AUM Historical Review Issue 3 Winter 2014

Editors Kelhi DePace Katie Kidd

Associate Editors Ryan Blocker (photo editor) Aaron Bern Jennifer Kellum

Graphic Designers Amber Hall Alex Trott (cover)

Map Designer Molly Freeman

Advisor Steven Gish

Photographs and Illustrations Alabama Department of Archives and History (Ed Bridges photo) Birmingham Holocaust Education Center (Max Herzel photo) Birmingham News / Al.com (Autherine Lucy photo) Cambridge University Press (Gelvin book cover) Maopost.com (anti-imperialism illustration) Rare Book Collection, Lillian Goldman Law Library, Yale Law School (Zabarella Illustrations) United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (Einsatzgruppen photo)

Printing Wells Printing, Montgomery, AL

The ideas expressed in these essays are the sole responsibility of their respective authors and contributors and do not necessarily represent the official statements, opinions, or policies of Auburn University Montgomery or the Department of History at AUM. Neither Auburn University Montgomery nor the Department of History at AUM accept any liability for the content of this journal. 5 26

Ammunition for the Reds: Franciscus Zabarella: Alabama During the Cold War A Theory for Unity Jennifer Kellum Kelhi DePace

Letter from A Conversation with the Editors Dr. Ed Bridges Kelhi DePace Ryan Blocker Katie Kidd Kelhi DePace

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2 44 64 71

Einsatzgruppen: The Manifestation of Hate Additional Tim Bernier Contributors

Max Herzel, A Review of Call for Papers Holocaust Survivor The Israel-Palestine Conflict: Aaron Bern One Hundred Years of War by James Gelvin Beth Wesley

50 68 Historical Review

3 Historical Review

4 As editors of the AUM Historical Review, we are excited to present the third issue of our student-edited journal. Included this year are essays from such divergent subjects as the Cold War in Alabama, modern conflicts in the Middle East, and the struggle for religious unity during the Italian Renaissance. We are also excited to include two Holocaust themed essays: one, an interview with Birmingham’s own Holocaust survivor, Max Herzel, and the second, an award-winning paper on the Einsatzgruppen of Nazi Germany. In the case of this article, we would like to offer a caution, as the paper’s content and imagery require mature reading. As always, we encourage any AUM student to submit their historical work, regardless of the topic; please see the call for papers at the Review’s conclusion. This journal exists to both acknowledge excellence in student writing and to benefit us all as we seek to grow in our historical knowledge and skill. This journal is a labor of love, and as editors, there are many we would like to thank. Thank you to Dean Michael Burger and the School of Liberal Arts, and specifically the Department of History, for continued support. We thank Professor Breuna Baine and all of her Typography 2 students, especially Amber Hall and Alex Trott, whose work has made this year’s publication a visual success. Thanks also go to Molly Freeman for designing the map, to Professor Terry Winemiller for helping us recruit her, and to Marla Vickers and Frank Miles of University Relations for their support. A special thanks must be extended to Graydon Rust and past associate editors Tracy Wilson and Allison Hamilton. The AUM Historical Review is their legacy, and we are honored to continue the work they so diligently began. We thank Dr. Steven Gish for directing our progress and keeping us on track, and Tracy Goodwin for her continued assistance and encouragement. Thank you to the Alabama Department of Archives and History (ADAH) for supporting the research of so many AUM students, and for providing the Review access to a wider audience. We are delighted to include an interview with ADAH’s Director Emeritus, Dr. Edwin Bridges, and we would like to thank him for his time and his example as an excellent historian. We would also like to extend a special thanks to Mike Widener of the Lillian Goldman Law Library at Yale Law School for his assistance and suggestions in obtaining illustrations, and Frank Couch of the Birmingham News for his help with obtaining the Autherine Lucy image. Finally, we thank fellow editors Ryan Blocker, Aaron Bern, and Jennifer Kel- lum for their tireless efforts and constant good humor, and our contributors Tim Bernier and Beth Wesley, for their excellent writing and good spirit during the edit- ing process. We hope that you enjoy and learn from this edition of the AUM Historical Review.

Kelhi DePace and Katie Kidd, Editors Historical Review

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Alabama during the By the 1950s, the United States and the Soviet Union were in the grips of a Cold War political and ideological war. Termed the Cold War, the two superpowers never by Jennifer Kellum engaged in a direct military conflict; instead, they used propaganda and supported wars in other countries in an effort to gain political, economic, and moved beyond the borders of a domestic global influence. The United States at- disturbance. The Alabama events involv- tempted to create an international panic ing Autherine Lucy and Jimmy Wilson over communism while the Soviet Union negatively affected the western control integrated itself into the racial struggle of non-European countries as the Soviet and civil rights movement in America. In Union used American racism to push the this theater, two Alabamians, Autherine newly decolonized Third World nations Lucy and Jimmy Wilson, grabbed the towards communism. attention of the world. The four days The end of World War II in 1945 of violent demonstrations that marked ushered in the beginning of the Cold the entrance of Lucy as the first black War as former allies became enemies. student at the University of Alabama in Because their ideologies and visions of 1956 and Wilson’s death sentence for Eastern European settlement divisions stealing $1.95 in 1958 brought denun- were fundamentally conflicting, only the ciations of racism and hypocrisy upon goal of defeating Nazi Germany secured the United States, the supposed leaders the alliance between the United States of the free world. As the United States and the Soviet Union.1 After the war, and the Soviet Union used psychological countries formerly occupied by Germany warfare as a means for political control in became targets for the USSR. Under the various countries during the Cold War, 1947 Marshall Plan, President Truman the turbulent race relations in America planned to secure billions of dollars to

Jennifer Kellum is a junior majoring in history and a returning member of the AUM His-

Historical Review torical Review’s editorial board. She is this year’s winner of the Dodd History Prize for her essay “Ammunition for the Reds.” A recipient of the AUM textbook scholarship for 2012- 2013, she is also a member of Phi Alpha Theta and the AUM Secular Student Alliance. Jennifer attributes her interest in history to her drive to understand human motivations, noting that we must study past cultures and societies to prepare for the future. 6 A 1964 Chinese propaganda poster reads: “Oppressed peoples, unite to resolutely fight against US imperialism.” (Maopost.com) Historical Review

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aid Germany in an effort to rebuild the system. Political, military, intellectual, country as a vital part of the industrial- and business leaders in the United States ized world. Soviet leader Josef Stalin, attempted to combat this aspect of haunted by Germany’s betrayal and anti-American propaganda by address- invasion during the Second World War, ing the “Negro question” or “Negro desired a weak German state to pre- problem,” which grew more prominent vent its resurgence.2 In response to the and problematic after the end of the Marshall Plan and despite his promises Civil War. The year 1890 introduced the to the contrary, Stalin seized control of First Mohonk Conference on the Negro Eastern European nations, installing Question, held at Lake Mohonk in New pro-communist governments to create a York, where for three days intellectuals buffer zone between Russia and Ger- from around the country discussed how many. To the United States, such actions to elevate the disenfranchised minority not only violated the former allies’ agree- to become a part of American society. ment for self-determination among the The Negro Question focused on the role newly freed regions of Eastern Europe, of education, economics, and politics for but it also proved to them that Stalin black Americans; it is, essentially, what desired worldwide power. The United the civil rights movement attempted to States resolved to block Soviet expansion answer and fix. In his opening address and contain the spread of communism in during the First Mohonk Conference, Eastern Europe and in America. Fear of A.K. Smiley prophesied that if the communism became a major feature of Negro Question was not resolved, black U.S. government policy on the national Americans would “become a dangerous and state level. element to the community, liable to be As the Cold War began, the Soviet thrown at any moment into the hands of Union and its propaganda agencies demagogues who may use them for bad targeted and exploited flaws in the purposes.”3 Almost four decades later, in American system. Not only did the 1929, this sentiment was echoed by Fred Soviet Union want to attract new R. Moore, owner and editor of the black adherents to communism, but it also newspaper New York Age, who warned sought to denigrate its enemies. In the Republican leaders of the increasing case of the United States, the contin- trend of black workers to join the Com- ued problem of race relations and racial munist Party because of Jim Crow laws.4 discrimination made an easy target and In the decade before the onset of the appeared to highlight a major problem Cold War, members of the Communist in the otherwise successful American Party latched onto the racial discrimi- Historical Review

8 Ammunition for the Reds

nation in an effort to influence black sands of black soldiers, the armed forces Americans. James S. Allen, in The Negro remained segregated and unequal by Question in the United States (1936), the end of World War II as blacks were argued that the Communist Party of given menial jobs, and shoddy housing the United States equated the nature and weapons.8 Back home, black World of the Negro Question to that of other War II veterans faced persecution and oppressed nations: violence for wearing socially and politi- their uniforms. The cally oppressed people wo Alabamians United States’ fight who deserve “national to liberate Eastern liberation.”5 Like- grabbed the Europe gave black wise, in his pamphlet Americans another The Negro People and attention of the tool to combat racial the Communist Party discrimination. Us- (1943), Ben Davis Jr. world ing the same refer- urged black Americans ences of democracy to join the Communist Party to become and the Declaration of Independence “fighter(s) for eliminating the shame of utilized by American politicians dur- Jim Crow” and “for the full liberation of ing World War II, black soldiers staged your people.”6 Davis painted a utopian sit-ins and other protests in segregated destination when he described the Soviet places.9 The postwar violence against Union as a state that outlawed racial black soldiers gave the Communist Party discrimination, and where everyone has another weapon to use as anti-American the right to “jobs, security, education, propaganda, but it also grabbed the leisure, cultural development, freedom, attention of U.S. President Harry S. Tru- happiness, and equality.”7 man.10 Black Americans fought in World As communists continued to infil- War II to help free oppressed nations trate minority groups in America, politi- and promote democratic ideals, yet they cians attempted to quantify the damage returned home to continued racial sup- caused by United States racial tensions pression. Compared to the beginning and Soviet propaganda. In 1946, Presi- of the conflict, the end of the Second dent Truman commissioned a committee World War saw an increase of blacks to investigate whether the federal, state, serving in the military, from five thou- and local governments could strengthen sand to just over one million. Despite the and improve civil rights. The committee heroism, injuries, and deaths of thou- noted that the protection of civil rights Historical Review

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was essential for continued domestic that mirrored that of the other libera- tranquility and national security.11 It tion movements like the French Revo- also noted how the strife and discord in lution. Evocative, emotional language the nation led the United States to lose was a common technique of communist an unquantifiable amount of money, propaganda according to FBI Director production, and power in the global J. Edgar Hoover during his testimony in market.12 The President’s Committee 1947 before the House on Un-American on Civil Rights recommended that the Activities Committee. Communists government take a greater leadership role used such language “with the hope the in securing and improving civil rights. victim will be attracted by what he is The problem was not only an internal told the Communist way of life holds in one, however, as Secretary of State Dean store for him.”14 The violence directed at Acheson stated in 1946 in a letter to the Autherine Lucy, the first black student Fair Employment Practices Commit- at the University of Alabama, gave the tee. Acheson noted that foreign nations Communist Party more ammunition to were quick to point out the discon- use in their fight for black supporters. nect between American principles and In 1952, Polly Anne Myers per- practices; to Acheson, it became “next suaded her friend and former classmate, to impossible to formulate a satisfactory Autherine Lucy, to join her in applying answer to [America’s] critics.”13 By this to the University of Alabama’s graduate time, the nation’s civil rights record was school, promising her that they would fodder for detractors and reduced the receive support from the National good standing of the United States in Association for the Advancement of the eyes of millions of people around the Colored People (NAACP) for the legal world. Criticism regarding American battle that was sure to follow. For two race relations came from many nations. years, the battle waged in the courtroom A Russian magazine from the 1930s until the landmark 1954 case forced depicted a lynched black man hanging the university’s hand. The university from the Statue of Liberty. Such art is refused admission to Myers on moral indicative of the works that played upon grounds – she was pregnant before she the oppressive nature of the United married – but after multiple delays and States. The artwork emphasized solidar- investigations, they could find no reason ity among non-whites and advocated to exclude Lucy. On Friday, February violence to combat American imperial- 3, 1956, Autherine Lucy became the ism. The Soviet Union led the critics first black to enroll in the University of during the Cold War, using language Alabama in the school’s 125-year history. Historical Review

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While a few students welcomed Lucy, truants, and some unknown persons with the majority protested the inclusion of guns.”18 Reporters, already on the univer- the black student. sity campus to witness the historic event, The days that followed were filled documented the demonstrations, and with violence and angry, racist protests. as the violence grew, so did the media On Friday night, students attended a attention. Images of a young white man, cross burning on campus and set off cheered on by the mob, jumping on a car firecrackers and smoke bombs. Groups driven by a black man made front-page gathered and marched through the news; yet, in the end, the Tuscaloosa university waving Confederate flags police arrested only three non-students and chanting phrases like, “Hey, ho, who had egged and assaulted the univer- Autherine’s gotta go!” and “Keep ‘Bama sity’s chaplain during the height of the white!” before parading two miles to demonstrations.19 downtown Tuscaloosa.15 On Satur- Faced with this chaos, President day night a bigger crowd of protest- Carmichael announced on Tuesday, ers formed, estimated at about two February 7, that the university’s board thousand, and gathered on university of trustees had voted unanimously for president Oliver C. Carmichael’s lawn, the suspension of Autherine Lucy for jeering, hissing, and throwing garbage her own safety, as well as that of the at his residence. The campus protests student body and faculty members.20 continued throughout the weekend and Some newspaper reports cited mob rule peaked when Autherine Lucy returned had defeated the university officials and to campus Monday morning. As a the Supreme Court. Buford Boone, who crowd mobbed Lucy and her university later won a Pulitzer Prize for his reports escorts, hitting them with rocks and on segregation, lamented in a Tusca- eggs, an elderly, white-haired woman loosa News editorial how the university yelled, “Kill her, kill her, kill her!”16 The “knuckled under to the pressures and onslaught persisted until university of- desires of a mob” resulting in the “break- ficials decided Lucy should return home down of law and order, an abject sur- to Birmingham under the protection of render to what is expedient rather than the Tuscaloosa police until she reached a courageous stand for what is right.”21 the city limits.17 The absence of Lucy In response to the university’s decision did not pacify the mob, which numbered to suspend Lucy, her lawyer sought an from a few hundred to an estimated injunction against the university to re- three thousand participants, consisting instate her. A blunder by Lucy, however, of “students, factory workers, high school gave the university the excuse it needed Historical Review

11 Birmingham, 1956: Autherine Lucy, with her lawyers Thurgood Marshall and Arthur Shores, leaves the Federal courthouse after her expulsion from the University of Alabama was upheld. (Birmingham News / Al.com) Historical Review

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to bar her. Shortly after her suspension, Union that devoted much of its time to Lucy had announced the university “answering Soviet attacks considered itself had orchestrated the mob using hostile to the United States or harmful this “cunning stratagem” as an excuse to to its national interests.”25 As the emer- prevent her from attending.22 The school gent leader of the free world and the officials deemed this charge baseless and defender of democracy, the United States slanderous, and permanently expelled made itself an easy target for negative Autherine Lucy from the University of propaganda about its race relations. Alabama. While President Carmichael While considered a domestic problem stated that the university would follow by most Americans, the contradictions court orders, albeit reluctantly, to admit between American democratic ideology black applicants, Lucy would not be and its systematic discrimination against readmitted.23 She only attended three minorities held international implica- days of class. tions, particularly in Africa.26 To some, America’s domestic In the years after World War II, problems crippled the authenticity of America held a sharp interest in Africa, its democratic ideals and its fervor for economically, militarily, and politi- international invention seemed inexpli- cally. The United States coveted African cable in its current conditions. Letters, minerals, such as chrome, rubber, and some empathizing with Lucy’s plight diamonds, and, as a result, trade with Af- while others condemned her insubor- rica steadily increased. Airfields, defense dination, flew into the governor’s office areas, and American military missions and to editors of newspapers. In one ensured a military stake in Africa, while letter to Governor Folsom, New York the political support of millions of Afri- resident Reverend Wilton Caver decried cans could potentially secure American the notion that the United States would interests and goals in that continent.27 “talk about the freedom of another coun- Under a section entitled “Goals of try or interfere with its people” when United States Policy,” a memorandum black Americans were openly denied prepared in the Office of African Affairs their rights as natural citizens.24 Caver in 1955 briefly addressed ways the U.S. was referring to The Voice of America, a could strengthen its political, economic, radio program that began in 1942, after and social position in Africa. It began America entered World War II, and had by noting the need to keep developing served as a source of war news and com- countries “free from inimical foreign mentary. By 1947, the VOA included a influences” such as communism. In ad- Russian language broadcast to the Soviet dition, the United States would have to Historical Review

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“consolidate its cultural and moral posi- their former colonizers for financial in- tions with respect to the Africans,” an vestment, imports, and trade, a growing act requiring tact and diplomacy in both number of the African people saw any Africa and the United States.28 involvement by the Europeans as signs The end of World War II launched a of continued colonialism and Western major period of decolonization in Africa oppression.31 The Soviets appealed to as its nations fought for independence both the government and the people from European rule, leaving Africans ral- in their effort to capture the hearts and lying for national and political identity. minds of Africans. According to NSC A 1958 National Security Council Re- 5818, the Soviets portrayed themselves port (NSC 5818) noted that as the colo- to the African people as non-European nial period ended, Africa had emerged as and anti-colonial, a tactic that worked an “increasingly important influence on well in Ghana and Liberia where they the course of world events” and interna- established diplomatic missions.32 tional politics when the Soviet Union Under the label of fellowship, the focused on the region.29 The United USSR targeted African youths and uni- States believed any Soviet involvement versities and used the media to exploit in Africa was a tool for communist the drive for independence and social infiltration and an effort to “undermine growth. By 1959, American officials not- the fledging institution of countries just ed how the vocabulary of the youth of emerged from colonial status.” Herbert Africa became increasingly “Neo-Marx- Hoover Jr. in the State Department ist,” partly due to the Indian Communist noted how the USSR used diplomatic Party and Soviet ideology broadcasted missions in Canada and Australia as through Cairo.33 The Soviets also catered fronts for propaganda and espionage to Africans in Europe and in the Soviet activity; “less sophisticated” regions like Union, creating African organizations, Africa, he argued, would undoubtedly such as the African Training School in fall under the communist influence with Moscow, and making them a key part of “disastrous political consequences.”30 the 1957 Moscow Youth Festival. The Because of its political uncer- USSR promised economic aid to African tainty, Africa became a target for foreign governments and gave the continent a ideologies and propaganda such as public importance, promoting Africans communism and democracy, as well as as a group no longer marginalized as a breeding ground for extreme national- simply workers of the allegedly racism. While African government officials ist Western capitalists.34 They attacked were aware they still required the aid of American aid programs to Africa, claim- Historical Review

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ing they were ploys for Western political Roosevelt, in her syndicated column, domination, and continued emphasizing “My Day,” wrote, “It is understandable the racial discrimination in the United communists in this country should now States.35 The U.S. used propaganda to be attempting to inject themselves over combat such claims, but racial discrimi- the controversy over civil rights in the nation and violence in the States over- Southern states.”39 While communist in- whelmed any American advancement in terjection into civil rights was not a new the political and ideological war. tactic, the growth of global media aided During the Cold War, Americans in spreading its anti-American agenda. were keen to present an image of an The FBI called the attempt to egalitarian nation, but the Autherine integrate of the University of Alabama Lucy incident hindered their ability “probably the most widely publicized to combat anti-American propaganda. [case of desegregation] in both the Several letters to Governor Folsom communist and free press.”40 According berated him and the university for seem- to the FBI, members of the Commu- ingly increasing the veracity of com- nist Party said they would use what- munist propaganda. “Congratulations!” ever means available to make the case a began one letter, “Your state managed national incident.41 In terms of attention, to play into the hands of Russia without the Lucy incident far exceeded their ex- half trying!”36 In another letter, Thomas pectations. Radio broadcasts in Moscow Jordan of Beverly Hills, California wrote made note of the “persecution” of Lucy he could recognize how the world that and the growing public protests against watched the “performance” of a few her treatment.42 A Danish organization Alabamians would find it hard to under- called the League of Tolerance offered stand “our way of life and our Demo- Lucy a full scholarship to the University cratic ideals.”37 Newspaper clippings sent of Copenhagen.43 The Belgium League to Governor Folsom contained headlines of Human Rights advised they would such as “Alabama Mob Keeping Red begin petitions for Lucy to attend any Propaganda Alive,” and “Ammunition Belgium university of her choice if the for the Reds” that echoed the sentiments University of Alabama did not readmit of the letters. The governor of New York her.44 Governor Folsom received an spoke before the United Parents As- article from the Egyptian Gazette that sociation of New York stating that “mob detailed the Lucy case as well as racial rule” in Alabama had hurt America’s oppression and violence in the United fight against communism.38 In a clip- States; attached was a letter stating such ping mailed to Folsom, Mrs. Eleanor actions only weakened the prestige of Historical Review

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America abroad.45 editorial, entitled, “Ten Thousand ‘Pure Americans in foreign countries gave White Americans’ Threaten Negro Girl firsthand accounts of the international with Murder,” reflected the hyperbole reactions to the violence against Lucy. associated with the Lucy case and the Charles R. Temple traveled through American image overseas.47 An army South America in 1956 under a fellow- officer wrote to Governor Folsom, tell- ship from the Institute of Current World ing of his reluctance to admit to being Affairs, an organization that fosters from Alabama when he was stationed independent studies of foreign countries overseas. Invariably after his admission, to young Americans. Temple wrote to someone would make the telling remark the ICWA that during his time in South that Alabamians have to go outside Ala- America he encountered a Peruvian bama, or even outside the U.S., to learn communist who, reacting to the Lucy about the “American way.”48 situation, told him the “United States Communists around the world couldn’t hope to stand for ‘democracy’ used the media to exploit the Autherine unless it solved the Negro Problem.” Lucy incident and denigrate American Temple described Peruvians who wished democracy outside the United States. to travel America but feared hostile On February 25, 1956, the United States treatment in the States because their skin Information Agency reported on a radio was not white. One man asked Temple broadcast from Hanoi in North Vietnam if the United States government realized in which a letter allegedly written by how their treatment of black Americans Lucy was read. The awkwardly worded reduced U.S. status in South America. letter, written to the students of Viet- Another Peruvian recounted his meet- nam, described Lucy’s ordeal and Ameri- ing with an Alabamian who chided him can propaganda techniques. It ended by for Peru’s treatment of native Indians, questioning the United States’ purpose in although it mirrored the treatment of South Vietnam, unsubtly hinting it was blacks in America.46 not altruism, but rather subjugation that Similarly, while in Lebanon in 1956, guided white Americans. The next day, Richard H. Nolte, a Middle East expert on Voice of America, Lucy denied writing for the American Universities Field the letter and any connection to commu- Staff and another fellowship recipi- nism. She also denied writing an article ent of the ICWA, wrote to the ICWA printed in Unita, an Italian communist about Egyptian reactions to the Lucy newspaper that denounced the United affair, transcribing editorials and stories States and revealed Lucy’s alliance with published in Egyptian newspapers. One communism.49 Nonetheless, the ties Historical Review

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between the civil rights movements and for black supporters. By 1937, however, communism ran deep and no denials by as the ILD ceased to exist in Alabama, Lucy could sway the opinions of some black communists were encouraged to Americans who believed that many, if join the NAACP, boosting its mem- not all, of the race problems in America bership numbers to a high not seen in could be connected to communism. over a decade. These members brought In the 1920s and 1930s, blacks in with them the aggressive tactics of the the South had migrated to the Com- CPUSA, influencing the NAACP to munist Party of the United States for adopt a direct action policy.51 Yet within several reasons. The CPUSA fought a few years, the NAACP began to cut for the oppressed and disenfranchised ties with extremists and alleged commu- working class, which heavily included nist groups as anti-communism gained blacks. Robin D.G. Kelley, in Hammer momentum in the United States.52 A and Hoe: Alabama Communists During 1945 article in the Black Worker called the Great Depression, explains that the communist leadership the “kiss of death” willingness of communist groups, such as to any movement and claimed blacks the International Labor Defense (ILD) had enough of a handicap without being that defended the Scottsboro boys in the labeled “Red” as well.53 Despite this, and landmark 1931 case, to entangle them- because of their similar platforms for ra- selves in unions and legal cases helped cial equality, the NAACP would remain increase the popularity of communist irrevocably tied to the Communist Party groups among blacks. The CPUSA of in the minds of many Americans. Alabama also became the first party to In his 1955 address before the Peace support a black gubernatorial candidate Officers Association, Georgia Attor- in 1930. Kelley argues that the CPUSA ney General Eugene Cook claimed the offered more than simply an opposition NAACP wanted to force the “Commu- party for black Americans; it offered an nist inspired doctrine of racial integra- understanding of poverty and racism tion and amalgamation” upon the South. that linked the local struggle of blacks He further illustrated the connection Americans to that of world politics and a between the NAACP and communism, growing international movement.50 focusing on NAACP members’ ties to Because of the Communist Party’s suspected communist organizations. aggressive rhetoric and tactics, the more According to Cook, the NAACP’s subtle and less antagonistic NAACP only black founding member, W.E.B. distanced itself from the organization, Du Bois, had seventy-two government placing the two groups in competition charges of communist, communist front, Historical Review

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or subversive activity against him.54 Court since 1952, an accusation the let- Because the CPUSA and the NAACP ter writer believed negated the legality of both advocated racial equality, it is not the 1954 desegregation decision.59 A let- surprising those in communist or com- ter from Washington, D.C. claimed the munist front groups would also support effort to force Lucy into the University the NAACP. Du Bois, however, did of Alabama was a sinister plan with the believe that communism could poten- intended effect of blackmailing America tially solve racial problems. Although to accept communism by exaggerating he criticized him years before, Du Bois’ racial tensions.60 In Cleveland, Ohio, eulogy to Josef Stalin in 1953, where he police raided a left wing drinking party called Stalin a “great man…simple, calm, attended by three known communists, and courageous,” only seemed to cement one of whom made an appeal for money the connection between communism and for Lucy; some took this as evidence of the NAACP.55 the Lucy case being a national commu- Several letters sent to Governor nist undertaking.61 These citizens saw the Folsom referred to the NAACP as the fight against Lucy and integration as a “National Association for the Advance- war against communism and as a fight to ment of the Communist Party.” One maintain the status quo. In some letters, letter compared the organization to blame shifted to Lucy, who dared to Russian dictators, a small, ruling minor- venture into a place she was not wanted ity pushing procommunist policies.56 either through her own volition or under Another claimed the “left-wing Red the guidance of the NAACP. An edito- sympathizers who guide the destinies of rial by Buford Boone summarized the the NAACP” were responsible for the point of view of many white Southern- violence at the University of Alabama.57 ers: they would not submit to force or In his statement to the faculty and intimidation to change their way of life. students, university president Carmi- They did not accept the legality of the chael said he believed the majority of 1954 Supreme Court ruling, as they be- the demonstrators were not students but lieved states should control their schools outsiders determined to make trouble. and laws did not change tradition. Boone 58 Letters to the governor echoed this ended his editorial with a simple request: idea, but placed the blame on communist “leave us alone.”62 Yet, individual states organizations and the NAACP where could not distance themselves from U.S. Carmichael refused to specify. involvement in international problems One letter from Mississippi ranted and its attempt tried to eradicate com- that communists had ruled the Supreme munism globally. Consequently, the ra- Historical Review

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cial persecution in Alabama continued to of burglary committed at night carried strain the relationships between America a heavier penalty. Enacted in 1927, this and other nations. Alabama law called for a ten-year to life Europe’s history of African coloni- imprisonment or death for nighttime zation and the ongoing racial discrimi- burglary, but in thirty years, only four nation against blacks in the United men, all black, were sent to the electric States caused a problem for both regions chair for the crime.64 Convicted by an in combating communism in Africa. all-white jury, Wilson, who had previ- Europe, like America, needed African ously been imprisoned twice for grand markets and raw materials, and had larceny, appealed to the State Supreme to avoid appearing imperialistic to the Court, but it upheld the verdict in June.65 increasingly independent continent. The The State planned to execute Wilson on United States had to portray a sincere September 5, 1958, but, after a failed ap- interest in Africa rather than an inter- peal, the date changed to October 24. est in keeping communism out of the Days before the first scheduled ex- region. By August of 1958, the United ecution, American newspapers reported States had conceived of policies designed the international uproar over the verdict. to promote the social, political, and The International Commission of Jurists, economic goals of the African “without a human rights organization, appealed insisting that he align himself in the to Folsom for clemency in the interest of East-West power struggle.”63 Yet, cases Wilson and the reputation of the United like those against Jimmy Wilson under- States.66 A Belgrade newspaper claimed mined America’s desire to be viewed by Wilson received the death penalty other nations as an advocate of equality because his victim was white and he was and independence. black.67 A British canon and the British If the Autherine Lucy case was Labor Party both pled for clemency from the most widely publicized incident Folsom, claiming the case provided am- of desegregation overseas, the case of munition for anti-western propaganda.68 Jimmy Wilson was likely not far behind The majority of the letters came from in the attention it gained in the foreign Canada, Folsom announced during a and domestic press. In 1957, Alabama special news conference, with more than courts sentenced Wilson, 55, to death for three thousand letters arriving in a single robbing an 82-year old white woman of day. 69 One Canadian letter reported $1.95. The woman, who had hired Wil- that the House of Commons discussed son for odd jobs, also accused him of as- the Wilson case; other letters urged the sault and attempted rape, but the charge governor to take care of America’s image Historical Review

19 Ammunition for the Reds

abroad. Hundreds of letters came with Like the earlier case of Autherine money enclosed, usually $1.95, to be Lucy, the Jimmy Wilson case also used for Wilson’s defense or pay for his hampered the American efforts to fix the crime; Folsom’s office responded to most perception of its race relations in African letters and returned most of the money.70 nations. The 1958 NSC 5818 reported Some Americans wrote to Folsom that black South Africans closely aligned calling for Wilson’s execution, not only racism with colonialism, limiting the because it followed the letter of the law, progress Americans could make in that but also as a message to the rest of the area. The U.S. government sought several world that Southerners would not yield ways to improve its image including to political and foreign pressure. These emphasizing “U.S. progress in the field letters were in the minority, however, of race relations through all available and political pressure mounted. Folsom media,” although Soviet propaganda received a telegram from Secretary of techniques far surpassed those of the State John Foster Dulles the day before United States. The report also urged Wilson’s first scheduled execution. While American companies operating in Africa he assured Folsom he had no desire to to “practice non-discrimination…to the interfere with Alabama’s judicial process maximum extent consistent with local or Folsom’s gubernatorial duties, Dulles laws” as an extension of improved race stated that it fell to him to relay foreign relations. Shortly after this report came matters that concerned Alabama. In out, however, the Wilson case gained the three-page telegram, Dulles listed international attention. While there were countries with immense public reactions obvious racial problems in America, U.S. to the Wilson case: Great Britain, Ire- officials claimed the picture Africans land, Canada, Trinidad, Jamaica, Ghana, held of these problems was “distorted” by Liberia, Germany, France, Belgium, communist propaganda.72 To many, the Brazil, and Uruguay. The prime minister Alabama handyman became the quintes- of Ghana personally inquired about the sential symbol of racial discrimination facts of the case, while officials in Liberia and oppression in the so-called land stated the execution of Wilson would of liberty and equality. An Indonesian “greatly damage the position of the political cartoon targeted Wilson’s new United States in all of West Africa,” a symbolism by depicting the Statue of region that gained international impor- Liberty holding the severed head of tance after World War II as the Cold Wilson in place of the torch.73 Two War extended into postcolonial Africa.71 University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee students wrote a letter to the editor of Historical Review

20 Ammunition for the Reds

The Milwaukee Journal claiming the transmitted around the world when “rest of the civilized world” was against Soviet Cold War tactics incorporated the execution of Jimmy Wilson.74 On the civil rights movement. As the Soviet September 29, 1958, Governor Folsom Union scrutinized and exploited acts of commuted Wilson’s sentence to life in racial discrimination, the United States prison, the most he could legally do; it is was forced to change racially motivated unknown if Folsom would have acted so domestic policies to match the doctrines without the international and political it promoted overseas. pressure. Folsom sent a telegram to the secretary-general of the British Labor Party notifying the organization of his decision. When the telegram was read before a group of 1,200 Labor Party del- egates, the crowd both cheered Folsom for commuting the sentence and jeered at Wilson’s life sentence.75 The Autherine Lucy and Jimmy Wilson cases in Alabama intertwined with the international image and prestige of the United States. The violence directed toward one black woman seeking an education contradicted the inspiring opportunities offered through democracy as portrayed by Americans. A heavy sentence imposed upon a black man for a petty crime reinforced Soviet propaganda of the United States as hypocritical oppressors. As Third World nations became pawns in the Cold War, the U.S. could no longer minimize the treatment of minorities at home. Believ- ing public opinion had an increasing influence on government officials and policies in Third World countries, the United States quickly had to minimize the images of racial injustice that were Historical Review

21 Ammunition for the Reds

1 Robert J. McMahon, The Cold War: A Very 80th Cong., 1st sess., 1947, 38. Short Introduction, (Oxford: Oxford Uni- 15 “Alabama U. Rally Protests a Negro.” New versity Press, 2003), 16. York Times (1923-Current File), 60, Feb- 2 McMahon, 19. ruary 5, 1956. Pro Quest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times (1851- 3 A.K. Smiley, opening address (First Mo- 2008) with Index (1851-1993). honk Conference on the Negro Question, Lake Mohonk, NY, June 4, 1890), 8, The 16 Buford Boone, “A Message from the Internet Archive, http://archive.org/de- South,” Tuscaloosa News, February 12, tails/firstmohonkconfe00moho [accessed 1956. Nov 19, 2012]. 17 E. Culpepper Clark and Dan T. Carter, 4 Liberator, “Fred Moore Warns Bosses of The Schoolhouse Door: Segregation’s Last Trend to Communist Party,” Issue 37, Stand at the University of Alabama (Ox- December 28 1929. ford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 77- 78. 5 James S. Allen, The Negro Question in the United States (New York: International 18 Wayne Phillips, “Tuscaloosa: A Tense Publications, 1936), 173-174. Drama Unfolds,” New York Times, Febru- ary 26, 1956. ProQuest. 6 Ben Davis, Jr., The Negro People and the Communist Party (New York: Workers Li- 19 Peter Kihiss, “Negro Co-Ed is Suspended brary Publishers, 1943), 2, 15. to Curb Alabama Clashes,” New York Times, February 7, 1956. ProQuest. 7 Davis, Jr., 7. 20 Kihiss. 8 Kai Wright, Soldiers of Freedom: An Illus- trated History of African Americans in the 21 Buford Boone, “What A Price for Peace,” Armed Forces (New York: Black Dog and Tuscaloosa News, February 7, 1956. Leventhal Publishers, 2002), 193, 196. 22 Associated Negro Press (ANP), “‘Cold 9 Gail Buckley, American Patriots: The Story War’ Planned if Miss Lucy Returns to of Blacks in the Military from the Revolu- Alabama,” February 13, 1956. tion to Desert Storm (New York: Random 23 Wayne Phillips, Special to The New York House, 2001), 334-335. Times, “Alabama to Heed Courts on Tak- 10 Buckley, 337. ing Negro Students,” New York Times, March 4, 1956. ProQuest. 11 President’s Committee on Civil Rights. To Secure These Rights: The Report of Harry 24 Reverend Wilton Caver to Governor S. Truman’s Committee on Civil Rights, James Folsom, Buffalo, New York, Febru- 1947, xvi. ary 8, 1956. Alabama. Governor (1955- 1959: Folsom), Administrative files: Seg- 12 To Secure These Rights, 145-146. regation - University of Alabama and 13 Dean Acheson to Fair Employment Miss Autherine Lucy, folder 003. Ala- Practices Committee, Washington, May bama Department of Archives and His- 8, 1946. tory (ADAH), Montgomery, Alabama. 14 House Committee on Un-American 25 John B. Whitton, “Cold War Propa- Activities, Investigation of Un-American ganda,” The American Journal of Interna- Propaganda Activities in the United States, tional Law, 45, no 1 (January 1951), 151. Historical Review

22 Ammunition for the Reds

26 Mary L. Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights: 36 Martha Campbell Holliger to Governor Race and the Image of American Democracy, Folsom, February 9, 1956. Alabama. Gov- (Princeton: Princeton University Press, ernor (1955-1959: Folsom), Adminis- 2000), 8. trative files: Segregation - University of Alabama and Miss Autherine Lucy, fold- 27 Stanley Shallof, ed., Foreign Relations of er 006. ADAH, Montgomery, Alabama. the United States (FRUS), 1955-1957, Af- rica, Volume. XVIII. Washington, August. 37 Thomas Jordan to Governor Folsom, Be- 4, 1955,” (Washington: United States verly Hills, CA, February 27, 1956. Al- Government Printing Office, 1989), 15- abama. Governor (1955- 1959: Folsom), 16. Administrative files: Segregation - Uni- versity of Alabama and Miss Autherine 28 FRUS, 1955-1957, Africa, “The United Lucy, folder 007. ADAH, Montgomery, States in Africa South of the Sahara,” 19. Alabama. 29 Harriet Dashiell Schwar and Stanley 38 “Harriman Assails ‘Mob Rule’ in South,” Shaloff, eds., Foreign Relations of the Unit- New York Times (1923-Current file), 20, ed States (FRUS), 1958-1960, Africa, Vol- February 16, 1956. Pro Quest. ume XIV “National Security Council Re- port NSC 5818,” (Washington: United 39 “Alabama and Mississippi are Helping States Government Printing Office, the Commies,” newspaper/date unknown. 1992), 25. Alabama. Governor (1955-1959: Fol- som), Administrative files: Segregation - 30 FRUS, 1955-1957, Africa, “Instruction University of Alabama and Miss Auther- from the Department of State (Herbert ine Lucy, folder 009. ADAH, Montgom- Hoover Jr.) to the Consulate General at ery, Alabama. Accra [Ghana]; Washington, February 20, 1956,” 364-365. 40 Federal Bureau of Investigation, United States Department of Justice, The Com- 31 FRUS, 1958-1960, Africa, “National Se- munist Party and the Negro 1953-1956, curity Council Report NSC 5818,” 25. October 1956, 19. 32 “National Security Council Report NSC 41 The Communist Party and the Negro, 21. 5818,” 29.; FRUS, 1958-1960, Africa, “Memorandum from the Secretary of 42 “Moscow Notes Dispute,” New York State’s Special Assistant (Holmes) to Times (1923-Current file), 26. February 9, Secretary of State Dulles, February 6, 1956. ProQuest. 1958,” 8. 43 “Danish Body Offers Scholarship to 33 FRUS, 1958-1960, Africa, “Memoran- Lucy,” The Mainichi, February 10, 1956. dum of Con- versation, Subject: First Tri- Alabama. Governor (1955-1959: Fol- partite Talks on Africa, April 16, 1959,” som), Administrative files: Segregation - 49. University of Alabama and Miss Auther- ine Lucy, folder 003. ADAH, Montgom- 34 FRUS, 1958-1960, Africa, “First Tripar- ery, Alabama. tite Talks on Africa,” 49. 44 ANP, “‘Cold War’ Planned if Miss Lucy 35 FRUS, 1955-1957, Africa, “Memorandum Returns to Alabama.” of a Conversation, Khartoum [Sudan], March 13, 1957,” 637. 45 W.C. Williams to Governor Folsom, Historical Review

23 Ammunition for the Reds

February 15, 1956. Alabama. Governor Guardian March 16, 1953, Marxists In- (1955-1959: Folsom), Administrative ternet Archive http://www.marxists.org files: Segregation - University of Ala- /reference/archive/stalin/biographies/ bama and Miss Autherine Lucy, folder 1953/03/16.htm (accessed October 12, 008. ADAH, Montgomery, Alabama. 2012). 46 Charles R. Temple to Walter S. Rogers, A 56 Author unknown to Governor Folsom, Matter of Prejudice, October 28, 1956, In- February 7, 1956. Alabama. Governor stitute of Current World Affairs. (1955-1959: Folsom), Administrative files: Segregation - University of Alaba- 47 Richard H. Nolte, “Pure White Demo- ma and Miss Autherine Lucy, folder 003. cracy: Egyptian Reactions to the Affair of ADAH, Montgomery, Alabama. Autherine Lucy, A Letter from Richard H. Nolte, Beirut, Lebanon, April 10, 57 Jerry Williamson to Governor Folsom, 1956,” In Newsletters From Middle East date unknown. Alabama. Governor and Egypt, compiled by Institute of Cur- (1955-1959: Folsom), Administrative rent World Affairs. files: Segregation - University of Alabama and Miss Autherine Lucy, folder 003. 48 Fred Smith to Governor Folsom, March ADAH, Montgomery, Alabama. 11, 1956. Alabama. Governor (1955- 1959: Folsom), Administrative files: Seg- 58 Oliver C. Carmichael, President, “State- regation - University of Alabama and ment to Faculty and Students of the Uni- Miss Autherine Lucy, folder 005. ADAH, versity of Alabama,” February 16, 1956. Montgomery, Alabama. Alabama. Governor (1955-1959: Fol- som), Administrative files: Segregation - 49 Anthony Lewis, “Miss Lucy to Deny University of Alabama and Miss Auth- Link to Reds’ Cause,” New York Times erine Lucy, folder 004. ADAH, Mont- (1923-Current file), March 7, 1956, Pro gomery, Alabama. Quest. 59 George R. Atkins to Governor Folsom, 50 Robin D.G. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: Al- February 11, 1956. Alabama. Governor abama Communists During the Great De- (1955-1959: Folsom), Administrative pression (Chapel Hill: University of North files: Segregation - University of Alabama Carolina, 1990), 17, 93, 98. and Miss Autherine Lucy, folder 005. 51 Kelley, 134. ADAH, Montgomery, Alabama. 52 Kelley, 226, 228. 60 Frances Green to Governor Folsom, date 53 The Black Worker, “Communists: A Men unknown. Alabama. Governor (1955- ace to Black America,” November 1, 1959: Folsom), Administrative files: Seg- 1945, 8. regation - University of Alabama and Miss Autherine Lucy, folder 006. ADAH, 54 Eugene Cook, The Ugly Truth About the Montgomery, Alabama. NAACP: An Address by Attorney General Eugene Cook of Georgia Before the 55th An- 61 Unknown sender to Governor Folsom, nual Convention of the Peace Officers Asso- February 23, 1956. “Leftist Gathering ciation of Georgia (Winona, Mississippi: Raided Raising Funds for Lucy,” periodi- Association of Citizens’ Council, 1955), 1, 7. cal and date unknown. Alabama. Gover- nor (1955-1959: Folsom), Administrative 55 W.E.B. Du Bois, On Stalin, National files: Segregation - University of Alabama Historical Review

24 Ammunition for the Reds

and Miss Autherine Lucy, folder 007. gram), Washington, DC, September 4, ADAH, Montgomery, Alabama. 1958, Alabama. Governor (1955-1959: Folsom). Correspondence regarding Jim- 62 Buford Boone, “A Message from the my Wilson, box 8, folder 012, ADAH, South,” Tuscaloosa News, February 12, Montgomery, Alabama. 1956. Civil Rights during the Eisenhow- er Administration, Part 1: White House 72 FRUS, 1958-1960, Africa, “National Se- Central Files, Series A, School Desegre- curity Council Report NSC 5818,” 29, 28. gation, 1953-1957. ProQuest History 73 Karl D. Jackson and Lucian W. Pye, eds., Vault, http://web.lexis-nexis.com/hist- Political Power and Communication in In- vault?=101149-008-0200 (accessed on donesia (Berkeley: University of Califor- September 29, 2012). nia Press, 1978), 287-288. 63 FRUS, 1958-1960, Africa, Volume XIV, 74 The Milwaukee Journal, “The Case of “National Security Council Report NSC Jimmy Wilson,” September 20, 1958, 5818: Note by the Executive Secretary to 8.Google News http://news.google. the National Security Council on U.S. com/newspapers?id=ZVAaAAAIBAJ& Policy Toward Africa South of the Saha- sjid=niUEAAAIBAJ&dq=jimmy-wilson ra Prior to Calendar Year 1960, August &pg=597 4%2C4879105 (accessed No- 26, 1958,” 27. vember 29, 2012). 64 “Folsom Swamped by Pleas for Negro,” 75 Saskatoon Star-Phoenix, “Cheers, New York Times (1923-Current file), 56, Jeers over Wilson,” October 1, 1958, 29 September 14, 1958. ProQuest. Google News http://news.google.com/ 65 “Alabama Negro to Die for a Robbery of newspapers?id=egZ1AAAAIBAJ&sjid= $1.95,” New York Times (1923-Current HG8NAAAAIBAJ&dq=jimmy-wilson& file), 42, August 17, 1958. ProQuest. pg=6500%2C173743 (accessed Novem- ber 29, 2012). 66 “Fight for Negro Grows,” New York Times (1923-Current file), 13, September 2, 1958. ProQuest. 67 “Negro Verdict Scored,” New York Times (1923-Current file), 15, September 4, 1958. ProQuest. 68 “Plea made for Negro,” New York Times (1923-Current file), 21, September 15, 1958. ProQuest; “Wilson Reprieve Asked,” New York Times (1923-Current file), 20, September 23, 1958. ProQuest. 69 “Folsom Swamped by Pleas for Negro.” 70 Alabama. Governor (1955-1959: Fol- som). Correspondence regarding Jimmy Wilson, box 8, ADAH, Montgomery, Al- abama. 71 Secretary of State Dulles to Folsom (tele- Historical Review

25 by Ryan Blocker and Kelhi DePace

Dr. Edwin C. Bridges is no stranger to the history of Alabama. For thirty years (1982-2012), he was the Director of the Alabama Department of Archives In 1982, after serving as the Assistant and History (ADAH). During his Director at the Georgia Department tenure, ADAH has grown in both col- of Archives and History, Dr. Bridges lections and size. In 2005, the addition accepted the position of Director of the of the west wing allowed for improved Alabama Department of Archives and collection storage conditions, as well as History and moved to Montgomery. increased public accessibility to ADAH’s Dr. Bridges has participated in a holdings. Furthermore, Dr. Bridges variety of state and community activi- worked to improve and integrate new ties. He has served as the president of technology, thereby bridging the gap the Alabama Historical Association and between the digital age and traditional has worked with the Alabama Histori- archival practices. cal Commission, the Alabama Women’s Originally from Bainbridge, Geor- Hall of Fame, the Alabama Men’s Hall gia, Dr. Bridges graduated from Furman of Fame, the Governor’s Mansion Advi- University where he earned both the sory Board, and the Alabama Historical Woodrow Wilson and Danforth fellow- Records Advisory Boards. Dr. Bridges is ships. He received both his M.A. and a recipient of the Alabama Humanities Ph.D. from the University of Chicago. Foundation’s Annual Humanities Award He taught high school social studies for and has been inducted into the College two years in South Carolina, worked as of Communications Hall of Fame at the a contract researcher for the Georgia University of Alabama and the Alabama Department of Natural Resources, and Academy of Honor. taught at the Georgia Institute of Tech- We are delighted that he has par- nology before working for the Georgia ticipated in this email interview for the Department of Archives and History. AUM Historical Review.

Ryan Blocker is a junior history major with a minor in sociology. She is a museum col-

Historical Review lections assistant at the Alabama Department of Archives and History and specializes in eighteenth and nineteenth century clothing. Kelhi DePace is a junior with a double major in English and history. She works in the education section of the Alabama Department of Archives and History.

26 Who or what had the most influence on you with regards to history?

I always liked history. It is a way of understanding almost anything. Just ask: How did it get to be that way? Seeing individual pieces of information click into larger strings of connections and consequences is great fun. For me, as a white boy growing up in a small town in south Georgia in the 1950s, there were plenty of things I wanted—and needed—to understand.

What brought you to Alabama and its history?

It was a fluke. I was assistant director of the Georgia Department of Archives and History and was actually offered the chance to succeed the director there who was retiring. But, Milo Howard, the director of the Alabama Archives, had recently died. When I was invited to come over and interview for the Alabama job, I was not at all interested, but our family happened to be

Dr. Ed Bridges, Director Emeritus of the Alabama Department of Archives and History. (ADAH) Historical Review

27 A Conversation with Dr. Ed Bridges

going to the beach for spring break the ability, and dedication will be recog- weekend before the Monday interview. It nized and rewarded. History can help was easy to stay another day at the beach hone thinking and writing skills and can and come through Montgomery on the help provide tools for this kind of larger way back to Atlanta, so why not? When career success—to say nothing of its even I saw the Alabama Archives and learned greater value for self-understanding. more about it, my interest increased. The deciding factor was that the Alabama What advice do you have for students Archives is under a board of trustees and of history? Either advice you received Georgia’s was under a politician—the or wish you would have? secretary of state. Georgia’s election pri- maries that spring (1982) brought these Work hard. Keep probing. Doors politics to the fore and made clear the will open, and you never know where advantages of the governance structure they lead. I did not know what an of the Alabama Archives. My fears of archives was when I decided to pursue the system in Georgia have been more history. I just loved the subject and than borne out by what has happened wanted to keep trying to understand over the last 30 years. The politicians how things in the world around me came there almost ruined what had been one to be as they are. I was lucky that some of the strongest state archival programs wonderful opportunities came my way. in the nation. There were some others I did not try and wonder from time to time about where What do you see as the biggest chal- those might have led, but I have had a lenge to students in the field of history? very happy career.

I guess it is finding a job. I think Why did you choose public/museum history students can do many different history over teaching history? Was it a things, not just those that seem obvious conscious choice, or did it just happen? as history jobs. But non-traditional ven- tures may require more specialized study Initially, I planned to teach at the or some time working up through the college level, but changed my mind system. Regardless of the specific area because of a combination of things. I of work, there is a tremendous demand taught part-time at Georgia Tech, and everywhere for people who are smart, while I loved the classes, I hated grading can write and communicate, and work big stacks of tests. I had classes of 175 hard. In almost any organization, talent, students and refused to give multiple Historical Review

28 A Conversation with Dr. Ed Bridges

choice tests. But reading those stacks the benefits? of blue books wore me out. Also, in the The greatest challenge to archives— mid-1970s there was a glut of new PhDs probably since modern archives devel- and a scarcity of new teaching posi- oped—is dealing with electronic records. tions. After a few years at the Georgia It is a daunting set of issues. At the same Archives to finish my PhD, I found I time, computers have revolutionized the loved being at the intersection of history way we do our work, increasing both and current policy. It was better for me productivity and effectiveness. From the than what I had thought I wanted as a researcher’s perspective, the range and university professor. accessibility of material available on-line is almost unbelievable. Some tasks I As the director of ADAH and now as spent weeks on when I was in graduate the director emeritus, what were and school can now be done in a few hours. are some of the most exciting ways you engaged in history? Do you only study Alabama history, or are there other eras or places that you There have been a few times when are interested in? I’ve had the chance to be involved in providing historical input on current I have always tried to read broadly. issues and where I think my ideas have I love ancient history and medieval Eu- had an impact. That has been pretty rope and dabble in the history of science satisfying. I have also loved getting to and intellectual history. I have spent a know the former leaders whose records lot of time on the twelfth century, which we acquire and store. It is amazing to I see as the seedbed from which mod- hear them talk about their experiences ern civilization emerged. I am currently and to come to know some of them as working through the Oxford University friends. Also, I really like working with Press series on American history, and the general public, trying to provide ways these books are just fantastic. and opportunities for ordinary citizens to engage with history and enjoy some of What are you working on now? Future the same kind of insights that have made projects? history so much fun to me. I am trying to write up some of In this digital age, what are the difficul- what I have learned about Alabama ties and challenges that archives/muse- history. I’m not sure how the efforts will ums are experiencing? What are turn out and whether I will produce any-

Historical Review

29 A Conversation with Dr. Ed Bridges

thing publishable, but I think there is a that have had the greatest impact on me. need for new material that tells the story And then there is Faulkner’s Go Down of Alabama for the general public and Moses—to me, the greatest book in that also reflects the wonderful scholar- American literature and a stunning view ship of the last half century. of southern history.

Favorite person or period in Alabama history?

I have not found any part of Ala- bama history to be boring. Some times and topics are more painful than others, but they are all interesting. And, as I more and more see the pieces as part of a larger whole, every new element that illuminates the big story from a different angle just adds to the richness. There are so many interesting people, but for starters, how about—in chronological order—Menawa, James G. Birney, Elisha Woolsey Peck, Frances Griffin, Thomas Kilby, and John LeFlore? They were all remarkable people—and there are many, many others.

Current or all-time favorite history book?

My two current favorites are from the Oxford University Press series I mentioned above: Daniel Walker Howe’s What Hath God Wrought and David Ken- nedy’s Freedom from Fear. Mills’ Thorn- ton’s two extraordinary books, Dividing Lines and Politics and Power in a Slave Society are the works in Alabama history Historical Review

30 Historical Review

31 A for Theory

Franciscus Zabarella, canonist and cardinal, began his legal education at by Kelhi DePace the University of Bologna in 1378.1 That same year, the Great Schism tore gnon, with a third pope in Pisa eventu- the Roman Catholic Church apart.2 ally joining the struggle. The Schism The Schism lasted until 1417, when the brought the topic of authority within Council of Constance reconciled the the Church under scrutiny.8 The solu- break and elected Pope Martin V.3 Al- tion required a redefining of the power though Zabarella died before the Schism of the pope, with more power given to ended, he worked before and during the cardinals, the General Council, and the Council of Constance to ensure the the Church as a corporation.9 Although reunification of the Church.4 His tract, the power of the pope remained and De Schismate, was particularly influen- grew after the Great Schism ended, the tial.5 This tract contained Zabarella’s own Council of Constance was successful in development of conciliar theory. Through reuniting the Roman Catholic Church,10 De Schismate, which developed from which was Zabarella’s goal. canon law and the writings of earlier A brief history of the Roman canonists,6 Zabarella “paved the way for Catholic Church prior to 1378 is foun- the Council of Constance.”7 Due in part dational to understanding the Great to his theory, the Council of Constance Schism and Zabarella’s attempt through achieved Zabarella’s goal of unity within conciliar theory to remedy it. From 1309 the Roman Catholic Church. to 1377, the papacy was in Avignon, a The Great Schism in the Roman district near France. Some considered it Catholic Church arose from contention scandalous that the papacy, founded in between rival popes in Rome and Avi- Rome, was in Avignon. Moreover, all of

A junior double majoring in English and history, Kelhi Diane DePace is co-editor of the AUM Historical Review. She is a recipient of the Academic Excellence scholarship and is Historical Review a member of the honors societies Phi Kappa Phi, Phi Alpha Theta, and Omicron Delta Kappa. Also secretary of the University Honors Assembly, Kelhi is a student employee in the education section at the Alabama Department of Archives and History. Kelhi’s passion for history is bound up in her love for stories.

32 the Avignonese popes were French, and Roman Catholic people? A 1409 church as such sided with the French secular council in Pisa, which attempted to rem- princes in their decisions. In 1378, Pope edy the Schism through the election of Gregory XI moved the papacy to Rome. Alexander V as pope, only compounded Although he had planned to return to the problem.17 Alexander V died shortly Avignon, as the cardinals requested, he after and in 1410, John XXIII became died before they moved. The cardinals pope. Instead of solving the problem, gathered in conclave to elect a new the council in Pisa further divided the pope.11 They chose Bartolomeo Prignani, Roman Catholic Church with three the Archbishop of Bari, who became popes. By the end of the Great Schism, Pope Urban VI. However, the cardinals the Church would see a total of four later declared the election of Urban VI popes in Rome, two in Avignon, and invalid, claiming that tumultuous Roman two in Pisa. When the Council of crowds had pressured them into mak- Constance convened, Benedict XIII was ing the decision. After leaving Rome, pope in Avignon, Gregory XII was pope they elected Robert of Geneva, who in Rome, and John XXIII was pope in became Pope Clement VII.12 This was Pisa.18 the Great Schism: two popes, Clement In November 1414, the Council VII in Avignon and Urban VI in Rome, of Constance convened in Constance, both elected by councils of cardinals, Germany. Sigismund, Emperor of the both striving to rule the whole Roman Holy Roman Empire, presided over the Catholic Church.13 gathering.19 The Council lasted about This division within the govern- four years, ending in April 1418.20 ment of the Roman Catholic Church A large gathering for its time,21 the led to “uncertainty and instability across Council addressed topics other than the Europe” as countries granted obedience Great Schism, as they also dealt with the to different popes.14 During the forty teachings propagated by John Wycliffe “sombre years of the Schism the very and John Huss, and attempted reforms foundations of medieval Catholicism within the government of the Church. seemed threatened.”15 It was impossible While the reform attempts were not to agree upon one pope because, as re- wholly successful, the Council of Con- quired, cardinals in conclave had elected stance ended the Schism and restored both men.16 Moreover, as the pope was unity to the Church. Gregory XII of the highest earthly authority of the Rome resigned his claim to the papacy.22 Church, how could either pope be wrong Although he offered to resign the papacy in claiming the obedience of the entire on March 2, 1415,23 the Council deposed Historical Review

33 A Theory for Unity

John XXIII of Pisa on May 29, 1415.24 afterwards teaching in Padua, the place The Council of Constance excommuni- of his birth, until 1410.29 As a canonist, cated Benedict XIII of Avignon on July Zabarella was “one of the most influ- 26, 141725 and finally elected Martin V ential legal minds of his generation.”30 as pope on November 11, 1417.26 While Those seeking canon law degrees needed the Council did not end until April 22, to know his work.31 In addition, Zaba- 1418, it did achieve the goal of reuniting rella was a legal advisor to the Roman the Church after forty years of division.27 popes Boniface IX and Innocent VII, Zabarella was who made him a involved in the cardinal in 1411.32 Council of Con- As Zabarella stance’s proceed- had lived during ings, and De Schis- the whole of the mate provided the Great Schism, the legal justification unity of the Roman for the council. Catholic Church Franciscus was of great impor- Zabarella was tance to him. His educated at the efforts to restore University of unity were sincere, Bologna, in Italy, as is clear from his and his career in writings.33 It was law and in the possible, Zaba- Drawing of Zabarella, dated 1400. Church spanned Antoine. Lafréry “Illustrium iurecon- rella believed, to the years of the sultorum imagenes” (Rome?, 1566?). remedy the Great Great Schism. (Courtesy Rare Book Collection, Lillian Schism through As a young Goldman Law Library, Yale Law School) “the application of man, Zabarella the law and of the witnessed “the legal doctrine.”34 De havoc wrought by the dual headship of Schismate was the comprehensive result of European Christendom. This impression his desires and efforts.35 of the disaster was never to leave him.”28 Zabarella wrote De Schismate be- He taught canon law (the set of codes tween 1403 and 1408 with the goal of that act as standards for organizing and ending the Great Schism and restoring governing the Roman Catholic Church) unity to the Roman Catholic Church.36 in Florence between 1385 and 1390, Through two developments in this work, Historical Review

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Zabarella helped achieve this goal at the description of the cardinals as senatus, or Council of Constance. First, he provided senate, in an address at the Council of an exceptional compilation of prior con- Constance illustrates his belief that the ciliar theory. Before Franciscus Zabarella, cardinals “held the position just below there had been many forms of conciliar the papacy.”48 The cardinals “exercised a theory, yet Zabarella, “the great Italian derivative authority [from the pope] as scholar…a cardinal, an eminent Concili- representatives of the whole Church.”49 arist, and a most distinguished canonist,” To justify this point, Zabarella had condensed these former theories.37 De several examples and drew from the Schismate, his most well-known work,38 works of others, such as the canonist gathered into one concept the theories Joannes Moachus.50 Pointing to a gloss of the prior two centuries.39 Second, of V.2.4. s.v., (this citation, like many Zabarella added to this new theory and others, references a legal document that applied his additions to the needs of his set precedent and supported uniformity time. As a respected canonist,40 he knew within the Church), Zabarella found canon law well and made extensive use “that the pope could not enact anything of it in his theory.41 Nevertheless, some without previous consultation with his of the ways in which Zabarella applied cardinals.”51 Also, Guido de Baysio, canon law were “highly unorthodox”42 as commenting on Dist. 50, c.25, “wrote these former canonists wrote “in totally that the cardinals could issue binding different times and under totally differ- rules which had the force of law.”52 The ent circumstances.”43 However, Zabarella rights of the cardinals and others in the argued that the “extraordinary situation Church also limited the pope’s author- called for extraordinary measures.” 44 The ity;53 Zabarella argued this because terrible state of the Roman Catholic Christ gave authority to the Apostles Church provided Zabarella with a justifi- (i.e., recognized leaders of the Church) cation for these new arguments.45 As the and not Peter alone (recognized by the Council applied his theory, Zabarella was Church as chief among the Apostles and justified in his arguments.46 the first pope).54 Foundational to Zabarella’s theory Zabarella further argued this “by ap- was his argument concerning power in plying the concepts of corporation law” the Roman Catholic Church. Although to the interconnected relationships of it was held that the pope alone was the the pope, the cardinals, and the General head of the Church, Zabarella argued Council.55 Zabarella used corporation “that Pope and cardinals together formed theory to argue that the Church as a a corporate head of the Church.”47 His whole bears the power of the Church.56 Historical Review

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Just so, the pope cannot use his power Council.64 He argued this with the help to harm the Church, but must use his of Joannes Teutonicus’s gloss of the power to serve the Church.57 If the aforementioned canon law passage.65 pope is in error, the Church must cor- However, because popes called General rect or depose him.58 Citing Dist. 19, Councils, how would a General Council c.7, Zabarella argued that the General be called if there was no pope?66 Council specifically could correct an In this particular situation, Zabarella erring pope.59 Moreover, canon law held contended that the rival popes should that the pope was not immune to the summon their supporters to a unified law in the case of heresy and matters of council. If they refused to do this, the faith. Zabarella applied this by arguing duty would fall to the cardinals. If the that because the Schism was harming cardinals refused, the duty would belong faith in the Church, those causing the to the people of the Roman Catho- Schism were guilty of heresy.60 When lic Church, with the emperor calling the pope was harming the Church in the General Council in their stead. 67 this way, “the cardinals, the higher prel- Zabarella was so intent on unity that if ates, and the emperor could step in to this failed, he said a General Council save the Church.”61 With these prin- “could be brought together by any other ciples as a legal foundation, Zabarella’s means.”68 He supported his claim that theory proposed a way to reunite the the emperor could summon a General Roman Catholic Church under one pope Council through several historical ex- through a General Council. amples. Emperor Constance “summoned Zabarella’s theory began by arguing the Sixth General Synod, as canon law that since the rival popes of Rome, Avi- itself says in Dist. 16. c. 6.”69 Similar gnon, and Pisa could not rule the whole examples include Constantine and the Church, not one of them was the rightful Council of Nicaea, as cited in C.xi, q.i, pope.62 He argued this from canon law, c.5,70 and Theodoric, who summoned a specifically Dist. 79, c.8.63 By definition, General Council to choose between rival the pope received obedience from the popes in 499.71 Moreover, canon law, whole Church, but these rival popes were Dist. 96, c, 2 says that the Emperor may receiving obedience from various factions participate in such councils.72 Zabarella across Europe. If there was no one pope believed that “as long as such a council to whom all the individual churches did come together, no matter what its submitted, where was the power of the method of convocation might be, once it Church vested? Zabarella contended were assembled it would be authorized that this power reverted to the General to act” 73 because “the church is the body Historical Review

36 A Theory for Unity

Title page of a 1602 reprint of one of Zabarella’s works on canon law. “Super primo Decretalium subtilissima commentaria” (Venice: Giunta, 1602). (Courtesy Rare Book Collection, Lillian Goldman Law Library, Yale Law School) Historical Review

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of all the faithful, and the general council constituting a general council, 74 represents the church.” The only representing the catholic church stipulation was a unified council with the militant, has power immediately 75 purpose of electing one pope. from Christ, and that everyone At the Council of Constance, of whatever state or dignity, Zabarella applied the ideas found in De even papal, is bound to obey it Schismate, although he had completed it in those matters which pertain in 1408 and the Council did not convene to the faith and the eradication 76 until November 1414. In accordance of the said schism.81 with Zabarella’s theory, one of the popes, John XXIII of Pisa, called the Gen- The Council declared that they possessed eral Council and Emperor Sigismund the power of the Church in the form of a supported him. Because he had striven General Council. As such, they claimed for unity through his development of authority over those claiming to be pope. conciliar theory, it was appropriate that Again, they claimed this authority for Zabarella was the “official spokesmen for the express purpose of ending the Great 77 the council.” Zabarella reiterated this Schism and restoring unity. desire for unity to those who joined the Whenever a new group of religious council, as this worthy goal had brought and secular officials representing a king- 78 them together. The Council of Con- dom or country arrived at the Council stance, one of the largest gatherings of of Constance, Zabarella would provide its era, demonstrated that many desired a sermon or address welcoming them.82 unity because those who attended, from While he discussed his conciliar theory throughout Europe, were allied with dif- in many of these addresses, his primary 79 ferent popes. focus was the goal of unity.83 In another On March 30, 1415, Zabarella read sermon, he attributed the division in the a decree from the council’s fourth ses- Roman Catholic Church to their failings sion. The first part of the decree declared as Christians.84 The lack of unity showed the Council’s goal as “the eradication “that they had not been truly the heirs of of the present schism and for bringing Christ and had not lived and acted as re- unity and reform to God’s church in ally Christian people.”85 In one sermon, 80 head and members.” Another section he quoted John 17:11, “Father keep them of the decree reflects Zabarella’s theory: so that they may be one even as we,” again reflecting this desire for unity.86 As This synod, legitimately as- supporters of all three popes joined the sembled in the holy Spirit, Council of Constance, Zabarella’s mes- Historical Review

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sage of unity began bearing fruit.87 of this General Council, and provided a On October 15, 1416, the king- legal framework from which the Council dom of Aragon formally joined the claimed their authority. By reiterating Council, withdrawing obedience from that a pope was beneath the authority Benedict XIII. This was a major step of the whole Church when it came to towards reunification.88 On November heresy, Zabarella justified the excommu- 28, 1416, Zabarella reported that they nication of Benedict XIII. Although he were beginning legal processes against had not lived to see the result, Cardinal Benedict XIII.89 Benedict XIII’s refusal Franciscus Zabarella, through his excep- to abdicate was the last obstacle holding tional work in conciliar theory, assisted the Roman Catholic Church back from in reuniting the Roman Catholic Church unity.90 As Zabarella had argued in De and ending the Great Schism. Schismate, the Council agreed that Bene- dict XIII’s refusal, causing the Schism, was furthering heresy. Therefore, the Council deposed and excommunicated him on July 26, 1417. It was decreed that: “For, how greatly he has sinned against God’s church and the entire [C]hristian people, fostering, nourishing and continuing the schism and division of God’s church.”91 The only remaining task was electing one pope to unite the Roman Catholic Church.92 Zabarella’s efforts in conciliar theory were finally producing the desired effect. However, political conflicts between the French and English, in addition to power struggles within the Council of Constance, delayed the final decision. Zabarella was ill during this time.93 Finally, on November 8, 1417, Oddo Colonna was elected as Pope Martin V.94 Tragically, Zabarella died six weeks prior to this event.95 Zabarella’s theory provided the justification for the formation Historical Review

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1 Walter Ullmannn, Origins of the Great 12 Ullmann, The Origins of the Great Schism, Schism: A Study in Fourteenth-Century Ec- 11. clesiastical History (London: Burns Oats 13 Tierney, The Foundations of Conciliar & Washburn Ltd., 1938; reprint, Ham- Theory, 2. den: The Shoe String Press, Inc., 1967; reprint, Hamden: The Shoe String Press, 14 Thomas E. Morrissey, “After Six Hundred Inc., 1972), 192, 194 (page citations are to Years: The Great Western Schism, Con- the second reprint edition); Brian Tier- ciliarism, and Constance.” Theological ney, Foundations of Conciliar Theory: The Studies (2001), 496; Tierney, The Founda- Contribution of the Medieval Canonists tions of Conciliar Theory, 2. from Gration to the Great Schism (Cam- 15 Tierney, The Foundations, 221. bridge: University Press, 1955; reprint, 1968) 220 (page citations are to the re- 16 Morrissey, “After Six Hundred Years: The print edition). Great Western Schism, Conciliarism, and Constance,” 496. 2 Thomas E. Morrissey, “The Call for Unity at the Council of Constance: Sermons 17 Morrissey, “After Six Hundred Years,” and Addresses of Cardinal Zabarella, 495; “Council of Constance 1414-18,” In- 1415-1417,” Church History 53, no. 3 troduction. (1984): 308. 18 Oakley, “Constance and its Aftermath: 3 “Council of Constance 1414-18,” (13 October 2012), Intro- duction. duction. 20 “Council of Constance,” Session 45. 4 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity at the 21 Oakley, “Constance and its Aftermath: Council of Constance: Sermons and Ad- The Legacy of Conciliar Theory.” dresses of Cardinal Zabarella, 1415- 1417,” 317. 22 “Council of Constance 1414-18,” Intro- duction. 5 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity,” 308. 23 “Council of Constance,” Session 2. 6 Tierney, The Foundations of Conciliar Theory, 237; Ullmannn, Origins of the 24 “Council of Constance,” Session 12. Great Schism, 202. 25 “Council of Constance,” Session 37. 7 Ullmannn, 191. 26 “Council of Constance,” Session 41. 8 Tierney, The Foundations of Conciliar 27 Tierney, The Foundations of Conciliar Theory, 1. Theory, 3. 9 Brian Tierney, “A Conciliar Theory of the 28 Ullmannn, 193. Thirteenth Century,” The Catholic Histori- cal Review 36, no. 4 (1951): 416. 29 Biographical Dictionary of Christian Theologians, “Zabarella, Franciscus.” Bi- 10 Francis Oakley, “Constance and its After- ography Reference Bank, 2000. (October 7, 2012). direct=true&db=brb&AN=203018711& 11 Ullmann, The Origins of the Great Schism, 9. site=eds-live> (03 November 2012). Historical Review

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30 Biographical Dictionary of Christian Council of Constance: Sermons and Ad- Theologians, “Zabarella, Franciscus.” dresses of Cardinal Zabarella, 1415- 1417,” 311. 31 Ullmannn, Origins of the Great Schism, 193. 49 Tierney, The Foundations of Conciliar Theory, 235. 32 Ullmannn, 194. 50 Ullmann, The Origins of the Great Schism, 33 Ullmannn, 196, 217. 204. 34 Ullmannn, 229. 51 Ullmannn, 206. 35 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity at the 52 Ullmannn, 207. Council of Constance: Sermons and Ad- dresses of Cardinal Zabarella, 1415- 53 Tierney, The Foundations of Conciliar 1417,” 308. Theory, 232. 36 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity,” 309; Ull- 54 Tierney, The Foundations, 233. mann, The Origins of the Great Schism, 195. 55 Tierney, The Foundations, 236. 37 Tierney, The Foundations of Conciliar 56 Tierney, The Foundations, 230. Theory, 220. 57 Tierney, The Foundations, 226. 38 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity at the Council of Constance: Sermons and Ad- 58 Tierney, The Foundations, 227; Oakley, dresses of Cardinal Zabarella, 1415- “Constance and its Aftermath: The Leg- 1417,” 308. acy of Conciliar Theory.” 39 Tierney, The Foundations of Conciliar Theo- 59 Ullmann, The Origins of the Great Schism, ry, 220; Ullmann, The Origins of the Great 212. Schism, 231. 60 Tierney, Foundations of Conciliar Theory, 40 Ullmann, The Origins of the Great Schism, 9, 228; Ullmann, The Origins of the Great 192. Schism, 225. 41 Tierney, The Foundations of Conciliar Theo- 61 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity at the ry, 221, 231. Council of Constance: Sermons and Ad- dresses of Cardinal Zabarella, 1415- 42 Ullmann, The Origins of the Great Schism, 1417,” 313. 196. 62 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity,” 222. 43 Ullmannn, 217. 63 Ullmann, The Origins of the Great Schism, 44 Ullmannn, 230. 196-197. 45 Ullmannn, 196. 64 Tierney, The Foundations of Conciliar Theo- 46 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity at the ry, 223-224; Oakley, “Constance and its Council of Constance: Sermons and Ad- Aftermath: The Legacy of Conciliar dresses of Cardinal Zabarella, 1415- Theory.” 1417,” 308. 65 Ullmann, The Origins of the Great Schism, 47 Tierney, The Foundations of Conciliar 197. Theory, 236. 66 Tierney, The Foundations of Conciliar Theo- 48 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity at the ry, 224-225. Historical Review

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67 Tierney, The Foundations,” 224, 235-236. 89 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity at the 68 Tierney, The Foundations, 224-225. Council of Constance: Sermons and Ad- dresses of Cardinal Zabarella, 1415- 69 Ullmann, The Origins of the Great Schism, 1417,” 315. 219. 90 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity,” 316. 70 Ullmann, 219. 91 “Council of Constance 1414-18,” Session 71 Ullmann, 219-220. 37. 72 Ullmann, 221. 92 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity at the 73 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity at the Council of Constance: Sermons and Ad- Council of Constance: Sermons and Ad- dresses of Cardinal Zabarella, 1415- dresses of Cardinal Zabarella, 1415- 1417,” 316. 1417,” 312. 93 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity,” 316- 74 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity,” 311. 317. 75 Tierney, Foundations of Conciliar Theory, 94 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity,” 317. 225. “Council of Constance 1414-18,” Session 41. 76 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity at the Council of Constance: Sermons and Ad- 95 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity at the dresses of Cardinal Zabarella, 1415- Council of Constance: Sermons and Ad- 1417,” 308. dresses of Cardinal Zabarella, 1415- 1417,” 316-317. 77 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity,” 309. 78 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity,” 309-310. 79 Oakley, “Constance and its Aftermath: The Legacy of Conciliar Theory.” 80 “Council of Constance 1414-18,” Session 4. 81 “Council of Constance,” Session 4. 82 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity at the Council of Constance: Sermons and Ad- dresses of Cardinal Zabarella, 1415- 1417,” 307. 83 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity,” 311. 84 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity,” 311. 85 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity,” 313. 86 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity,” 312. 87 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity,” 312. 88 Morrissey, “The Call for Unity,” 313; “Council of Constance 1414-18,” Session 22. Historical Review

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43 by Aaron Bern April 24, 2013 The 1930s and 1940s were some of the most tumultuous years in our modern history. World War II, and the events surrounding it, forever changed the landscape Max Herzel was born into a Jewish of the world we live in. The individuals family in Antwerp, Belgium in 1930. who lived during this time, who fought, His father, Oscar, was a diamond cutter who suffered, and who persevered through and his mother, Nachama, was a seam- these years, are becoming fewer every day. stress in a dress shop. Max and his older As a history student, it is important to brother, Harry, enjoyed what Max called recognize the value of these individuals. a “normal life.” They attended Jewish day They provide the remaining living links to school and found themselves surrounded one of the most significant eras in human by family when they gathered for the history. Essentially, they are the few living Jewish holidays. Max recalls a childhood primary sources of an era that still has much in which the boys were “surrounded by to teach us. The following is the story of one love from their parents and never lacked such individual, Max Herzel, a Holocaust any necessity despite the family not survivor. Mr. Herzel graciously granted the being wealthy.” This happy family, like AUM Historical Review an interview so many thousands of others, would be when he visited the AUM campus for the thrust into chaos as Adolph Hitler’s Nazi 12th Annual AUM Holocaust Program, forces began their invasion of Europe. where he was speaking. This is the story May 10, 1940 is the day Max, ten of Max and his family, and their journey years old at the time, recalls his world through the fear and turmoil of the Nazi turning upside down. It was on this day invasion that thrust Europe into war. It that Germany invaded Belgium. Pan- is his story of survival through one of the demonium set in as people in Antwerp darkest times in history, the Holocaust. began rushing to the grocers attempting

Aaron Eli Bern is a history major working on his second bachelor’s degree. He earned his

Historical Review first degree from Indiana University while he was a member of the IU football team. Aar- on is this year’s recipient of the Patricia Bradley Memorial Scholarship. His passion for history is a recent development and he views the study of history as a guide to the future.

44 to stockpile supplies. Holland had fallen previously after three days of fighting, and Luxembourg was taken, as Max states it, “in no time flat.” Luckily for the Belgians, Great Britain and France had agreed to aid Belgium if the Nazis invaded and they held true to their word. Max recalls, “Upon waking that morning, around six or six thirty in the morning, we could see German planes fighting British and French planes, and even some Belgian planes in the sky, even though there was not much of a Belgian air force.” Belgium fought off their invaders for eighteen days before succumbing to their German invaders. Max remembers his father’s reaction to the German invasion:

My father had a younger sister living in Brussels and he was concerned about her. Brussels was only about half an hour away by train and my father wanted to go ahead and check on her, but it was Shabbat* so we would not travel. Once Shabbat was over on Saturday night we boarded a train to Brussels. That half hour trip

Max Herzel holding a yellow Star of David patch, used by the Nazis to identify Jews. (“Yellow Star by Becky Seitel, from the Darkness into Life exhibit of the Birmingham Holocaust Education Center)

Shabbat is the Jewish day of rest and seventh day of the week. It is observed from sundown on Friday evening through sundown Saturday evening. On Shabbat, individuals are restricted from many tasks such as working, exchanging money, and traveling (except for walking). This is why Max and his family had to wait for Shabbat to conclude to travel to Brussels. Historical Review

45 Max Herzel, Holocaust Survivor

took us the entire night. There and nights in a horribly overcrowded was bombing of the train, boxcar. “We were packed in passenger bombing of the railroad tracks, trains like sardines. The cars were packed strafing of the train by Ger- with humanity,” Max recalls. They man planes, and people being travelled the whole time never know- arrested on board the train for ing where they would ultimately end up. being spies. After we travelled When the train finally stopped, Max through the night we arrived and his family were in Southern France in Brussels and about that time where they took refuge and received aid the Belgian army was forced to from waiting French welfare agencies, give up. such as the Red Cross. Max and his family thought they had escaped the chaos: Belgian radio was calling for people in the major cities, specifically Antwerp We thought we had gotten and Brussels, to leave and seek refuge in far away from the turmoil, but the surrounding countryside due to the next thing we knew, France fact that heavy bombings were expected was attacked. France capitu- in those cities. Max and his family related and was divided into two turned to the railroad station in Brussels zones. Northern France was the to evacuate. “We maybe had with us an occupied zone. It was occupied overnight bag or something, we only had by the Nazis. Southern France, expected to be gone half an hour. All of where we were, was the free our valuables were left at home.” They zone. It had a fascist govern- would not be returning to their home. ment, but it wasn’t the Nazi The scene at the train station was fascists. Regardless, Southern unlike anything this ten year old boy had France quickly became inundat- seen before. The mass of people trying ed with refugees, both from the to get out of Brussels was unimaginable. Nazi invasion and the Spanish In the chaos, Max remembers seeing Civil War that had ended in the “people in wheelchairs and on crutches, previous year. sick people, terrified people crying, all of whom were desperately just trying to The sheer number of refugees in get somewhere.” He recalls it being “very Southern France exceeded the govern- overwhelming for a ten year old boy.” ment’s capacity for assistance. The Her- When they were finally able to board zels, like so many others, relied on the the train, the Herzels traveled seven days welfare and food rations being supplied Historical Review

46 Max Herzel, Holocaust Survivor

by the French government; so in Octo- wire; they even had to use Spaniards for ber 1940, when the French government guards because they did not have enough threatened to cease providing aid to the cops.” The unpreparedness of the camp mass of refugees unless they registered at Rivesaltes proved beneficial for the with the police every two weeks, the prisoners. Men and women were again Herzels and most others complied. “Like separated, like at Agde, but Max and the innocent stupid people, we registered,” other children found they could easily Max recalls somberly. They could not move around the camp. This allowed survive without the food stamps they Max to see his parents fairly regularly were receiving, so what choice was there while in the camp. Oscar, meanwhile, to make? Shortly thereafter, Max, his was keeping a close eye on the work and family, and many other refugees were progress being done around Rivesaltes: told to report to the railroad station. “When we arrived at the railroad station My father saw that work battal- there was no cop, no dog in sight.” It ions were being formed to un- was an admittedly odd and eerie scene load coal, clean chimneys, repair for young Max. They boarded the train highways and railroad tracks, and upon their arrival at their destina- and do other labor. When he tion were filled with horror – they were realized that barbed wire was surrounded by barbed wire. “They fooled beginning to be put up by the us,” he recalled. They had arrived at an workers, well that’s when he de- internment camp at Agde in Southern cided we were going to get the France. hell out of there. We were going Agde was an old military prison and to escape before we were no it burned down. After the fire the Her- longer going to be able to do so. zels were again taken by train to a second He bribed some of the Span- internment camp, Rivesaltes. Rivesaltes ish guards so we could escape. was a major camp in Southern France It was the smartest decision that was a pipeline to the Nazi concen- my father ever made. He knew tration camps. However, the camp was what the outcome was going to not prepared for the influx of prisoners be, I did not, but my father had from Agde. Upon the arrival of Max been hearing the rumors about and his family, “they were still putting what was to come. roofs on barracks. We were not supposed to be there yet, but there was no place Upon their escape from Rivesaltes, else to send us. There was no barbed the Herzels became scattered. Shortly Historical Review

47 Max Herzel, Holocaust Survivor

after their escape, Oscar and Harry were would switch sides in the war. captured by French police and sent to Upon Italy’s shift to the Allied a work camp. When they were released side, Germany took control of the rest from their work camp Harry joined of France, including the zones that had with the French underground and Oscar been given to Italy. The Nazis began a went into hiding. At the same time Max door to door search for Jews and other and his mother were fleeing to “another targeted groups. As the situation in the city to meet with the local rabbi.” Max’s Jewish orphanages became too danger- mother had become overwhelmed and ous, Oeuvre de Secours aux Enfants grief stricken by the ordeal they had (OSE), a Jewish underground agency, been through and attempted suicide. began moving the children as quickly Nachama’s failed suicide attempt would as possible. “We were given new identi- actually ensure her survival throughout ties, Christian identities and educated the war. She was committed to a local on Christian beliefs and holidays,” Max psychiatric hospital where she received remembers. He shared that many of the medication, shock treatment, and was boys were sent to farms in the French well cared for. Her doctor, knowing that Alps, where they posed as Catholic she was a Jew, changed her identity and orphans working on the farm. Many of protected her until the Nazis were de- the girls were sent to convents. “OSE feated. While his mother would be safe, cared for about five or six thousand kids Max was anything but. He was now an during that time. They were targeted orphan in Nazi occupied France. for helping us. Some were murdered in Max was placed in a Jewish orphan- the streets by the Nazis for their actions age. From there he was moved to a sec- helping Jews.” ond Jewish orphanage. Then again. And Max and the other Jewish orphans again. He explains, “Little by little all the remained in hiding until the Allies Jewish orphans were being moved closer regained France in 1944, following the and closer to the Italian zone of France. invasion of Normandy. After France Even though Italy was Germany’s ally, was liberated, OSE began attempting it was much safer for Jews in the Italian to reunite the children that had been in zone than in the German ones.” It wasn’t hiding with whatever remained of their just Jewish orphans who were trying to families. Max’s mother had remained reach the Italian zone. Unbeknownst to safe in the psychiatric hospital since her Max, his father was also trying to escape attempted suicide. Harry, his brother, to the Italian zone. Unfortunately, before had joined and fought with the French many of them would make it, Italy underground after being released from Historical Review

48 Max Herzel, Holocaust Survivor

the work camp. Harry would then join the French Army and serve in the occupation army in Germany. Max’s father, Oscar, had been making his way to the Italian zone at the same time Max and the other Jewish orphans were trying to be moved there. Oscar was picked up, Max does not know when or by whom, close to the Italian border and was sent to the Nazi concentration camp Aus- chwitz. From Auschwitz, he was sent to the Buchenwald concentration camp. Oscar died in Buchenwald just weeks before the camp was liberated. After the war, Max and Harry located an uncle in America to sponsor them and immigrated to New York City in 1948. Harry married, became a U.S. citizen, and sponsored his mother to come to America five years after them. Job opportunities brought Max, now married with two children, to Birming- ham, Alabama in 1972. When asked what effects the atrocities that he and his family endured for being Jewish had on his faith, Max replied, “When you’re as young as I was, you do not realize that it is your faith that is the reason you are being targeted. If maybe I was older my faith may have been impacted, but I was just too young.” Today, Max works as a speaker for the Birmingham Holo- caust Education Center, helping to raise awareness about Holocaust and genocide education. Historical Review

49 On June 22, 1941 the Nazi war machine, a force which had subjugated most of Western Europe with relatively few military difficulties, began an offensive in the Eastern European theatre against the Soviet Union. This offensive, Operation Barbarossa, differed from by Tim Bernier German operations in the west not only in the length and cost of the campaign, but it also represented a complete depar- who were deemed “inferior” by the body ture from the style of warfare that was politic. The incrementally harsh nature conducted against nations like France of this persecution focused on the Jew- and Belgium, for example. The element ish population, but other groups, such of warfare that exemplifies this depar- as Roma, Communists, homosexuals, ture is the Einsatzgruppen, a notorious the mentally or physically disabled, and association of mobile units that operated indeed any supposed opposition, were alongside, and at times in conjunction targeted as well. The instrument of this with, the German army (also known as oppression was the Schutzstaffel, or the the Wehrmacht). SS. This organization gave rise to the The Einsatzgruppen are distin- infamous Gestapo, among other security guished from the Wehrmacht, which was arms, including the Einsatzgruppen. an arm of the state. While the Weh- A detailed analysis of the entire SS rmacht sought to attain the military goal organization is a complex endeavor, but of territorial conquest, the Einsatzgrup- it will suffice to say that the SS absorbed pen operated as an extension of the Nazi almost all police and security duties in Party, a political force that based its very Nazi Germany. The focus here is that existence on the idea of racial conflict. members of the SS were loyal to Hitler The Nazi Party, upon its ascension in and his ideology, not to the state of Ger- 1933, began the systematic implementa- many. This loyalty to Hitler, a loyalty that tion of racially-motivated policies, which cannot be separated from an ideology of led to the persecution, and eventual hate and extermination, resulted in the destruction, of millions of human beings formation of the Einsatzgruppen, which

Historical Review Tim Bernier, majoring in history with a minor in political science, aspires to become a college history professor. He is this year’s Morse prize winner for his essay “Einsatzgruppen: The Manifestation of Hate.” Tim studies history in order to better comprehend current events because, in his view, “history is…a story that belongs to everybody.”

50 A man being methodically executed by an Einsatzgruppen member. (US Holocaust Memorial Museum) Historical Review

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served to manifest Hitler’s goal of elimi- of this genocidal campaign will bolster nating the Jewish “race” from the face of the argument that this war was indeed the earth. Loyalty to the Führer helped one of racial extermination, in which to make the SS a powerful contributor the Einsatzgruppen played an integral to the implementation of Hitler’s “Final part, rather than simply a conventional Solution.” war between German and Soviet armed In the interest of brevity, the com- forces. mand structure of the SS (as it relates to the Einsatzgruppen) can be understood Effects of Top-Down Pressure as follows. The Einsatzgruppen were responsible to Reinhard Heydrich, who First of all, a brief overview of was head of the Reich Security Main Einsatzgruppen leadership and structure Office (RSHA). The RSHA was nomi- is necessary. Einsatzgruppe A, headed nally responsible to Heinrich Himmler, by Franz Stahlecker, was to operate who was head of the SS. Himmler, in with Army Group North in the Baltic turn, was directly responsible to Hitler, states of Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia; a relationship that allowed the SS and Einsatzgruppe B, under Arthur Nebe, its subsidiaries to operate outside the would accompany Army Group Center constraints of German law. This is a cur- into Byelorussia; Einsatzgruppe C, com- sory explanation, but most importantly, manded by Otto Rasch, was attached Einsatzgruppen, as a part of the SS, op- to Army Group South operating in erated as mobile killing units that were northern Ukraine; and Einsatzgruppe preemptively absolved of any responsi- D followed the Eleventh Army through bility for their murderous actions by the southern Ukraine and the Crimea under insistence that the war in the east was a the command of Otto Ohlendorf.1 These war to eliminate the supposed influence Einsatzgruppen were further divided of Jewish-Bolshevism that was seen as into sub-units that totaled sixteen Ein- a threat to Nazi hegemony. The follow- satzkommandos and Sonderkommandos ing examination will detail the structure (and their sub-units, called Teilkomman- of the Einsatzgruppen themselves, as dos) that constituted the real operational far as possible, and put their actions in units of these larger formations, though the context of the Soviet theatre; a war these sub-units were not evenly divided defined by genocide inspired by Nazi between the four Einsatzgruppen.2 hatred of Jews and other supposedly If the command structure were inferior peoples. Furthermore, the com- mapped out on paper, with the vari- munications that related the progress ous SK (Sonderkommando) and EK Historical Review

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(Einsatzkommado) units at the bot- “The hour has come when it is necessary tom feeding lines up to their respective to take a stand against the conspiracy Einsatzgruppen, which in turn fed lines of warmongering Jews and…the Jewish into oversight groups of Higher SS and rulers of the Bolshevist center in Mos- Police Leaders, and subsequently up to cow.”3 This kind of propaganda allowed Himmler and Heydrich, eventually Hit- the Einsatzgruppen the freedom to ler alone would stand atop the pinnacle ignore the rules of war governing, among of this vast pyramid. It is important to other things, the treatment of citizens remember that, despite the convoluted under occupation. By identifying any Jew nature of these disparate operational with Bolshevism and ostensibly labeling ground units, the men who carried out every Jew as “partisan,” the wholesale these mass executions had either tacit slaughter of entire populations of Jews or explicit approval from the ultimate was carried out by the embodiment of authority in Nazi Germany. To detail the this deception, the Einsatzgruppen. exact operational relationships between The Einsatzgruppen, however, were these components would be superfluous, not unique to Barbarossa. The invasion since the purpose here is more to high- of Poland, in 1939, was also witness to light the subordination of conventional Einsatzgruppen activity, though in this war to one of racial extermination in this early stage the units were charged with invasion. Operation Barbarossa was no “decapitation,” which meant the elimi- mere military conquest, but a conquest nation of local intelligentsia and estab- undertaken with the purpose of realizing lished, as well as potential, opposition Hitler’s “Final Solution:” namely the leaders in the community.4 The theme of extermination of the Jewish population encouraging local anti-Semitic elements in every area touched by the German in carrying out the execution of both invasion. non-political as well as non-military To marry these two concepts Jewish citizens would be carried over to together (a military invasion and a cam- Operation Barbarossa. paign of large-scale civilian executions) When the invasion of the Soviet German propaganda addressed the inva- occupied territories got under way in sion of the Soviet Union as a war not on 1941, a complex social relationship be- the nation itself, but on a Judeo-Bolshe- tween existing populations was exploited vist conspiracy. As the historian Yitzhak by the Einsatzgruppen in an effort to Arad notes, this was communicated to encourage so-called “spontaneous” local the German public over the radio on the pogroms that were meant to appear as if morning of the invasion, June 22, 1941: indigenous violence resulted in the mass Historical Review

53 The Manifestation of Hate Operation Barbarossa captured huge swathes of Soviet territory east Poland, bringing millions of Jews within the reach Einsatzgruppen units. (Map by Molly Freeman) Historical Review

54 The Manifestation of Hate

killings of area Jews. In fact, Stahlecker Operational Situation Reports, Ronald communicated to Himmler in October Headland cites a particular EK report, 1941 that “Beyond our directing of the detailing the number of Jews killed, that first spontaneous actions of self-cleans- reflects the response to this pressure; in ing…care had to be taken that reliable July 1941 EK 3 (within Einsatzgruppe people were put to the cleansing job A) killed 4,400 Jews, while in the fol- and that they were appointed auxil- lowing August and September the unit iary members of the Security Police.”5 killed just under 90,000 Jews.7 The Euphemisms abound throughout Nazi Einsatzgruppen could not have achieved communications about “pacification,” appalling numbers like these without “liquidation,” “resettlement,” “cleansing,” help, however. The relationship of Ein- and “free of Jews,” all of which refer to satzgruppen and police (both security the killing of local Jews and “partisans.” police and uniformed police) battalions The obfuscation of intent in Nazi reports made mass killings more efficient, yet indicates the German desire for secrecy, the stage was set for these actions by the and yet the results of engendering anti- Wehrmacht. It is the Wehrmacht’s role Semitic pogroms via the local population in this racial war that deserves elabora- did not satisfy Hitler’s requirements for tion, for it made this genocide possible. the number of Jews killed. As early as July 1941, a meeting Wehrmacht Collaboration of SS leaders resulted in orders to the Einsatzgruppen stressing that more While the Wehrmacht advanced Jews needed to be rounded up, which, as and secured the frontline areas, Ein- Edward B. Westermann asserts, directly satzgruppen would follow their designat- resulted in the heretofore unprecedented ed army groups and carry out executions massacres in Bialystok and Brest- of the civilian population. There is then Litovsk.6 This directive is illustrative of the clear distinction between military ever-increasing pressure from above on and civilian objectives as they pertain the Einsatzgruppen to increase their to German occupation. Furthermore, effectiveness in this genocidal campaign. it seems obvious that Einsatzgruppen The result was to ramp up the killing activity was contingent on Wehrmacht operations as more territory, and more success to bring victims into the grasp of Jews, were absorbed under the scope of these killing units. Yet, while the forces Nazi military and administrative respon- tasked with civilian “administration” were sibility. In a work that focuses on the nominally subordinate to the military, Einsatzgruppen and what were called a rivalry developed between military Historical Review

55 The Manifestation of Hate

and SS forces over autonomy and al- captured city to prevent potential civilian location of resources, not to mention escape attempts.10 This relationship made Einsatzgruppen directives to liquidate it common for the Wehrmacht and SS as many Jews as possible and the effect killing units to engage in communica- this had on Wehrmacht needs for slave tion and cooperation, in which the army labor. The Higher SS and Police Leaders would screen and hold civilians for (HSSPL), along with the Reich Secu- execution by EK and SK units.11 rity Main Office (RSHA), were dually Unfortunately for many civilians, charged with oversight of the Ein- the army’s cooperation did not end there. satzgruppen, headed by Himmler and Due to the huge expanse of territory Heydrich, respectively. The Wehrmacht, coming under German control, Ein- responsible to the Supreme Command satzgruppen were simply unable to locate of the Armed Forces (OKW) under and kill every Jewish citizen in the oc- Wilhelm Keitel, was not officially tasked cupied territories, which would eventu- with active participation in the killings, ally total around 4.7 million.12 Therefore, despite occurrences in this capacity.8 Arad claims, “In certain places…where The result was an ambiguity in areas of the Jewish populations were too small responsibility, as the Wehrmacht was for the Einsatzgruppen and police units aware of the racial (or more specifically, to reach them, the murders were carried civilian) aim of the eastern war.9 out by the army.”13 Wehrmacht coopera- On the surface, the Wehrmacht had tion with, and participation in, atrocities no authority over matters involving civil- that were ostensibly under the purview ians due to their role as the military arm of the HSSPL and RSHA are well of the state, which buffered that force documented, disproving many postwar from a direct link to Hitler’s ideology. As claims of ignorance by Wehrmacht has been shown, the SS, and, by defini- officials and soldiers alike. In just one tion, the RSHA and Einsatzgruppen, example of such documentation, a report were the incarnation of Hitler’s racial in October 1941 by Sonderkommando philosophy. In reality, Nazi ideology had 4a related the success of operations that infiltrated every aspect of German armed “was mainly due to the ‘energetic help’ of forces, regardless of where authority the Wehrmacht authorities.”14 However, was derived. The nature of Barbarossa the essence of this campaign of mass blurred the lines of jurisdiction due to extermination is personified by the SS SS eagerness to maximize effectiveness, arms of the Einsatzgruppen and Order which necessitated that Einsatzgrup- Police battalions, despite the close work- pen accompany the Wehrmacht into a ing relationship of these with the army. Historical Review

56 The Manifestation of Hate

Escalation of Einsatzgruppen Methods structured than the relatively formalized and Consequences configuration of units that participated in Barbarossa, but it was in Poland that While there was certainly coopera- the Einsatzgruppen had proven effective tion between SS and Wehrmacht forces, in what would be Hitler’s “Final Solu- the former was initiated as a militant tion.” The earliest composition of the police force loyal only to the Nazi Party, Einsatzgruppen consisted primarily of and, hence, Hitler. The political alle- men from the ranks of the vast SS-Police giance of the SS defined the character complex, tasked with the elimination of of the Einsatzgruppen, and made it the Polish nobility and intelligentsia, as arguably the most malevolent collection well as Communists and Jews.16 At this of Barbarossa participants. As mentioned point, apprehension over public percep- previously, the identification of Jews with tion of blatant mass murder by German a Bolshevist conspiracy allowed the per- forces in the east resulted in the provoca- petrators of mass murder a perfunctory tion of the “spontaneous” local pogroms justification that Jews, Communists, and At the outset of Operation Bar- Roma (or indeed any group Hitler slated barossa, however, Richard Rhodes points for extermination) all constituted a mili- to an unwitting boon to the acceleration tary threat under the label of “partisan.” of the “Final Solution” contained within In the efforts of the Einsatzgruppen, an address to the Soviet people on Yitzhak Arad has identified three major July 3, 1941, in which Stalin called for stages in the process of annihilation: 1) “diversionist groups for fighting enemy June 1941 through winter 1941-42 most units, for spreading the partisan war Jews in the areas of Lithuania, Latvia, everywhere.”17 To Hitler, this statement Estonia, east Byelorussia, east Ukraine, legitimized his call to execute all parti- and occupied Russian territories mur- sans, foremost among them the alleged dered; 2) spring 1942 through winter architects of the Judeo-Bolshevist con- 1942-43 most Jews in west Byelorus- spiracy, meaning every last Jewish man, sia, west Ukraine, and southern Russia woman, and child. This development, murdered; and 3) spring 1943 through in late July-early August 1941, was a summer 1944 as the Germans retreated departure from previous Einsatzgruppen and either murdered or evacuated the practices in which only Jewish men were remaining Jews under their control.15 shot. Some point to this as the beginning Initially, however, the Einsatzgrup- of the implementation of Hitler’s “Final pen were given a trial run in the inva- Solution.” sion of Poland. This early effort was less Historical Review

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To carry out this unconscionable and SK units to keep up with the front agenda, Einsatzgruppen relied on Ger- lines, therefore slowing the rate at which man military and civil administration, Kommando units could execute local as well as local government, to locate Jewish populations under occupation.20 and register all Jews; among the nefari- Additionally, the need for slave labor ous tactics employed were the posting of in supplying the demands of the German flyers requiring Jews to report for work advance served to spare Jewish lives, if detail, whereby they would be transport- only for a short time. This development ed to the killing site and summarily shot marks the end of Arad’s first phase of into a natural ravine or a pit prepared the Holocaust in the East, in which the by either Soviet POWs or their Jewish Einsatzgruppen played a significant role. brethren.18 As the numbers of intended Soviet counter-offensives limited the victims increased with the German ad- effect of the Kommando units, though vance, the logistical problems of carrying the killing would by no means stop. In out mass murder on this scale began to December 1941, Germany declared war manifest themselves in difficulties with on the United States, eliminating Ger- transporting Jews from the ghettos to man concern for public opinion there, the killing sites, and new tactics were and the January 1942 declaration at the experimented with. Wannsee Conference officially endorsing Einsatzgruppen B commander the wholesale slaughter of all European Arthur Nebe, a participant in the RSHA Jewry marked the evolution of mass Operation Euthanasia, brought with him murder that would proceed with aban- the use of gas vans in late August 1941.19 don in the GeneralGouvernment and Although gas vans were used sparingly the shifting lines in the Soviet campaign. in the Baltic States and the Ukraine by Einsatzgruppen killings would continue the Einsatzgruppen, their appearance as through 1942-43, murdering another 1.5 a part of the war machine would portend million souls alongside the Wehrmacht, their widespread use during Operation adding to the body count that in the Reinhardt, which was the codename first phase of Barbarossa reached nearly for the liquidation of Jews within the 750,000.21 GeneralGouvernment (Nazi-occupied Poland). During the winter of 1941-42, Racial Warfare Distilled as the Wehrmacht began to slow as a result of the harsh Russian winter, Ein- In July 1941, shortly after Stalin satzgruppen death tolls began to drop gave his speech endorsing partisan war- due to the increasing tendency for EK fare everywhere, Himmler arrived in the Historical Review

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eastern theatre to promote the escala- under the command of Friedrich Jeckeln, tion of mass killings to HSSPL and who oversaw the killing; an Einsatzgrup- Einsatzgruppen leaders.22 This occurred pen report informed leaders that in when German optimism about a speedy September 1941 “23,600 Jews were shot conclusion to Operation Barbarossa was in three days” by a commando of the still high. Beginning in mid-1942, the HSSPL.25 German war effort was seeing signs of Similarly, Einsatzgruppen killings at collapse. With the German sphere of Babi Yar in Kiev resulted in the deaths domination closing, Einsatzgruppen of around 36,000 Jews over the course were increasingly used in combat duty of three days, though this huge ravine and new SK units were deployed, such as would eventually be used to inter over the infamous Sonderkommando Dirle- 70,000 Jewish men, women, and children wanger, which joined Einsatzgruppen B from September 1941 to September in Byelorussia in continuing the pursuit 1942, making it the largest SS single of the “Final Solution.”23 This stage of mass grave.26 The Nazi SS organization the Holocaust was pursued with even strove to maintain murder on this scale more fervor than the initial stages of up until the fall of Berlin. The disin- Barbarossa, and the result was the naked tegration of the German war machine pursuit of Jewish extermination through only inspired greater violence against concerted efforts by Einsatzgruppen, the Jews, and, when defeat became some under new leadership, the Weh- inevitable, the SS deployed SK units like rmacht, and SS Police battalions, not Sonderkommando 1005 in an effort to to mention the increasing urgency at incinerate, and hide from the world, the the killing centers of Belzec, Sobibor, bodies that left no doubt as to the level Treblinka, and Auschwitz. This frenzied of brutality with which they conducted assault on European Jewry can be boiled this single-minded war of racial extermi- down to the most villainous Aktionen of nation in the east. the war in the east. The earliest Ein- In terms of sheer volume, the largest satzgruppen large-scale Aktion, in the mass execution by the Einsatzgruppen area of Kamanets-Podolski, was the first took place in Odessa over the course time a death toll reached into the five of the winter 1941-42; murder of Jews figure range.24 In the Kamanets-Podolski in this region of the southern Ukraine massacre, refugees from several countries, totaled between 75,000-80,000 victims, including Germany and Austria, were perpetrated by Rumanian soldiers and expelled from Hungary by its regent, Einsatzkommandos.27 Simultaneous to Nicholas Horthy, and given to SS forces these unimaginable operations, the Reich Historical Review

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was deporting Jews from Western Eu- been otherwise ordinary men to com- rope to their concentration camp system mit the worst crimes humanity has ever in the GeneralGouvernment, amassing a been witness to. An ideology of hate was death toll that reached into the millions. crystallized by Hitler’s Nazi propaganda, Apart from the actions of the Ein- and, by violent personal and national satzgruppen, whose furious pace rivaled aggrandizement, was embraced to the that of the camp systems, the Weh- point that allowed the outright murder rmacht killed additional millions of Red of millions of innocents. Army POW’s through the privation of In conclusion, the brutal practices hundreds of thousands at a time. It was of the Einsatzgruppen cannot be fully not until Allied forces were literally on understood, but rather studied as a dire the horizon that the Nazi war machine warning of the awful potential for the surrendered its genocidal agenda. suppression of human compassion under When looking at the German war the guise of nationalism. Hitler’s virulent effort as a whole, the enterprise can hatred of the blood he may well have become overwhelming in its scope; but feared coursed through his own veins when events like Babi Yar are inspected found a widespread audience in the closely, the physical manifestation of wounded pride of a people that were Nazi hate propaganda, in the form willing to accept an ethos of cruelty of the Einsatzgruppen, can be clearly and oppression, so long as there was a and unequivocally marked as the very scapegoat against which the majority definition of racial war. In a terrifyingly could unite. The eradication of a “race” meticulous report that has become the that evolved from legal discrimination epitome of Einsatzgruppen documenta- to social isolation to violent antagonism tion of genocide, EK 3 commander Karl became the popular will of a nation, and Jager detailed the number of murdered the institutions that resulted are un- Jews from July – December 1941; in that equaled human history. Germany’s expe- five month period, one EK unit from rience in World War I and subsequent Einsatzgruppe A murdered 131,494 inferior status gave rise to a culture of Jews, using clear language that identifies desperation; citizens were desperate for them only as Jews.28 Jager felt no com- the stability and order that comes with pulsion to conceal the true motivation of self-determination and Adolf Hitler his death squad behind euphemisms like sold Germans the illusion that military “partisan.” The unmitigated revulsion felt strength and cultural strength were by these German subordinates toward synonymous. Everything was subordi- Jews in particular allowed what may have nated to economic and cultural stabil- Historical Review

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ity, no matter the cost. satzgruppen and their breed are the most In retrospect, it is easy to condemn frightening force of all – disciplined, the everyday citizen for the collective obedient, unthinking, unfeeling, and actions of a national culture, and yet the unwilling to acknowledge the truth of affront to human sensibilities that is human nature when they are confronted Nazism is nearly impossible to com- with it. These groups were not a collec- prehend. The fact remains that it was tion of crazed individuals that imple- merely everyday citizens with ambition mented genocide on a continental scale that made up the Einsatzgruppen. These for their own fulfillment; rather, they death squads obliged members to carry were the manifestation of Adolf Hitler’s out a policy of extermination based on destructive propaganda of hate. a worldview resting on the fundamental assumption of racial conflict as an engine for modern national health. The most that can ever be said of National Social- ist ideology is that it was predictable, and there is no shortage of human beings who want nothing more than assurance from the government that tomorrow will be no worse than today. Unfortunately, passive acceptance of a national agenda of violent advancement will ultimately bring to power only those elements that can suppress human emotion and espouse hate as a raison d’état. Ultimately, when one looks at the Einsatzgruppen and the culture that spawned them, it is not strength and power that is evident in Nazi machinations, but rather weakness and incapacity seem to be the defining characteristics of these groups of men that capitulate to directives of mass murder. These mobile killing units suffer from the same disease as the national culture that embraced violence and the persecution of its own citizens. The Ein- Historical Review

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1 Richard Rhodes, Masters of Death: The 20 Headland, Messages of Murder, 84. SS-Einsatzgruppen and the Invention of 21 McKale, Hitler’s Shadow War, 148. the Holocaust (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2002), 12. 22 Rhodes, Masters of Death, 110. 2 Rhodes, Masters of Death, 12. 23 Rhodes, Masters of Death, 250. 3 Yitzhak Arad, The Holocaust in the Soviet 24 Rhodes, Masters of Death, 130. Union (Lincoln: University of Nebraska 25 Rhodes, Masters of Death, 130. Press, 2009), 67. 26 Arad, The Holocaust in the Soviet Union, 4 Rhodes, Masters of Death, 54. 347-349. 5 Ronald Headland, Messages of Murder: A 27 Headland, Messages of Murder, 61. Study of the Reports of the Einsatzgruppen of the Security Police and the Security Ser- 28 Headland, Messages of Murder, 157. vice 1941-1943 (Rutherford: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1992), 122. 6 Edward B Westermann, Hitler’s Police Battalions: Enforcing Racial War in the East (Lawrence: University Press of Kan- sas, 2005), 176. 7 Headland, Messages of Murder, 157. 8 Arad, The Holocaust in the Soviet Union, 212. 9 Headland, Messages of Murder, 139. 10 Headland, Messages of Murder, 140. 11 Headland, Messages of Murder, 141. 12 Donald M McKale, Hitler’s Shadow War: The Holocaust and World War II (Lanham: Taylor Trade Publishing, 2006), 188. 13 Arad, The Holocaust in the Soviet Union, 221. 14 Headland, Messages of Murder, 140-141. 15 Arad, The Holocaust in the Soviet Union, 125. 16 Westermann, Hitler’s Police Battalions, 128. 17 Rhodes, Masters of Death, 105. 18 Arad, The Holocaust in the Soviet Union, 133. 19 Arad, The Holocaust in the Soviet Union, 137. Historical Review

62 Historical Review

63 Book Review:

by Beth Wesley James L. Gelvin offers The Israel- Palestine Conflict: One Hundred Years of War (Cambridge University Press, 2007) as an introductory textbook delv- ing into the root causes of the trouble the relationships between the countries in the Middle East. Gelvin, a member surrounding the disputed territory, in- of the history faculty at the University cluding Jordan, Egypt, and Syria, which of California at Los Angeles, special- he terms “outside powers.”2 He clarifies izes in the history of the Middle East. the involvement of these outside powers He has published numerous articles in and world powers such as the United periodicals such as History Today and States, Great Britain, and the Soviet The International Journal of Middle East Union. Tracing numerous diplomatic Studies. Gelvin has written other books, efforts and failures, Gelvin states that “… including The Modern Middle East: A the path leading to peace has been lit- History (Oxford University Press, 2004) tered with the remains of failed attempts and The Arab Uprisings: What Everyone to bring about a settlement.”3 Needs to Know (Oxford University Press, In his discussion of nationalism, 2012). In The Israel-Palestine Conflict, he Gelvin takes a skeptic’s point of view, approaches the relatively recent history declaring that “…it is the role of the of the region from a global perspective. historian to treat the self-aggrandizing His stated purpose is to provide a con- claims of any and all nationalist move- cise background summary “for students ments with skepticism.”4 Additionally, and general readers,” treating both sides he attempts to debunk myths imbedded of the conflict in a fair and even-handed within both the Israeli and the Palestin- manner.1 ian cultures, especially pertaining to their Beginning with a brief lesson in the nationalistic accounts. For Israel, the geography of Palestine, Gelvin explains archeological site of the ruins of Masada the importance of certain landmarks and near the Dead Sea has been used to build

Beth Thomas Wesley grew up in Birmingham, Alabama, with close family ties to the

Historical Review city of Auburn. She is a senior studying for dual majors in history and legal studies. Beth currently works as a legal secretary and plans to attend law school after graduating. For Beth, it is the History Department’s intensive writing requirements that yield the greatest benefit for her career interests. She will be the second member of her family to graduate from AUM. 64 a heroic tradition. Gelvin claims that Palestine and analyzes the 1948 and the nationalist “rendition of the story of 1967 conflicts, as well as the first and Masada….does not stand up to scrutiny,” second intifadas, ending with an insight- revealing that skeptics suggest the Masa- ful discourse on international diplomacy dans may not actually have been Jewish regarding the region. Throughout the in origin.5 As for the Palestinians, Gelvin text Gelvin explains terms and intro- points out that in its claim of Philistine duces people of interest, identifying heritage, “the Palestinian national myth historical figures and key players on both contains its own….historically doubtful sides of the conflict. He fleshes out these assertions.”6 personalities with The main argu- brief biographical ment advanced is sketches, and with that the Arab versus well-placed quotes, Israeli controversy he gives them voice. is “…simply put, Occasionally, there a dispute over real are insertions of estate.”7 Gelvin con- poetry, and Gelvin tinues, “The struggle frequently pro- for control over vides excerpts from some or all of the primary sources, territory of Palestine such as personal pits two nationalist journals and letters. movements against Particularly interest- each other.”8 His ing is the exchange premise is that the of letters between two nationalist Palestinian leader movements, no mat- Yasir Arafat and ter how compelling Israeli Prime Min- their narratives, are quite recent histori- ister Yitzak Rabin in 1993, leading into cal developments and that both have the Oslo Accord.9 Gelvin’s description been at least partially conceived to justify of the evolution of Arafat and the PLO, a squabble over the land. as compared to the origin of Hamas, Tracing the development of both and his explanation of the political national identities through the past party squabbles within Israel are highly century, Gelvin delves into the ef- instructive. Also useful are his concise fect that the two World Wars had on analyses of the attitudes of the United Historical Review

65 A Review of The Israel-Palestine Conflict

States, Great Britain, and the Soviet of the Palestinian General Congress.” 11 Union toward the dispute. Additionally, Especially helpful are such documents Gelvin carefully lays out the process and as the 1917 notice printed in The Times philosophy of Israeli settlement in the of London, which became known as the West Bank, which is truly edifying, es- “Balfour Declaration,” and the official pecially when he explains the Palestinian pronouncement of the United Nations reactions to the settlements. He effec- Resolution 242 in 1967. tively illuminates what he calls the “inner The book jacket is engaging, with logic” of the two sides and achieves his a thought-provoking photograph of an goal of being unbiased toward both.10 Israeli and a Palestinian standing back- The construction of the chapters to-back. As a textbook it is quite sound, provides a satisfying movement back with extensive suggested readings at the and forth between the Israeli point of end of each chapter, but citations are view and the Palestinian. Sprinkled almost nonexistent, leaving the serious throughout are pertinent maps and black reader desirous of more directly cited and white illustrations or photographs. references. Further, perhaps in hopes of The book is facile reading, with a logical engaging the interest of his students, organization and a pleasant flow of com- Gelvin intermittently indulges in the mentary. However, sometimes Gelvin use of slang phrases, which dilute the jumps chronologically, which causes gravitas of the work. Such colloquialisms moments of confusion. Occasionally, he as “it ain’t over until it’s over” and “it’s a travels down a tangent, leaving the read- small world after all” are jarring in the er puzzled as to his point, particularly context of such a serious international where he devotes a sizable portion of his discussion, and, as such, are distract- treatment of Israel to a discussion of the ing and unnecessary flaws. Overall, this Jewish Palestine pavilion design for the is a good foundational study for those 1939 New York World’s Fair. Likewise, interested in gaining a basic understand- in Chapter 7, “Zionist and Palestinian ing of what Gelvin suggests “might be Nationalism: A Closer Look,” Gelvin regarded as the quintessential struggle of gets sidetracked examining poetry, as- the modern age.” 12 sumedly to aid in cultural awareness. More effective are his inclusions of such texts as diary entries of the early Zion- ist leader Theodore Herzl, and a leaflet distributed on the streets of Damascus in 1920 which delineated “The Decision Historical Review

66 A Review of The Israel-Palestine Conflict

1 James L. Gelvin, The Israel-Palestine Con- flict: One Hundred Years of War, (Cam- bridge University Press, 2007), ix. 2 Gelvin, 229. 3 Gelvin, 229. 4 Gelvin, x. 5 Gelvin, 7-9. 6 Gelvin, 12. 7 Gelvin, 2-3. 8 Gelvin, 5. 9 Gelvin, 233-234. 10 Gelvin, ix. 11 Gelvin, 98-99. 12 Gelvin, ix. Historical Review

67 Molly Freeman is a graduate student working toward two masters’ degrees in Geographic Information Systems (GIS) and an- thropology & archaeology. Molly earned her BS in bi- ology at Davidson College in 2012 and currently works as a GIS technician for the Center for Government and Public Affairs as well as a graduate assistant in the School of Liberal Arts at AUM.

Ryan M. Blocker Molly Freeman

A junior majoring in history with a minor in sociology, Ryan M. Blocker is a part time student and a full time employee of the Ala- bama Department of Ar- chives and History, where she works as a museum collections assistant. Spe- cializing in eighteenth and nineteenth century clothing, Ryan’s fascination with clothing and textiles began when she was a child. Her study of clothing has led to more and more historical investigations. Historical Review

68 Katie Kidd is co-editor of the AUM Historical Review and a junior majoring in history with a fine arts mi- nor. After spending significant time traveling with her military family, Katie developed a love of history as the thread that ties all people together. She studies history with a particular interest in finding these common threads among groups.

Amber Hall Katie Kidd Alex Trott

Amber Hall created the in- This edition’s cover was terior design for this year’s designed by Alex Trott, a issue. Amber is a graphic graphic design major in his design and studio paint- junior year. Alex is from ing major with a minor in Buffalo, New York and English literature. She is chooses graphic design be- currently in her senior year cause he feels that it is the at AUM and is already an primary art form of our era accomplished artist hav- and he is fascinated by its ing had her work displayed massive potential for ex- in exhibits across Alabama. pression and communica- Amber chose an art major in tion to today’s society. Alex order to explore the charac- is the president of the Uni- ter of our natural and man- versity Honors Assembly, made environments. She an Advancement Ambas- was Chancellor’s Scholar sador, and Omicron Delta for the Fine Arts Depart- Kappa’s 2013 Sophomore ment, and recently received Student Leader of the Year. the Moore Wealth Man- agement Award given by the Montgomery Museum of Fine Arts during their fortieth annual Montgom- ery Art Guild Exhibition. Historical Review

69 Historical Review

70 We are looking for history-oriented papers for future publication in the AUM Historical Review, a student-run journal sponsored by the Department of History at Auburn University at Montgomery.

Submissions may include topics on:

World History United States History Alabama History Movies Documentaries Literature Historic Sites Oral Histories Interviews and more...

For contributions and inquiries: [email protected] Historical Review

71 Historical Review