Regulation, Market Structure and Performance in Telecommunications
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The Market Structure of Higher Learning
The Park Place Economist Volume 4 Issue 1 Article 16 5-1996 The Market Structure of Higher Learning Brett Roush '97 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/parkplace Recommended Citation Roush '97, Brett (1996) "The Market Structure of Higher Learning," The Park Place Economist: Vol. 4 Available at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/parkplace/vol4/iss1/16 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by faculty at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. The Market Structure of Higher Learning Abstract A student embarking on a college search is astounded at the number of higher learning institutions available -- an initial response may be to consider their market structure as one of perfect competition. Upon fkrther consideration, though, one sees this is inaccurate. In fact, the market structure of higher learning incorporates elements of monopolistic competition, oligopoly, and monopoly. An institution may not explicitly be a profit maximizer. However, treating it as such allows predictions of actions to be made by applying the above three market structures. -
The Socialization of Investment, from Keynes to Minsky and Beyond
Working Paper No. 822 The Socialization of Investment, from Keynes to Minsky and Beyond by Riccardo Bellofiore* University of Bergamo December 2014 * [email protected] This paper was prepared for the project “Financing Innovation: An Application of a Keynes-Schumpeter- Minsky Synthesis,” funded in part by the Institute for New Economic Thinking, INET grant no. IN012-00036, administered through the Levy Economics Institute of Bard College. Co-principal investigators: Mariana Mazzucato (Science Policy Research Unit, University of Sussex) and L. Randall Wray (Levy Institute). The author thanks INET and the Levy Institute for support of this research. The Levy Economics Institute Working Paper Collection presents research in progress by Levy Institute scholars and conference participants. The purpose of the series is to disseminate ideas to and elicit comments from academics and professionals. Levy Economics Institute of Bard College, founded in 1986, is a nonprofit, nonpartisan, independently funded research organization devoted to public service. Through scholarship and economic research it generates viable, effective public policy responses to important economic problems that profoundly affect the quality of life in the United States and abroad. Levy Economics Institute P.O. Box 5000 Annandale-on-Hudson, NY 12504-5000 http://www.levyinstitute.org Copyright © Levy Economics Institute 2014 All rights reserved ISSN 1547-366X Abstract An understanding of, and an intervention into, the present capitalist reality requires that we put together the insights of Karl Marx on labor, as well as those of Hyman Minsky on finance. The best way to do this is within a longer-term perspective, looking at the different stages through which capitalism evolves. -
Market Failure Guide
Market failure guide A guide to categorising market failures for government policy development and evaluation industry.nsw.gov.au Published by NSW Department of Industry PUB17/509 Market failure guide—A guide to categorising market failures for government policy development and evaluation An external academic review of this guide was undertaken by prominent economists in November 2016 This guide is consistent with ‘NSW Treasury (2017) NSW Government Guide to Cost-Benefit Analysis, TPP 17-03, Policy and Guidelines Paper’ First published December 2017 More information Program Evaluation Unit [email protected] www.industry.nsw.gov.au © State of New South Wales through Department of Industry, 2017. This publication is copyright. You may download, display, print and reproduce this material provided that the wording is reproduced exactly, the source is acknowledged, and the copyright, update address and disclaimer notice are retained. To copy, adapt, publish, distribute or commercialise any of this publication you will need to seek permission from the Department of Industry. Disclaimer: The information contained in this publication is based on knowledge and understanding at the time of writing July 2017. However, because of advances in knowledge, users are reminded of the need to ensure that the information upon which they rely is up to date and to check the currency of the information with the appropriate officer of the Department of Industry or the user’s independent advisor. Market failure guide Contents Executive summary -
Investment Characteristics of Natural Monopoly Companies
Investment Characteristics of Natural Monopoly Companies Škapa Stanislav Abstract This paper explores the possibilities of investment by private investors in natural monopoly companies. The paper analyzes the broad issue of risk measurement with focus on downside risk measurement principle. The main scientific aim is to adopt a more sophisticated and theo- retically advanced statistical technique and apply them to the findings. The preferred method used for the estimation of selected characteristics and ratios was the robust statistical methods and a bootstrap method. Key words: natural monopoly, investor, investment, downside risk 1. INTRODUCTION Natural monopoly companies lead to a variety of economic performance problems: excessive prices, production inefficiencies, costly duplication of facilities, poor service quality and they have potentially undesirable distributional impacts. In the eyes of consumers, it is the high prices and poor service quality that they most probably perceive. However, the question that arises is: what brings the investment into the natural monopoly company to investors? 2. THEORETICAL SOLUTIONS 2.1 Natural monopoly Economists have been analyzing natural monopolies for more than 150 year. Sharkey (1982) provides an overview of the intellectual history of economic analysis of natural monopolies and he concludes that John Stuart Mill was the first to speak of natural monopolies in 1848. One of the main questions is how a natural monopoly should be defined. There are some characteristics which should help to understand what a natural monopoly mean. According Thomas Farrer (1902, referenced by Sharkey, 1982) a natural monopoly is associated with supply and demand of characteristics that include: the product or supplied service must be essential the products must be non-storable the supplier must have a favourable production location. -
Regulation Policies Concerning Natural Monopolies in Developing and Transition Economies
ST/ESA/1999/DP.8 DESA Discussion Paper No. 8 Regulation policies concerning natural monopolies in developing and transition economies S. Ran Kim and A. Horn March 1999 United Nations DESA Discussion Paper Series DESA Discussion Papers are preliminary documents circulated in a limited number of copies and posted on the DESA web site http://www.un.org/esa/papers.htm to stimulate discussion and critical comment. This paper has not been formally edited and the designations and terminology used do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the United Nations Secretariat. Citations should refer to a “Discussion Paper of the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs.” S. Ran Kim and A. Horn Ms. S. Ran Kim is associate expert and Mr. A. Horn is Deputy Director of the Division for Public Economics and Public Administration, United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, New York. We are very much indebted to valuable comments and suggestions from Mr. Tony Bennett. Comments should be addressed to the authors, c/o Division for Public Economics and Public Administration, Rm. DC1-900, United Nations, New York, N.Y. 10017, or by e-mail to [email protected]. Additional copies of the paper are available from the same address. Authorized for distribution by: Guido Bertucci Director Division for Public Economics and Public Administration Room DC1-928 United Nations New York, NY 10017 Phone: (212) 963-5859/Fax: (212) 963-9681 Email: [email protected] United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Abstract Network industries are often organized as vertically integrated public monopolies. -
Economic Exchange During Hyperinflation
Economic Exchange during Hyperinflation Alessandra Casella Universityof California, Berkeley Jonathan S. Feinstein Stanford University Historical evidence indicates that hyperinflations can disrupt indi- viduals' normal trading patterns and impede the orderly functioning of markets. To explore these issues, we construct a theoretical model of hyperinflation that focuses on individuals and their process of economic exchange. In our model buyers must carry cash while shopping, and some transactions take place in a decentralized setting in which buyer and seller negotiate over the terms of trade of an indivisible good. Since buyers face the constant threat of incoming younger (hence richer) customers, their bargaining position is weak- ened by inflation, allowing sellers to extract a higher real price. How- ever, we show that higher inflation also reduces buyers' search, increasing sellers' wait for customers. As a result, the volume of transactions concluded in the decentralized sector falls. At high enough rates of inflation, all agents suffer a welfare loss. I. Introduction Since. Cagan (1956), economic analyses of hyperinflations have fo- cused attention on aggregate time-series data, especially exploding price levels and money stocks, lost output, and depreciating exchange rates. Work on the German hyperinflation of the twenties provides a We thank Olivier Blanchard, Peter Diamond, Rudi Dornbusch, Stanley Fischer, Bob Gibbons, the referee, and the editor of this Journal for helpful comments. Alessandra Casella thanks the Sloan Foundation -
Market-Structure.Pdf
This chapter covers the types of market such as perfect competition, monopoly, oligopoly and monopolistic competition, in which business firms operate. Basically, when we hear the word market, we think of a place where goods are being bought and sold. In economics, market is a place where buyers and sellers are exchanging goods and services with the following considerations such as: • Types of goods and services being traded • The number and size of buyers and sellers in the market • The degree to which information can flow freely Perfect or Pure Market Imperfect Market Perfect Market is a market situation which consists of a very large number of buyers and sellers offering a homogeneous product. Under such condition, no firm can affect the market price. Price is determined through the market demand and supply of the particular product, since no single buyer or seller has any control over the price. Perfect Competition is built on two critical assumptions: . The behavior of an individual firm . The nature of the industry in which it operates The firm is assumed to be a price taker The industry is characterized by freedom of entry and exit Industry • Normal demand and supply curves • More supply at higher price Firm • Price takers • Have to accept the industry price Perfect Competition cannot be found in the real world. For such to exist, the following conditions must be observed and required: A large number of sellers Selling a homogenous product No artificial restrictions placed upon price or quantity Easy entry and exit All buyers and sellers have perfect knowledge of market conditions and of any changes that occur in the market Firms are “price takers” There are very many small firms All producers of a good sell the same product There are no barriers to enter the market All consumers and producers have ‘perfect information’ Firms sell all they produce, but they cannot set a price. -
The Theory of the Firm and the Theory of the International Economic Organization: Toward Comparative Institutional Analysis Joel P
Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business Volume 17 Issue 1 Winter Winter 1997 The Theory of the Firm and the Theory of the International Economic Organization: Toward Comparative Institutional Analysis Joel P. Trachtman Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njilb Part of the International Trade Commons Recommended Citation Joel P. Trachtman, The Theory of the Firm and the Theory of the International Economic Organization: Toward Comparative Institutional Analysis, 17 Nw. J. Int'l L. & Bus. 470 (1996-1997) This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. The Theory of the Firm and the Theory of the International Economic Organization: Toward Comparative Institutional Analysis Joel P. Trachtman* Without a theory they had nothing to pass on except a mass of descriptive material waiting for a theory, or a fire. 1 While the kind of close comparative institutional analysis which Coase called for in The Nature of the Firm was once completely outside the universe of mainstream econo- mists, and remains still a foreign, if potentially productive enterrise for many, close com- parative analysis of institutions is home turf for law professors. Hierarchical arrangements are being examined by economic theorists studying the or- ganization of firms, but for less cosmic purposes than would be served3 by political and economic organization of the production of international public goods. I. INTRODUCrION: THE PROBLEM Debates regarding the competences and governance of interna- tional economic organizations such as the World Trade Organization * Associate Professor of International Law, The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University. -
Principles of Microeconomics
PRINCIPLES OF MICROECONOMICS A. Competition The basic motivation to produce in a market economy is the expectation of income, which will generate profits. • The returns to the efforts of a business - the difference between its total revenues and its total costs - are profits. Thus, questions of revenues and costs are key in an analysis of the profit motive. • Other motivations include nonprofit incentives such as social status, the need to feel important, the desire for recognition, and the retaining of one's job. Economists' calculations of profits are different from those used by businesses in their accounting systems. Economic profit = total revenue - total economic cost • Total economic cost includes the value of all inputs used in production. • Normal profit is an economic cost since it occurs when economic profit is zero. It represents the opportunity cost of labor and capital contributed to the production process by the producer. • Accounting profits are computed only on the basis of explicit costs, including labor and capital. Since they do not take "normal profits" into consideration, they overstate true profits. Economic profits reward entrepreneurship. They are a payment to discovering new and better methods of production, taking above-average risks, and producing something that society desires. The ability of each firm to generate profits is limited by the structure of the industry in which the firm is engaged. The firms in a competitive market are price takers. • None has any market power - the ability to control the market price of the product it sells. • A firm's individual supply curve is a very small - and inconsequential - part of market supply. -
0530 New Institutional Economics
0530 NEW INSTITUTIONAL ECONOMICS Peter G. Klein Department of Economics, University of Georgia © Copyright 1999 Peter G. Klein Abstract This chapter surveys the new institutional economics, a rapidly growing literature combining economics, law, organization theory, political science, sociology and anthropology to understand social, political and commercial institutions. This literature tries to explain what institutions are, how they arise, what purposes they serve, how they change and how they may be reformed. Following convention, I distinguish between the institutional environment (the background constraints, or ‘rules of the game’, that guide individuals’ behavior) and institutional arrangements (specific guidelines designed by trading partners to facilitate particular exchanges). In both cases, the discussion here focuses on applications, evidence and policy implications. JEL classification: D23, D72, L22, L42, O17 Keywords: Institutions, Firms, Transaction Costs, Specific Assets, Governance Structures 1. Introduction The new institutional economics (NIE) is an interdisciplinary enterprise combining economics, law, organization theory, political science, sociology and anthropology to understand the institutions of social, political and commercial life. It borrows liberally from various social-science disciplines, but its primary language is economics. Its goal is to explain what institutions are, how they arise, what purposes they serve, how they change and how - if at all - they should be reformed. This essay surveys the wide-ranging and rapidly growing literature on the economics of institutions, with an emphasis on applications and evidence. The survey is divided into eight sections: the institutional environment; institutional arrangements and the theory of the firm; moral hazard and agency; transaction cost economics; capabilities and the core competence of the firm; evidence on contracts, organizations and institutions; public policy implications and influence; and a brief summary. -
Market Structures
Market Structures Lesson Goal: In this lesson, you will learn the characteristics of the 4 types of market structures: perfect competition, monopoly, monopolistic competition, and oligopoly. You will also learn how the government intervenes in the market to protect competition. Directions: Read the notes below CLOSELY for understanding, and follow the prompts given to you throughout the lesson. For example, if I ask you to pause and watch a video and take notes, pause and watch the video. Open a Google Doc and take notes as you work. WHEN the whole lesson is finished, share your completed Google Doc with me. NOTES #1 Perfect Competition The simplest market structure is known as perfect competition. It is also called pure competition. A perfectly competitive market is one with a large number of firms all producing essentially the same product. Pure competition assumes that the market is in equilibrium and that all firms sell the same product for the same price. However, each firm produces so little of the product compared to the total supply that no single firm can hope to influence prices. The only decision such producers can make is how much to produce, given their production costs and the market price. Four Conditions for Perfect Competition While very few industries meet all of the conditions for perfect competition, some come close. For example, markets for many farm products and the stocks traded on the New York Stock Exchange meet the conditions for perfect competition. The 4 conditions are: 1. Many buyers and sellers participate in the market. 2. Sellers offer identical products. -
Understanding and Maximizing America's Evolutionary Economy
UNDERSTANDING AND MAXIMIZING AMERICA’S EVOLUTIONARY ECONOMY ITIF The Information Technology & Innovation Foundation DR. ROBERT D. ATKINSON i UNDERSTANDING AND MAXIMIZING AMERICA’S EVOLUTIONARY ECONOMY DR. ROBERT D. ATKINSON OCTOBER 2014 DR. ROBERT D. ATKINSON ITIF The Information Technology & Innovation Foundation In the conventional view, the U.S. economy is a static entity, changing principally only in size (growing in normal times and contracting during recessions). But in reality, our economy is a constantly evolving complex ecosystem. The U.S. economy of 2014 is different, not just larger, than the economy of 2013. Understanding that we are dealing with an evolutionary rather than static economy has significant implications for the conceptu- alization of both economics and economic policy. Unfortunately, the two major economic doctrines that guide U.S. policymakers’ thinking—neoclassical economics and neo-Keynesian economics—are rooted in overly simplistic models of how the economy works and therefore generate flawed policy solutions. Because these doctrines emphasize the “economy as machine” model, policymakers have developed a mechanical view of policy; if they pull a lever (e.g., implement a regulation, program, or tax policy), they will get an expected result. In actuality, economies are complex evolutionary systems, which means en- abling and ensuring robust rates of evolution requires much more than the standard menu of favored options blessed by the prevailing doctrines: limiting government (for conservatives), protecting worker and “consumer” welfare (for liberals), and smoothing business cycles (for both). As economies evolve, so too do doctrines Any new economic and governing systems. After WWII when the framework for America’s United States was shifting from what Michael “fourth republic” needs Lind calls the second republic (the post-Civil War governance system) to the third republic to be grounded in an (the post-New-Deal, Great Society governance evolutionary understanding.