunad were the more important kingdoms which emerged after the break-up of the Perumals of Mahodayapuram. The town of Calicut3 from where the Zamorins ruled was an important trade centre where Chinese and West Asian trade met. In the present paper an attempt is made to examine the evidence, especially epigraphical evidence, relating to the rise of the kingdom of Kozhikode in the post-Chera period. Inscriptions such as the Jewish copper plates of Bhaskara Ravi, the Ramesvaram temple inscription of Ramavarma Kulasekhara, the Syrian Christian copper plates of Vira Raghava Chakravarththi and the Muchunthi mosque inscription of Punthurakkon are important among the epigraphical sources. The historical tradition recorded in a later work called Keralolpaththi is another important source for the early history of the Zamorins. There are also stray literary references related to the rise of the kingdom.

II. Historiography William Logan, the first modern scholar to write about the Zamorins of Kozhikode,4 states that the Zamorin’s family had attained the dignity of Utaiyavar by the 8th century AD, the date he had accepted for the Jewish and Syrian Christian copper plates.5 K.V. Krishna Ayyar, who wrote the first detailed monograph on the Zamorins of Calicut, more or less accepted Logan’s date of the partition of Kerala by the Cheraman Perumal,

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without delving on the origin and causes for the development of the kingdom.6 According to him, “legends and traditions constitute the main, if not the sole, source of our information for the origin and early history of the Zamorin”.7 P.K.S. Raja held a similar view on the origin of the Zamorins.8 Logan, Krishna Ayyar and Raja have referred to the Jewish copper plates of Bhaskara Ravi and the Syrian Christian copper plates of Vira Raghava as sources of information. However, they were misled by the faulty reading and erroneous date of those inscriptions, not being aware of the existence of the Chera kingdom of Mahodayapuram (AD c. 800-1124). 9 Thus they were unable to explain the origin and development of Kozhikode under the Zamorins during the post- Chera period. M.G.S. Narayanan’s work is concerned with the Perumals of Mahodayapuram and does not, naturally, deal directly with the after the disintegration of the Cheras.10 A later paper of Narayanan, however, is concerned with Manavikrama, the governor of Eranadu, who is supposed to be the ancestor of the Zamorins of Kozhikode.11 Narayanan has recently published a few works on the history of Kozhikode.12 N.M. Nampoothiry’s work on the Zamorins attributes a much later date of AD 1405 for the beginning of their reign.13 He uses Chinese accounts and the archives of the Zamorin but does not take inscriptions into account.14 Hence, a fresh study of the causes for the rise and growth of the kingdom of Kozhikode using epigraphical evidence is warranted.

III. Tracing the antecedents of Zamorin The Zamorins were known under the titles Punthurakkon, ‘the Lord of Punthura’, Kunnalakkon – translated into as Sailabdhisvara – ‘the Lord of Hill and Sea’ and of course, Samuthiri or the Zamorin.15 The title Punthurakkon was usually used in official records, viz. inscriptions,16 Granthavaris,17 etc. The title Kunnalakkon 18 and its Sanskritised form Sailabdhisvara 19 are found mostly in literary works. Kunnalakkon is found in later works while Punthurakkon is found in very early records, dating from AD 12th century onwards.20 The dynastic title of Samuthiri, Samuri, Thamuri, etc., spelt in European languages as Zamorin, is of obscure etymology with different scholars offering different derivations depending on their imagination (or the lack of it!). 21 The earliest reference to the name Zamorin is found in ’s accounts.22 The ancestors of the Zamorins can be demonstrated to have been the chiefs of one such nadu division, namely Eralanadu, under the Perumals.

3.1 Jewish Copper Plate The earliest reference to Eralanadu occurs in the Jewish copper plate of Bhaskara Ravi (AD 1000),23 which registers the grant of 72 privileges to Joseph Rabban of Anchuvannam by the Chera ruler Bhaskara Ravi. The chiefs of Venadu, Vempalanadu, Eralanadu, Valluvanadu, Netumpuraiyurnadu and “the commander of the Eastern forces” were present on the occasion and endorse the document as witnesses.24 The Chief of Eralanadu is described as Eralanadutaiya Manavepala Manaviyan.25 It seems that this was a hereditary title of the chiefs of Eralanadu. This name of the Chief of Eralanadu appears in an undated inscription of about AD 11th century, from Thrichambaram, noticed by M.G.S. Narayanan.26 Another undated inscription of about AD 11th century from Pulpatta near mentions the Aranuttavar of Eralanadu.27 Based on the strength of the ‘Hundred Organisation’ of the senior prince, which was six hundred, it has been suggested that Eralanadu is of about the same size as Ramavalanadu, Valluvanadu, Kizhmalainadu, Venadu etc. during the Chera period.28 One comes

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across only one nadu in this period with a stronger force, namely Kurumpuraiyurnadu, with a force of seven hundred although many lesser ones with five hundred, three hundred, etc., are available.29 Therefore, the Chief of Eralanadu can legitimately be assumed to have been one of the leading feudatories of the Perumals.

3.2 Kollam Ramesvaram Temple Inscription The Kollam Ramesvaram temple inscription of Ramavarma Kulasekhara, the last of the Perumals, mentions a Manavikrama alias Punthurakkon,30 the Chief of Eranadu. The record speaks of “the feudatories starting with Punthurakkon” which may be an indication of his being the foremost of the feudatory chiefs. The inscription, dated in the 13th year of Ramavarma Kulasekhara (AD 1102), mentions the Nalu Tali, 31 the feudatories starting with Manavikrama, the ruler of Eranadu, the Ayiram,32 the Aranuttavar and the Arya Brahmans of the Ramesvaram temple. They gathered at Kollam, probably the wartime capital of the Perumals, immediately after the recovery of the city from the Pandya-Chola invaders in AD 1102, to witness the Perumal’s atonement for having offended the Aryas.33 Earlier historians had taken the year of this record as marking the end of the Chera rule.34 But the last Perumal, Ramavarma Kulasekhara continued his reign at least up to AD 1124.35 A medieval Manipravalam poem states: “No one can take Netiyirippu head-on, as it was on the ruler of that territory that the last of the Cheramans, Ramavarma, conferred [the gift of land] with libations of water on the sword”.36 Thus the last Chera ruler (Cheraman) appears to have been a Ramavarma, the name of the Perumal in the Kollam Ramesvaram temple inscription of Ramavarma Kulasekhara .

3.3 Anandapuram Temple Inscription The importance of Eranadu continued in the immediate post-Chera period also, as brought out by the Anandapuram temple inscription37 and the Syrian Christian copper plates of Vira Raghava.38 Anandapuram temple inscription records a resolution of the village council (Urutayavar) of Karimukku, which prescribed punishment for those who obstructed the temple functionaries or pilfered away temple properties and prevented the temple rituals. In addition to paying a fine, the offenders would forfeit their place in the assembly and their right to protection from the Eranadu Nizhal.39 This reference to the Nizhal of Eranadu is significant in many ways. Firstly, it shows that Eranadu had grown strong enough to reach Anandapuram in the southern parts of modern district. Secondly, the presence of its military force of Nizhal there shows the growth in strength of Eranadu. This is significant because, in an earlier record from Iringalakkuda, not far from Anandapuram, the work of protection is entrusted to the ‘Six Hundred of Valluvanadu’.40 Does this signify that by the time of the Anandapuram record, Eranadu had grown strong enough to elbow out Valluvanadu? Or, did the presence of the ‘Hundred Organisations’ of different nadus close to one another not have any implication for the political power of the respective nadu? The latter seems rather unlikely.

3.4 Syrian Christian Copper Plates The Syrian Christian copper plates, dated AD 1225, record the grant of certain privileges and monopolies to the merchant chief Iravi Korthan in the town and closes with the statement that it was “issued with the knowledge of Venadu, Odanadu, Eranadu and Valluvanadu”.41 These were the most significant nadus in the post-Chera period, particularly when a charter of trade was drawn up. An undated stone inscription that found in the Muchunthi mosque at Kuttichira in Calicut town is an important early document of the Zamorins.42

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This bilingual record in and old , assigned to the 13th century, is important in many respects. It records a grant of some land by Punthurakkon to meet the daily expenses of one nazhi of rice in Muchiyan’s mosque.43 The name of the Zamorin is not mentioned in the inscription but only his title, Punthurakkon. There are a few more inscriptions which we have not been able to consult.44

3.5 Muchunthi mosque inscription The Muchunthi mosque inscription belongs to the category of Sthanu Ravi’s grant to Tharisappalli, the church, (Syrian copper plates),45 Bhaskara Ravi’s grant to the Jews of Anchuvannam (Jewish copper plates),46 and Vira Raghava’s grant to the merchant chief Iravi Korthan of Manikkiramam (Syrian Christian copper plates).47 These grants were made to the trading communities, whose help the rulers may have sought in return. The Muchunthi inscription is bilingual. Vattezhuttu and Arabic scripts are used to write the texts in and Arabic respectively. The Arabic portion contains Muslim names, passages of prayer and signatures. The grant of Punthurakkon to the Muchunthi mosque proves that he patronised Arab Muslim traders.

3.6 Keralolpaththi Against this background of epigraphic evidence, the origin of the kingdom of Kozhikode contained in the narrative of Keralolpaththi is significant. 48 There are suggestions in other documents of greater authenticity to prove the historicity of the story of the Perumal’s partition of the land and his departure for Mecca.49 In that context, this particular reference to the gift to Punthurakkon, with the privilege of West Asian trade, acquires great significance. It may be noted that Punthurakkon was the title of the chief of Eranadu in the Kollam Ramesvaram temple inscription; it is also the name or title of the donor of the grant to the Muchunthi mosque. This story, therefore, preserves in it the memory of those concerned about how the feudatory chiefs of Eranadu emerged as the Zamorins, as independent rulers of Kozhikode, and also highlights the cause for their success as an important ruling house in medieval Kerala. The chiefs of Eralanadu or Eranadu, and later, the Zamorins, belonged to the House of Netiyirippu (Netiyirippu Svarupam). Netiyirippu is today a village in the Eranadu Taluk of . The territory of Eranadu lay around this village. However, it was landlocked and did not contain too many agrarian settlements in the period of the Perumals. When the got an opening to the sea with the gift of Calicut by the Perumal,50 they were shrewd enough to make use of it as a port. With the conquest of Polanadu by the Zamorin,51 the area around the port also increased and provided an opportunity for its further development. Calicut’s growth as a port city requires attention since it did not have a natural harbour. The were in search of a port on the western coast of to facilitate their trade opportunities. Kollam and were already occupied by trading communities such as the Jews and Syrian Christians. The Zamorins followed the policy of co-operation and friendship towards the Arabs. They offered all the prerequisites for the development of trade: security, freedom and honesty in interactions as is clear from the writings of Ibn Battuta,52 Abd er Razzak53 and Keralolpaththi tradition54. When the Zamorins welcomed this new trading community they settled at Calicut and were an important factor for the growth of Calicut as a port and Kozhikode as a kingdom. It may be noted that unlike Kodungallur and Kollam, Calicut had no Syrian Christian or Jewish settlements. The Zamorin had trade relations not only with the Arabs but also with the

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Chinese during the early period. Ibn Battuta says about 13 Chinese vessels that he saw at Calicut port when he arrived there, suggesting China’s overseas trade with Kozhikode.55

IV. Conclusion

The process of the growth of Kozhikode to prosperity on account of this trade is suggested by other pieces of evidence. Ibn Battuta, who had visited many countries in Asia and Africa in the first half of AD 14th century, gives evidence of the flourishing trade of Calicut during that period.56 According to him, the large vessels from Calicut came to , the port of Yemen.57 He says, “Thence we travelled to the city of ‘Qaliqut’ (Calicut) which is one of the chief ports in Mulaybar (Malabar) and one of the largest harbours in the world. It is visited by men from China, Sumatra, Ceylon, the , Yemen and Fars and in it gathers merchants from all quarters”.58 Unnunilisandesam, a sandesakavya in Malayalam of AD 14th century refers to Calicut as a busy centre of commerce. Calicut is equated with Quilon in terms of its importance as a town.59 Kokilasandesa, a Sanskrit work assigned to AD 15th century, contains a reference to the overseas trade as the cause for the prosperity of Calicut. The ocean knows that his daughter, the Goddess of Prosperity, resides in this town [Calicut]. Therefore, he appears to embrace it with the waves. Those waves carry with them gifts of several ships laden with loads of jewels brought from different islands.60

Thus, the epigraphical evidence discussed above shows us how the landlocked Chera principality of Eranadu expanded to become the kingdom of Kozhikode. The city of Calicut, and the possibilities of trade which it offered, had a major role to play in the process. The growth of a new harbour and Arab interests in the region, the political ambition of the newly emergent rulers, the new Chinese enterprise in Malabar in AD 13th century, the decline of Kodungallur harbour due to natural calamities, etc. all combined to boost the prosperity of the kingdom of Kozhikode in the post-Chera period.

REFERENCES 1 The date of Keralolpaththi in its present form is generally taken as 17th or 18th century AD. Hermann Gundert, ed., Keralolpaththi, in Keralolpaththiyum Mattum, , 1992, p. 189. 2 For a history of this kingdom, see, M.G.S. Narayanan, Perumals of Kerala, Calicut, 1996. 3 We use “Kozhikode” to denote the kingdom and “Calicut” to the capital city although the two terms are synonyms. This distinction, although strictly untenable, is useful. 4 William Logan, Malabar, Vol. I, (1887), Madras, Reprint 1951, pp. 163-98, 225-349. 5 He accepts the popular story of the partition of Kerala by Cheraman Perumal that resulted into the origin of the kingdoms in Kerala and fixes its date as AD 825. He says that in the century that followed, the Zamorins consolidated their hold on the country around Calicut. According to him the power of the Zamorins became supreme in all Kerala chiefly through Islamic influence, arms and trade. Ibid., pp. 236-292. 6 Ayyar says that the partition should have taken place sometime before AD 827. According to him the rule of the first Zamorin has begun by AD 826-27. K.V. Krishna Ayyar, The Zamorins of Calicut, Calicut, 1938, pp. 77, 336. 7 Ibid., p. 53. 8 “The origin and early history of the Zamorins are enveloped in mystery”, P.K.S. Raja, Mediaeval Kerala, (1953), Calicut, 1966, p. 19. 9 The dates of the inscriptions as stated by Logan are: a) The Jewish copper plates - AD c. 700 and b) The Syrian copper plates of Vira Raghava (AD 774). William Logan, Op. cit., p. 226. The presently accepted dates of these inscriptions are a) The Jewish copper plates (AD 1000) and b) The Syrian copper plate (AD 1225).

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10 M.G.S. Narayanan, Perumals of Kerala. 11 Idem, ‘Manavikrama alias Punthurakkon of – A New Name in the Twilight of the Chera Kingdom in Kerala’, paper presented at the 18th Annual Congress of Epigraphical Society of India, , 1992. 12 M.G.S. Narayanan, Kozhikkodinte Katha, Ottappalam, 2001; Idem, Calicut: The city of Truth Revisited, Calicut University, 2006; Idem, Kozhikode:Charithrathilninnu Chila Etukal, Calicut, 2011. 13 N.M. Nampoothiry, Samuthiri Charithrathile Kanappurangal, Sukapuram, 1987, p. 64. 14 Ibid., pp. 68-69, 72, Notes, pp. 343-45. The methodology used by Nampoothiry is faulty because he uses documents available related to the last rites. The earliest such document that has survived points to his date; but that does not rule out a Zamorin before that date. 15 For a discussion of the title see, V.V. Haridas, Zamorins and the Political Culture of Medieval Kerala, New , 2016, pp.56-57. 16 M.G.S. Narayanan, Cultural Symbiosis in Kerala, Trivandrum, 1972, App. V.A, p. 95, line 1. 17 The order or letter of the Zamorin was known as Punthurakkon thittu. Kozhikkodan Granthavari, unpublished palm leaf manuscripts, Vallathol Vidyapeetham, , Vols. 45 & 63. 18 This title is used in Manipravalam works. Elamkulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai, ed., Kokasandesam, (1959), Kottayam, Reprint 1972, I: 21, p. 38; Idem, Chandrolsavam, Kottayam, 1955, I: 50, p. 34. 19 The Sanskrit works Manameyodaya and Vasumathimanavikrama use this title. C. Kunhan Raja & S.S. Suryanarayana Sastri, Eds. & Trans., Manameyodaya, Madras, 1975, p. 313 – quoted in V.R. Muralidharan, Manameyodaya – A Critical Study, Ph.D. Thesis, Calicut University, 1992, p. 73; K.T. Madhavan, Vasumatimanavikrama of Damodarabhatta, Ph.D. Thesis, Calicut University, 1987, p. 188. 20 Kollam Ramesvaram inscription of Ramavarma Kulasekhara (AD 1102) and Muchunthi mosque inscription of Punthurakkon (AD 13th century) are examples. M.G.S. Narayanan, Perumals of Kerala, Notes, p. LXV; Idem, Cultural Symbiosis in Kerala, App. V.A, pp. 95-96. 21 For J.A. Thorne’s view, M.L. Dames, ed., The Book of , Vol. II, (1812), , Reprint 1989, App. II C, pp. 257-62; K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op. cit., p. 14; Narayanan, Perumals of Kerala, p. 97; N.M. Nampoothiry, Samuthiri Charithrathile Kanappurangal, pp. vi-vii, 73. 22 Ibn Battuta says, “The Sultan of Calicut is an infidel, known as “the Samari”. H.A.R. Gibb, ed., Ibn Battuta – Travels in Asia and Africa 1325-1354, New Delhi, 1986, p. 234. 23 Epigraphia Indica, (hereafter EI), Vol. III, (1894-95), New Delhi, Reprint 1979, No.11, ed., E. Hultzch, pp. 66-69; Narayanan, Cultural Symbiosis in Kerala, App. III.A, pp. 79-82. 24 Narayanan, Cultural Symbiosis in Kerala, App. III.A, p. 80, ll. 20-25. 25 Ibid., p. 80, l. 23. 26 Narayanan, Perumals of Kerala, p. 96; an unpublished inscription, a part of the text is quoted in Ibid., Notes, p. LXII; “Thiruchchemmaraththu thiruvilakkinu eranadutaya manav(epala mana)viyathan ipp…”. 27 Ibid., p. 97 – this too is an unpublished inscription. The text is given as, “(Mukkal) vattam nirayakuti Arunuttuvarum (mun)nuttuvarumkontu cheluththikka katava… pulpottai urum koyilum eralana (ttu arunut) tuvarum itaththirayappozha munnuttuva(rum) avirothaththal cheytha karumamavathu”. Ibid., p. LXIII. This organisation of Nuttavar (The Hundred) seems to be a sort of police force of the Nadu Utaiyavar. It varied in strength from nadu to nadu and ranged from three hundred to seven hundred. Ibid., pp. 124, 129. 28 Ibid., p. 97. 29 Ibid., p. 124. 30 The text of Kollam Ramesvaram inscription is found in Archaeological Series, Vol. V, No. 13, pp. 40-46. Elamkulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai made use of this in his work Keralabhashayute Vikasa Parinamangal, (1953), Kottayam, 1963, pp. 94-95. M.G.S. Narayanan made a re-reading of the text from the original stone. Narayanan, Perumals of Kerala, Notes, p. LXV – “Nankuthaliyum ayiram Arunuttuvarum (era)nadu vazhkai (mana)vikkira manana (punthura)kkon muthalayulla chamantharum”; M.G.S. Narayanan, Perumals of Kerala, Notes, p. LXV. 31 Nalu Tali was a Brahman council of the Perumal of Mahodayapuram constituted by representatives of its four villages and had their seats in the four chief temples in the capital. Narayanan, Perumals of Kerala, pp. 33, 85. 32 Ayiram (The Thousand), was a body attached to the Perumal, might be a bigger form of the Hundred organisation (Nuttavar) of the Nadus. Ibid., pp. 122-24. 33 Narayanan, Perumals of Kerala, p. 87. 34 Elamkulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai, Kerala Charithrathile Irulatanja Etukal, (1953), Kottayam, 1963, pp. 125-28; Idem, Chila Keralacharithra Prasnangal, (1953), Kottayam, 1963, pp. 11, 154. 35 Narayanan, Perumals of Kerala, p. 33. 36 Elamkulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai, Samskarathinte Nazhikakkallukal, (1958), Kottayam, New Edition 1966, p. 78. 37 , ‘A New Epigraph Referring to Eranadu’, Proceedings of IHC, 1976, pp. 526-31. 38 EI, Vol. IV, (1897), New Delhi, Reprint 1979, No. 41, edited by V. Venkayya, pp. 290-97.

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39 Nizhal – the bodyguards of medieval Kerala chieftains – is the same as the ‘Hundred Organisation’. M.G.S. Narayanan, ‘The Hundred Groups and the Rise of Nayar militia in Kerala’, Proceedings of IHC, Burdwan, 1983, pp. 113-19. 40 V.K.D. Nambiar and V.K.R. , ‘Two Vattezhuttu Inscriptions from the Iringalakkuta Temple’ in Rama Varma Research Institute Bulletin, Vol. IX, Part I, Thrissur, Reprint 1973, p. 51, l. 19. 41 EI, Vol.IV, p. 295, l. 20, “Venadum Odanadum ariyakkuduththom Eranadum Valluvanadum ariyakkuduththom”. 42 M.G.S. Narayanan deciphered the Muchunthi mosque inscription. Narayanan, Cultural Symbiosis in Kerala, pp. 38-42, App. V.A, pp. 95-96. 43 Ibid. 44 Raghava Varier and Rjajan Gurukkal speak of an inscription from Pukkottur referring to Kunril Koil. M.R. Raghava Varier and Rajan Gurukkal, Keralacharithram, Sukapuram, 1991, p. 140. I have not been able to lay my hands on this record. 45 Narayanan, Cultural Symbiosis in Kerala, App. IV, pp. 86-94. 46 Ibid., p. 42, App. III, pp. 79-82. 47 EI, Vol. IV, pp. 290-97. 48 Hermann Gundert, ed., Op. cit., pp. 190-91; V.V. Haridas, Op. cit., p.28. 49 Narayanan, Perumals of Kerala, pp. 33, 65-70; Elamkulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai, Samskarathinte Nazhikakkallukal, pp. 68-78. 50 Hermann Gundert, ed., Op. cit., pp. 190-91. 51 Ibid., pp. 193-98. 52 H.A.R. Gibb, ed., Ibn Battuta – Travels in Asia and Africa 1325-1354, p. 237. 53 Quoted in Sanjay Subrahmanyam, The Career and Legend of Vasco da Gama, p. 104; see also, R.H. Major, ed., India in the Fifteenth Century, p. I: 14. 54 Hermann Gundert, ed., Op. cit., pp. 198-200. 55 H.A.R. Gibb, ed., Ibn Battuta – Travels in Asia and Africa 1325-1354, p. 235. For China-Kerala relations of medieval period, see, M.R. Raghava Varier, Keraliyatha: Charithramanangal, Sukapuram, 1990, pp. 158-78. 56 Ibn Battuta says that he had seen no port equal to Alexandria except Kawlam and Calicut in India and Zaytun in China. H.A.R. Gibb, ed., Ibn Battuta – Travels in Asia and Africa 1325-1354, p. 46. 57 Ibid., p. 110. 58 Ibid., p. 234. 59 Elamkulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai, ed., Unnunilisandesam, (1954), Kottayam, Reprint 1970, I: 124, p. 98. 60 N.P. Unni, ed., Kokilasandesa of Uddanda, Delhi, 1985, I: 67, p. 74.

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