DOCSLIB.ORG

In Post 1998 Northern Irish, English and Irish Films

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
In Post 1998 Northern Irish, English and Irish Films A Troubled Lens? Analysis of cinematic representations of the “Troubles” in post 1998 Northern Irish, English and Irish films. MA Thesis in European Studies Graduate School for Humanities Universiteit van Amsterdam Isabel Pugh-Cook 12047287 Main Supervisor: Dr Alex Drace-Francis Second Supervisor: Dr Guido Snel Completed: 1 July 2019 Word Count: 22,911 Isabel Pugh-Cook Acknowledgements Sincere and grateful thanks is given to Dr Alex Drace-Francis whose attentive and meticulous comments and guidance have been invaluable, and to Dr Guido Snel in his role as secondary marker. Heartfelt appreciation is also given to my parents for their support and encouragement in this endeavour, as with all others; and to beloved friends for always providing crucial moments of humour and distraction from an oftentimes intense topic of research. - 2 - Isabel Pugh-Cook Contents 1. Introduction 5 2. Understanding Irish and Northern Irish Cinema, and 13 Cinematic Theory - 2.1 An Introduction to Irish and Northern Irish Cinema 13 - 2.2 Postcolonialism and Irish Cinema 19 - 2.3 History in Film 23 - 2.4 Auteur Theory 27 3. The Chosen Films: Synopsises and Critical Reception 28 - 3.1 Silent Grace (Murphy, 2001) 28 - 3.2 Bloody Sunday (Greengrass, 2002) 31 - 3.3 Mickybo and Me (Loane, 2004) 36 4. Representations of Violence 40 5. Representations of Gender and Family 51 6. Representations of Landscape and Religion 60 7. Conclusion 67 Bibliography 72 - 3 - Isabel Pugh-Cook Abstract According to cinematic theory advanced by Pierre Sorlin (1980), historical films are most reflective of the time in which they were created. With this understanding, academics of Irish and Northern Irish cinema predicted that the period following the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in April 1998 would produce an array of more nuanced films about the euphemistically entitled “Troubles”, a devastating thirty-year period of sectarian military and paramilitary conflict. Previously released films about the Troubles were saturated with stereotypical tropes, images and characterisations of the Northern Irish people and region; Peace Process films (so called to reflect the then socio-political climate), were expected to advance cinematic representations with greater understanding and pedagogy of the conflict’s intricacy. Furthermore, through application of auteurship theory, the national or personal biases of a film’s auteur can be accounted for and the genuine cinematic progression of a genre be assessed. This paper argues that despite rational predictions made of Peace Process cinema, films about the Troubles and released after 1998, including those written and directed by indigenous filmmakers, have failed to transcend the archetypal, postcolonial-influenced stereotypes of the genre, and instead adhered to and exacerbated gendered, nationalist, sectarian and environmental tropes to a staggering degree. - 4 - Isabel Pugh-Cook 1. Introduction The euphemistically entitled “Troubles” were a period of intense paramilitary and military conflicts in Northern Ireland, officially from 1968 until the momentous signing of the peace treaty, known as the Good Friday or Belfast Agreement, in April 1998. Ostensibly between the Catholic Republicans and their demand for a united Ireland, and the majority Protestant population who (mostly) self-identify as British and Loyalists and determined to keep the six counties of Ulster a part of the United Kingdom1. The divisions between the communities are deep-rooted and based on ethno-nationalist perceptions of the appropriate future for the northern Irish peoples, an argument which has raged since the initial separation of the island in the 1920s with the Irish Free State; as McKittrick and McVea (2002:4) declare “Northern Ireland was born in violence”. Importantly, despite the grouping of the riven sides into ‘Catholic’ and ‘Protestant’, these titles delineate multiple identifications, not just religious: indeed, the Troubles were not a religious conflict. The terms ‘Protestant’ and ‘Catholic’ additionally indicate the long-standing political, cultural, historic and socio-economic differences, or perceived differences, between the tribal groupings. These labels are thus used in this vein throughout this paper.2 Over 3,500 people died during the thirty-year conflict, including 1,840 civilians, with over 47,500 people injured, and between 45,000 and 60,000 displaced or forced to flee their homes (McKittrick and McVea,2002; Bosi and De Fazio, 2017;Browne,2019); people from all sides – and none – of the devastating dispute felt its impact, far beyond those actively involved in the ethno-nationalist fighting or from the British security services. Bosi and De Fazio (2017:11) declare the conflict “one of the most lethal episodes of contention in post- war Western Europe”. Some of the most high-profile incidents include the horrific events of Bloody Sunday, where unarmed civilians were shot at by British army forces on 30th January 1 Extensive literature is available on this subject; the information listed here has particularly been taken from the work of McKittrick and McVea (2002). McKittrick, D. and McVea, D., 2002. Making Sense of the Troubles: The Story of the Conflict in Northern Ireland. 1st ed. New Amsterdam Books. 2 This explanation draws inspiration from that given by Brian McIlroy (2001: 8). McIlroy, B., 2001. Shooting to Kill: Filmmaking and the ‘Troubles’ in Northern Ireland. 2nd edition. Richmond, B.C: Steveston Press. - 5 - Isabel Pugh-Cook 1972, resulting in fourteen deaths, and constituting a key turning point in the conflict, as well as the 1980-1 hunger strikes by Irish Republican prisoners in demand for political status, which saw the death of ten men. Northern Ireland is unlikely to ever be totally free of the ethno-nationalist conflict it has become so synonymous with3. Nonetheless, the historic Good Friday Agreement, signed on 10th April 1998 and endorsed by popular agreement in referendums held both sides of the Irish border on 22nd May, was pivotal in establishing a peaceful stability within the divided community, with mutual respect and recognition at least partially achieved (Bartlett,2010; Humphreys,2018). This was particularly true in areas of culture, with “parity of esteem” the aim for all symbols, tropes and cultural markers (Humphreys,2018). An unprecedented era of discussion and negotiation between the parties brightened the political, social, economic and cultural landscape of Northern Ireland. It was heavily anticipated that this communicative, optimistic environment post-1998 would shape representations of the Troubles across the cultural spectrum. Since the start of the conflict, multiple cinematic representations of the Troubles have been produced and released. Some of the most iconic films include Cal (O’Connor,1984), The Crying Game (Jordan,1992), In the Name of the Father (Sheridan,1993), and Some Mother’s Son (George,1996). These films, and the many more not listed here, have covered innumerable narratives of both fictional and non-fictional origin, depicting the experiences of Protestants, Catholics, the British security services and others involved directly or otherwise in the thirty plus years of fighting. All manner of points of view, competing norms and appraisals of the period and region’s events have been cinematised, in attempts to satisfy the international audience’s seemingly insatiable appetite for tales of violence, hardship and heartbreak in this most divided of communities. Nevertheless, most Troubles films released during the conflict, including those listed, fell victim to what scholars such as Barton (2004) and McIlroy (2001) 3 This reality is projected by renowned specialists of Ireland and Northern Ireland, including McKittrick and McVea (2002) and Bartlett (2010). Bartlett, T., 2010. Ireland: a history. 1st edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. - 6 - Isabel Pugh-Cook have identified as a mass simplification of the causes and rationale of the conflict; beyond depictions of a total and seemingly inevitable violent sectarian divide, the genuine experiences of the people and places of the Troubles were largely unexplored. Furthermore, the repeated utilisation of entrenched yet exhausted characterisations and stereotypes of the people, places, culture and society of the island of Ireland reiterated international understanding of the Troubles as vicious and unpleasant, yet unavoidable. As shall be explored, it is appropriate in this analysis to draw on studies of Irish cinema, and the portrayal of the island on screen, including that by Rockett, Gibbons and Hill (1988), Cinema and Ireland; McLoone’s (2000) Irish Film; Pettitt’s (2000) Screening Ireland and Barton’s (2004) Irish National Cinema, as equally representative of Northern Ireland. In this vein, the stereotypical presumption of an inherent – and unresolvable – predilection of the Irish and Northern Irish people, particularly men, to violence is apparent. This is particularly the case in contrast to the supposedly measured and protective existence of the British in the conflict- stricken region. Along with violence, stereotypical gender depictions saturate the screen, with renegade, drunken and often absent fathers consciously compared to mothers and women largely removed from the public sphere and restrained within domestic settings and reduced to their femininity. Further common stereotypes include the emotive power of landscape, with the romantic rural idyll of the Republic of Ireland consciously juxtaposed with the gritty
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Irish Film Institute What Happened After? 15
    Irish Film Studyguide Tony Tracy Contents SECTION ONE A brief history of Irish film 3 Recurring Themes 6 SECTION TWO Inside I’m Dancing INTRODUCTION Cast & Synopsis 7 This studyguide has been devised to accompany the Irish film strand of our Transition Year Moving Image Module, the pilot project of the Story and Structure 7 Arts Council Working Group on Film and Young People. In keeping Key Scene Analysis I 7 with TY Guidelines which suggest a curriculum that relates to the Themes 8 world outside school, this strand offers students and teachers an opportunity to engage with and question various representations Key Scene Analysis II 9 of Ireland on screen. The guide commences with a brief history Student Worksheet 11 of the film industry in Ireland, highlighting recurrent themes and stories as well as mentioning key figures. Detailed analyses of two films – Bloody Sunday Inside I'm Dancing and Bloody Sunday – follow, along with student worksheets. Finally, Lenny Abrahamson, director of the highly Cast & Synopsis 12 successful Adam & Paul, gives an illuminating interview in which he Making & Filming History 12/13 outlines the background to the story, his approach as a filmmaker and Characters 13/14 his response to the film’s achievements. We hope you find this guide a useful and stimulating accompaniment to your teaching of Irish film. Key Scene Analysis 14 Alicia McGivern Style 15 Irish FIlm Institute What happened after? 15 References 16 WRITER – TONY TRACY Student Worksheet 17 Tony Tracy was former Senior Education Officer at the Irish Film Institute. During his time at IFI, he wrote the very popular Adam & Paul Introduction to Film Studies as well as notes for teachers on a range Interview with Lenny Abrahamson, director 18 of films including My Left Foot, The Third Man, and French Cinema.
    [Show full text]
  • Cabinet Okays Setting up of Panel to Promote National Products
    BUSINESS | Page 1 SPORT | Page 1 Qatar trade Azam surplus ton helps surges 3.5% Pakistan on faster keep semis expansion hopes alive in exports published in QATAR since 1978 THURSDAY Vol. XXXX No. 11227 June 27, 2019 Shawwal 24, 1440 AH GULF TIMES www. gulf-times.com 2 Riyals In brief PM meets Brazilian minister QATAR | Motoring Cabinet okays setting ‘Accident-Free Summer’ drive to start on July 1 The General Directorate of Traff ic up of panel to promote has announced that it will launch a month-long traff ic awareness campaign on July 1 under the title ‘Accident-Free Summer’ in order to raise public awareness about national products the rules of traff ic safety and safe driving. The campaign, aimed at curbing traff ic violations and road accidents, will continue until HE the Prime Minister and Minister of Interior Sheikh Abdullah bin Nasser bin Results of Amir’s visit to Pakistan lauded August 1. This was announced at Khalifa al-Thani met Brazilian Minister of Science, Technology, Innovation and a press conference held by the Communication Marcos Pontes and the accompanying delegation in Doha Traff ic Awareness Department at yesterday. The meeting reviewed relations between the two countries and ways to he Cabinet yesterday approved bodies concerned. stani President Dr Arif Alvi and Prime the General Directorate of Traff ic develop them, in addition to issues of mutual concern. Page 3 the draft decision of HE the The committee shall be responsible Minister Imran Khan and the broth- yesterday. Page 5 Tprime minister to form a com- for the implementation of the com- erly atmosphere that characterised mittee to support the competitive- petences provided for by Law No 2 for the visit as well as the memorandums AMERICA | Migration ness of national products and combat 2019, including the examination of of understanding which were signed harmful practices to them in interna- complaints relating to the violation of constituted a new platform for a stra- US, Guatemala close tional trade.
    [Show full text]
  • Copyright by Judith Hazel Howell 2011
    Copyright by Judith Hazel Howell 2011 The Report Committee for Judith Hazel Howell Certifies that this is the approved version of the following report: Waiting for the Truth: A Re-examination of Four Representations of Bloody Sunday After the Saville Inquiry APPROVED BY SUPERVISING COMMITTEE: Supervisor: Elizabeth Cullingford Wayne Lesser Waiting for the Truth: A Re-examination of Four Representations of Bloody Sunday After the Saville Inquiry by Judith Hazel Howell, B.A. Report Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts The University of Texas at Austin May 2011 Abstract Waiting for the Truth: A Re-examination of Four Representations of Bloody Sunday After the Saville Inquiry Judith Hazel Howell, M.A. The University of Texas at Austin, 2011 Supervisor: Elizabeth Cullingford On January 30, 1972, in Derry, Northern Ireland, British soldiers opened fire on Irish citizens participating in a peaceful civil rights march, killing thirteen men and injuring as many others. This event, called “Bloody Sunday,” was the subject of two formal inquiries by the British government, one conducted by Lord Widgery in 1972 that exonerated the British soldiers and one led by Lord Saville, which published its findings in June 2010 and found the British troops to be at fault. Before the second investigation gave its report, a number of dramatic productions had contradicted the official British version of events and presented the Irish point of view. Two films and two plays in particular—the drama The Freedom of the City (1973), the filmed docudramas Bloody Sunday and Sunday (both 2002), and the documentary theater production Bloody Sunday: Scenes from the Saville Inquiry (2005)—were aimed at audiences that did not recognize the injustices that took place in Derry.
    [Show full text]
  • Paddy Devlin, the Labour Movement and the Catholic Community
    Northumbria Research Link Citation: Parr, Connal (2018) Paddy Devlin, the Labour Movement and the Catholic Community. In: The Contested Identities of Ulster Catholics. Springer, pp. 111-125. ISBN 9783319788036 Published by: Springer URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78804-3_8 <http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3- 319-78804-3_8> This version was downloaded from Northumbria Research Link: http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/id/eprint/36889/ Northumbria University has developed Northumbria Research Link (NRL) to enable users to access the University’s research output. Copyright © and moral rights for items on NRL are retained by the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. Single copies of full items can be reproduced, displayed or performed, and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided the authors, title and full bibliographic details are given, as well as a hyperlink and/or URL to the original metadata page. The content must not be changed in any way. Full items must not be sold commercially in any format or medium without formal permission of the copyright holder. The full policy is available online: http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/policies.html This document may differ from the final, published version of the research and has been made available online in accordance with publisher policies. To read and/or cite from the published version of the research, please visit the publisher’s website (a subscription may be required.) Paddy Devlin: Republican Labour and the Catholic Community The Labour movement tends to clash with Catholicism in vastly differing world-views, concepts of state power, and social change,1 and these battles took place in Northern Ireland as elsewhere.
    [Show full text]
  • Narratives of Legitimacy: Political Discourse in the Early Phase of the Troubles in Northern Ireland Sissel Rosland University of Bergen, [email protected]
    Peace and Conflict Studies Volume 15 Number 1 Political Discourse as an Instrument of Article 2 Conflict and Peace: Lessons from Northern Ireland 8-1-2008 Narratives of Legitimacy: Political Discourse in the Early Phase of the Troubles in Northern Ireland Sissel Rosland University of Bergen, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://nsuworks.nova.edu/pcs Part of the Peace and Conflict Studies Commons Recommended Citation Rosland, Sissel (2008) "Narratives of Legitimacy: Political Discourse in the Early Phase of the Troubles in Northern Ireland," Peace and Conflict Studies: Vol. 15: No. 1, Article 2. Available at: http://nsuworks.nova.edu/pcs/vol15/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the CAHSS Journals at NSUWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Peace and Conflict Studies by an authorized administrator of NSUWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Narratives of Legitimacy: Political Discourse in the Early Phase of the Troubles in Northern Ireland Abstract This article examines the discursive construction of legitimacy in the early phase of the Troubles in Northern Ireland. The mpe irical material covers the debate on internment without trial from 1971 till 1975 – a debate which involved conflicting claims of legitimacy. Some strongly defended internment as a legitimate step in the fight against the IRA, whilst others regarded it as an illegitimate measure employed by a corrupt political regime. These conflicting claims of legitimacy entailed a conceptual battle oncc erned with the construction and authorisation of political order. The ra ticle explores this battle along three dimensions: law, violence, and democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics in the Streets
    Politics in the Streets The origins of the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland by Bob Purdie (1990) Originally published by The Blackstaff Press, Belfast PDF version included on CAlN with the permission of the author http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/crightslpurdiel DERRY AND ITS ACTION COMMITTEES The gentle rainfall drifting down Over Colmcille's town Could not refresh, only distill, In silent grief from hill to hill. from 'Butcher's Dozen' by Thornas Kinsella 'An Old City Faces a New Sorrow' headline over Irish Times report of events in Derry on 5 October 1968 Derry was the crucible of the civil rights movement. It was of enormous symbolic importance as the second city of Northern Ireland, as the site of the legendary siege of 1689 in which the Protestants resisted the forces of James 11, and as the town in which a Nationalist majority was denied control of local government by a particularly flagrant gerrymander of the electoral boundaries. It was in Derry on 5 October 1968 that Northern Ireland crossed its Rubicon, and on the streets of the city in subsequent months Northern Ireland was, again and again, ratcheted nearer to crisis. The events of August 1969 in Derry brought Northern Ireland close to civil war and the killing of thirteen anti-internment demonstrators in the city on 30 January 1972 precipitated the imposition of direct rule and the end of the Stormont parliament. The first gerrymander of the city occurred in 1896, with the Londonderry Improvement Bill; this created five electoral wards, one of which held the bulk of the city's Catholics; and enabled the Unionists to have a majority in the others.
    [Show full text]
  • (8 October 1968), (Civil Rights; Derry March), [PRONI Public Records
    .---'-____ - l .. b . ..... \ - , -----_./e\ ~\ ", t....... .,.... .. :.c:o J '-- / HOUSE OF COMMONS . LONDON, S W :;: , J TH:::tEE EYE-\'lITN1~SSES REPORT ON' LOJmmmBfu'1Y . :· At the request of the North0~~ :rel~nu Civil :1i~htG Asslociation we attended the march in the city o~ Londondcrry on 5th October. At the outCGt we ~ ~ould ctress that we took no part in the demonstration ot~er than actine as observers. We positioned ourselves / "'';::~OUGilOut at ;/. poini"d where we could most readily watch the c'ourse of events. Vie can, only describe "vlhat we saw, w~ich was as follows: , . ' - ' T~le demonstrators assembled from about 3.20 p. m. oi."'.vrards at the ,open space beside the railway station .?.t the vra terside in Londonderry. They formed up and They marched ·alone; J)'J.2ce Street towards C~nigavon Bridge. As to the. cOIDnosition- of ~he march, we can say that the march was extremely orde,rly in its early staees, with ~ substantial number of stewards, ~ainly provided by the Derry City Labour Pa~ty. The C:lief Steward was Mr. Ivan Cooper, Secretary of the Derry ' ,, ' -f City Labour Party. The marchers were five ' 0: six abreast, . ~nd about one in ten carried a placard of a~=0 so~t or other. , .lullong those prominent on the march we~e senior representatives of the Northern Ireland' Labour P~rty, ~ncluding the Chairman, Mr.' Paddy Devlin. (__" lere were , ' d;-._ .. --.--.-__ • _____~ ___ __ _... ______ d _ 0 . ' " • : ... ' .. .. , - , " .." ~NI HA/32/2/30 / HOUSE OF COMMONS LONDON, S W I' 2) THREE EYE -WITNESSES REPOl1T ON LONDONDBRRY.
    [Show full text]
  • And the Battle's Just Begun There's Many Lost, but Tell Me Who Has Won? the Trenches Dug Within Our Hearts and Mothers, Children, Brothers, Sisters Torn Apart
    Blood in Derry: Bloody Sunday 1972 By Justin Reed Senior Thesis in History California State Polytechnic University, Pomona 2005 Advisor: Dr. Amanda Podany 1 And the battle's just begun There's many lost, but tell me who has won? The trenches dug within our hearts And mothers, children, brothers, sisters Torn apart. Sunday, bloody Sunday. Sunday, bloody Sunday. To most Americans these song lyrics are undoubtedly recognizable. Mention Bloody Sunday to most people and the image conjured up is not of an event, but of a song, “Sunday Bloody Sunday,” by the Irish rock band U2. While the song depicts the grief and emotion of the event, few Americans know what the song is really about. What was Bloody Sunday? What happened on that day? Both the Irish and British are still grappling with the answers to these very same questions. Over twenty-five years have past yet, Bloody Sunday continues to be a topic of passionate controversy and debate. The only clear fact is that on Sunday, January 30, 1972, thirteen Irish civilians were killed by British soldiers, and another fourteen were wounded while marching for civil rights. There is still a search to find the truth of what happened on that sunny afternoon, and most importantly, why did it happen? The event is one surrounded with fierce emotion. Accounts and viewpoints of the event vary between those of Irish civilians and those of British military and security forces. While contradictory accounts make it difficult for the historian to come to a clear conclusion about what happened on Bloody Sunday, evidence suggests, that Bloody Sunday was the result of an attempt by the British government and security forces to execute a policy of lethal force against the civil rights marchers and to break the hold the Irish Republican Army (IRA) had on various parts of Derry.
    [Show full text]
  • Northern-Ireland-Time-Of-Choice.Pdf
    Job Name:2274802 Date:15-06-18 PDF Page:2274802pbc.p1.pdf Color: Black PANTONE 7530 C THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY RESEARCH, established in 1943, is a publicly supported, nonpartisan research and educa­ tional organization. Its purpose is to assist policy makers, scholars, businessmen, the press and the public by providing objective analysis of national and inter­ national issues. Views expressed in the institute's publications are those of the authors and do not necessariIy reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers or trustees of AEI. Institute publications take three major forms: 1. Legislative Analyses-balanced analyses of current proposals before the Congress, prepared with the help of specialists from the academic world and the fields of law and government. 2. Studies-in-depth studies and monographs about government programs and major national and international problems, written by independent scholars. 3. Rational Debates, Meetings, and Symposia-proceedings of debates, dis­ cussions, and conferences where eminent authorities with contrasting views discuss controversial issues. ADVISORY BOARD Paul W. McCracken, Chairman, Edmund Ezra Day University Professor of Business Administration, University of Michigan R. H. Coase, Professor of Economics, University of Chicago Milton Friedman, Paul S. Russell Distinguished Service Professor of Economics, University of Chicago Gottfried Haberler, Resident Scholar, American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research C. Lowell Harriss, Professor of Economics, Columbia University George Lenczowski, Professor of Political Science, University of California, Berkeley Robert A. Nisbet, Albert Schweitzer Professor of the Humanities, Columbia University James A. Robinson, President, University of West Florida EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Herman J. Schmidt, Chairman of the Richard J.
    [Show full text]
  • Lesson 4 Key • Suggested • Comic • Whiteboard Information Additional Creation • Pcs / Laptops • M1l4profile Resources Software • Headphones Tasksheet E.G
    MODULE 1. THE NORTHERN IRELAND CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT 4: OCTOBER '68 - AUGUST '69: CONFLICT ERUPTS LESSON LESSON DESCRIPTION 4. This lesson will look into the violence that swept through Northern Ireland between October ‘68 and August ’69 (the Battle of the Bogside) and the reasons for it. The lesson will also look into the launching of the Cameron Report in January ’69 and its subsequent findings in September ’69. LESSON INTENTIONS LESSON OUTCOMES 1. Explore the repercussions of the • Students will be able to explain events of 5th October 1968. why the events of 5th October 2. Understand the reasons why were a turning point in the civil residents of the Bogside felt the rights movement. need to erect barricades. • Students will understand how 3. Identify the reasons why the Battle television played a part in raising of the Bogside began. awareness of Nationalist feelings at this time. 4. Demonstrate objectives 1, 2 & 3 through digital media. • Students will be able to explain the reasons behind the outbreak of the Battle of the Bogside with some students being able to identify the long term reasons behind the conflict. • Employ ICT skills to express an understanding of the topic. HANDOUTS DIGITAL SOFTWARE HARDWARE AND GUIDES • Lesson 4 Key • Suggested • Comic • Whiteboard Information Additional Creation • PCs / Laptops • M1L4Profile Resources Software • Headphones Tasksheet e.g. Comic • Comic Life Creation • Video Storyboard Editing • Video Editing Software Storyboard e.g. Movie Maker www.nervecentre.org/teachingdividedhistories MODULE 1: LESSON 4: LESSON PLAN 49 MODULE 1. THE NORTHERN IRELAND CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT 4: OCTOBER '68 - AUGUST '69: CONFLICT ERUPTS ACTIVITY LEARNING OUTCOMES Starter - Give a brief introduction Students will learn why the march was to the 5th October 1968 march taking place and what happened as a (background/objective of march) and result of the march.
    [Show full text]
  • Kinealy2002.Pdf
    THE GREAT IRISH FAMINE IMPACT, IDEOLOGY AND REBELLION Christine Kinealy 2002 CONTENTS List of Tables ix Acknowledgements x 1 Remembering the Famine 1 A Forgotten Famine 2 A Dangerous Memory? 10 The Famine in Context 17 2 The Government’s Response to the Crisis 31 A Temporary Calamity 32 Relief Works 40 Irish Responsibility 43 Parliament and Opposition 47 Black ’49 52 The End of Famine? 58 3 Philanthropy and Private Donations 61 Landlords and Irish Relief 64 Relief Organizations in Ireland 66 Private Charity in Britain 70 Aid from Overseas 74 The Catholic Church 83 Famine Fatigue? 85 4 Food Supply and Trade 90 Corn and Repeal 93 Food Supply and Price Increases 96 Trade and Ideology 102 Exports from Ireland 110 vii viii Contents 5 Riot, Protest and Popular Agitation 117 Pre-Famine Agitation 118 Food Riots 123 The Breakdown in Relief 130 Crime and Punishment 135 Landlords 141 The Police and the Army 144 6 Religion and the Churches 149 The Churches and Relief 150 Proselytism 156 Politics and Religion 169 Priestly Jealousy and Popular Bigotry 177 7 Repeal, Relief and Rebellion 182 Politics and Famine 183 Land Agitation 187 Repeal and Relief 191 Repeal without O’Connell 192 Green against Orange 195 Green against Green: Young and Old Ireland 200 Epilogue 211 Notes 222 Select Bibliography 256 Index 260 TABLES 4.1 Spirits Charged with Duty for Home Consumption (in gallons) 98 4.2 Total Amounts of Irish-Grown Grain Exports, 1844–6 (in quarts) 105 4.3 Exports of Cattle and Livestock from Ireland to Great Britain in 1846 111 4.4 Grain Exports from Kilrush to Glasgow in 1847 (in pounds) 112 4.5 Grain and Foodstuffs Exported from Kilrush to Liverpool in 1847 and 1848 (in pounds) 112 4.6 Grain and Foodstuffs Exported from Ballina to Liverpool in 1847 and 1848 (in pounds) 114 4.7 Grain and Foodstuffs Exported from Tralee to Liverpool in 1848 (in pounds) 114 4.8 Oats Exported from Limerick in 1847 and 1848 (in pounds) 115 5.1 Gross Committals in Ireland 136 ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This book was written with the assistance of many people.
    [Show full text]
  • Bbm:978-0-230-00604-1/1.Pdf
    Maps 302 Maps 303 Derry in the Late 1960s: Religion and Class This map is not intended to be correct in every detail but rather to give a necessarily crude picture of the complicated socio-religious geography of Derry as conflict began in the late 1960s. It distinguishes between areas on a class basis in order to emphasise that prior to and throughout the Troubles, large areas of the city would not be directly involved in protest or open conflict. It also distinguishes between upper-middle-class areas and middle-class housing estates and 304 Maps terraces. While the middle-class areas often had complex ties to the working-class communities nearby, upper-middle-class areas were almost completely isolated from such areas. At the same time, any arbi- trary attempt to classify residential areas by social class is bound to be inaccurate. I only hope that the results will be useful. For information about the city in the late 1960s I am especially indebted to Claire Dobbins and to Andy and Terry Barr but all errors are my responsibility. Maps 305 Derry and its Environs; Local Government Electoral Boundaries This map shows the relation of Derry County Borough (the area con- trolled by Londonderry Corporation) to the surrounding areas con- trolled by Derry Rural District Council until 1969. The Foyle constituency which the Nationalist party leader Eddie McAteer repre- sented at Stormont from 1953 to 1968, and which John Hume won in 1969, consisted of all areas west of the Foyle except for the North Ward of the city while the City of Londonderry constituency, held by the Unionist Party, was composed of the North Ward and all of the districts outlined on the east bank of the Foyle in this map.
    [Show full text]