Jews, Not Pagans
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Suppression of Jewish Culture by the Soviet Union's Emigration
\\server05\productn\B\BIN\23-1\BIN104.txt unknown Seq: 1 18-JUL-05 11:26 A STRUGGLE TO PRESERVE ETHNIC IDENTITY: THE SUPPRESSION OF JEWISH CULTURE BY THE SOVIET UNION’S EMIGRATION POLICY BETWEEN 1945-1985 I. SOCIAL AND CULTURAL STATUS OF JEWS IN THE SOVIET SOCIETY BEFORE AND AFTER THE WAR .................. 159 R II. BEFORE THE BORDERS WERE CLOSED: SOVIET EMIGRATION POLICY UNDER STALIN (1945-1947) ......... 163 R III. CLOSING OF THE BORDER: CESSATION OF JEWISH EMIGRATION UNDER STALIN’S REGIME .................... 166 R IV. THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES: SOVIET EMIGRATION POLICY UNDER KHRUSHCHEV AND BREZHNEV .................... 168 R V. CONCLUSION .............................................. 174 R I. SOCIAL AND CULTURAL STATUS OF JEWS IN THE SOVIET SOCIETY BEFORE AND AFTER THE WAR Despite undergoing numerous revisions, neither the Soviet Constitu- tion nor the Soviet Criminal Code ever adopted any laws or regulations that openly or implicitly permitted persecution of or discrimination against members of any minority group.1 On the surface, the laws were always structured to promote and protect equality of rights and status for more than one hundred different ethnic groups. Since November 15, 1917, a resolution issued by the Second All-Russia Congress of the Sovi- ets called for the “revoking of all and every national and national-relig- ious privilege and restriction.”2 The Congress also expressly recognized “the right of the peoples of Russia to free self-determination up to seces- sion and the formation of an independent state.” Identical resolutions were later adopted by each of the 15 Soviet Republics. Furthermore, Article 124 of the 1936 (Stalin-revised) Constitution stated that “[f]reedom of religious worship and freedom of anti-religious propaganda is recognized for all citizens.” 3 1 See generally W.E. -
Antisemitism and the Left
2 Marx’s defence of Jewish emancipation and critique of the Jewish question The Jew … must cease to be a Jew if he will not allow himself to be hindered by his law from fulfilling his duties to the State and his fellow-citizens. (Bruno Bauer, Die Judenfrage)1 The Jews (like the Christians) are fully politically emancipated in various states. Both Jews and Christians are far from being humanly emancipated. Hence there must be a difference between political and human emancipation. (Marx and Engels, The Holy Family)2 Capitalism has not only doomed the social function of the Jews; it has also doomed the Jews themselves. (Abram Leon, ‘Toward a Solution to the Jewish Question’)3 Within the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, the perspectives of Jewish eman- cipation and the Jewish question were synthesised to the extent that emancipation was justified in terms of solving the Jewish question. Within the French Revolu- tion, the inclusive face of universalism that was articulated in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen was synthesised with the terror directed at those labelled ‘enemies of humanity’. In both the Enlightenment and the revolutionary tradition, however, there were alternative ways of thinking about Jewish emancipation that sought to break radically from the prejudicial assump- tions of the Jewish question. In the nineteenth century, the synthesis of Jewish emancipation and the Jewish question was to be torn apart. On the one hand, the Jewish question was set in opposition to Jewish emancipation; on the other hand, Jewish emancipation was justified independently of the Jewish question.4 The tensions contained in the eighteenth-century synthesis could no longer be held in check. -
French Protestant Churches and the Persecution of the Jews in France Michael R
French Protestant Churches and the Persecution of the Jews in France Michael R. Marrus Generally speaking, French Protestantism was inevitably more sensitive to the predicament of the Jewish minority in France than the Catholic majority. Numbering about 600,000 on the eve of the war, Protestants were divided into several confessional groups, gathered under the umbrella of the Fédération Protestante de France. Themselves a minority, Protestants had a long history of being outside the religious mainstream and carried a historical memory of fierce persecution during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Further, they often had Jewish or German-sounding names, and of course were normally unable to produce baptismal certificates, useful in proving that the bearer was not Jewish. Ever since the advent of the Vichy regime, as pressure mounted against Jews and Freemasons, Protestants harbored fears of “a new clericalism,” of which they too might become victims. In the summer of 1941, Pastor Marc Boegner, president of the Fédération Protestante, heard widespread rumors that Protestants were next on Vichy’s list of enemies. Along with a handful of other Protestants, Marc Boegner was among the first to protest Vichy's anti-Jewish legislation. Of Alsatian background, and profoundly patriotic, Boegner was widely respected at Vichy as a figure of international standing. His words could not be ignored. Under instructions from the Eglise Réformée de France, of which he was also the head, he expressed his objectives in two letters, sent in March 1941, one to the head of government Admiral François Darlan (himself of protestant origins) and the other to Isaïe Schwartz, then Grand Rabbi of France. -
On the Jewish Question” (1843)
KARL MARX, “On the Jewish Question” (1843) In: The Marx-Engels Reader. Edited by Robert Tucker, New York: Norton & Company, 1978. p. 26 - 46. _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ The German Jews seek emancipation. What kind of emancipation do they want? Civic, political emancipation. Bruno Bauer replies to them: In Germany no one is politically emancipated. We ourselves are not free. How then could we liberate you? You Jews are egoists if you demand for yourselves, as Jews, a special emancipation. You should work, as Germans, for the political emancipation of Germany, and as men, for the emancipation of mankind. You should feel the particular kind of oppression and shame which you suffer, not as an exception to the rule but rather as a confirmation of the rule. Or do the Jews want to be placed on a footing of equality with the Christian subjects? If they recognize the Christian state as legally established they also recognize the regime of general enslave- [27] ment. Why should their particular yoke be irksome when they accept the general yoke? Why should the German be interested in liberation of the Jew, if the Jew is not interested in the liberation of the German? The Christian state recognizes nothing but privileges. The Jew himself, in this state, has the privilege of being a Jew. As a Jew he possesses rights which the Christians do not have. Why does he want rights which he does not have but which the Christians enjoy? In demanding his emancipation from the Christian state he asks the Christian state to abandon its religious prejudice. -
Marx's Defence of Jewish Emancipation and Critique of The
2 Marx’s defence of Jewish emancipation and critique of the Jewish question The Jew … must cease to be a Jew if he will not allow himself to be hindered by his law from fulfilling his duties to the State and his fellow-citizens. (Bruno Bauer, Die Judenfrage)1 The Jews (like the Christians) are fully politically emancipated in various states. Both Jews and Christians are far from being humanly emancipated. Hence there must be a difference between political and human emancipation. (Marx and Engels, The Holy Family)2 Capitalism has not only doomed the social function of the Jews; it has also doomed the Jews themselves. (Abram Leon, ‘Toward a Solution to the Jewish Question’)3 Within the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, the perspectives of Jewish eman- cipation and the Jewish question were synthesised to the extent that emancipation was justified in terms of solving the Jewish question. Within the French Revolu- tion, the inclusive face of universalism that was articulated in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen was synthesised with the terror directed at those labelled ‘enemies of humanity’. In both the Enlightenment and the revolutionary tradition, however, there were alternative ways of thinking about Jewish emancipation that sought to break radically from the prejudicial assump- tions of the Jewish question. In the nineteenth century, the synthesis of Jewish emancipation and the Jewish question was to be torn apart. On the one hand, the Jewish question was set in opposition to Jewish emancipation; on the other hand, Jewish emancipation was justified independently of the Jewish question.4 The tensions contained in the eighteenth-century synthesis could no longer be held in check. -
Jewish Persecutions and Weather Shocks: 1100-1800⇤
Jewish Persecutions and Weather Shocks: 1100-1800⇤ § Robert Warren Anderson† Noel D. Johnson‡ Mark Koyama University of Michigan, Dearborn George Mason University George Mason University This Version: 30 December, 2013 Abstract What factors caused the persecution of minorities in medieval and early modern Europe? We build amodelthatpredictsthatminoritycommunitiesweremorelikelytobeexpropriatedinthewake of negative income shocks. Using panel data consisting of 1,366 city-level persecutions of Jews from 936 European cities between 1100 and 1800, we test whether persecutions were more likely in colder growing seasons. A one standard deviation decrease in average growing season temperature increased the probability of a persecution between one-half and one percentage points (relative to a baseline probability of two percent). This effect was strongest in regions with poor soil quality or located within weak states. We argue that long-run decline in violence against Jews between 1500 and 1800 is partly attributable to increases in fiscal and legal capacity across many European states. Key words: Political Economy; State Capacity; Expulsions; Jewish History; Climate JEL classification: N33; N43; Z12; J15; N53 ⇤We are grateful to Megan Teague and Michael Szpindor Watson for research assistance. We benefited from comments from Ran Abramitzky, Daron Acemoglu, Dean Phillip Bell, Pete Boettke, Tyler Cowen, Carmel Chiswick, Melissa Dell, Dan Bogart, Markus Eberhart, James Fenske, Joe Ferrie, Raphäel Franck, Avner Greif, Philip Hoffman, Larry Iannaccone, Remi Jedwab, Garett Jones, James Kai-sing Kung, Pete Leeson, Yannay Spitzer, Stelios Michalopoulos, Jean-Laurent Rosenthal, Naomi Lamoreaux, Jason Long, David Mitch, Joel Mokyr, Johanna Mollerstrom, Robin Mundill, Steven Nafziger, Jared Rubin, Gail Triner, John Wallis, Eugene White, Larry White, and Ekaterina Zhuravskaya. -
Comprehending Antisemitism Through the Ages: Introduction
Kerstin Mayerhofer and Armin Lange Comprehending Antisemitism through the Ages: Introduction Robert Wistrich’sdefinition of antisemitism as the “longest hatred”¹ carries as much weight now as it did thirty years ago, when Wistrich published his land- mark study. Today, in our contemporary societies and culture, antisemitism is on the rise, and its manifestations are manifold. Antisemitic hate crimes have spiked in recent decades, and antisemitic stereotypes, sentiments, and hate speech have permeated all parts of the political spectrum. In order to effectively counteract the ever-growingJew-hatred of our times, it is important to recognise the traditions thathavefed antisemitism throughout history.Antisemitism is an age-old hatreddeeplyembeddedinsocieties around the globe. While the inter- net and modern media have contributed beyond measure to the increase of Jew- hatred in all parts of the world, the transformation processes thatantisemitism has been undergoing through the ages remain the same. Acorecondition of an- tisemitism is its versatile nature and adaptability,both of which can be traced through all periods of time. Current-day antisemitism is shaped and sustained not onlybypowerful precedents but also reflects common fears and anxieties that our societies are faced with in aworld that is ever changingand where the changes run even faster todaythaneverbefore. Historical awareness of the nature of antisemitism, therefore, is more important than ever.The present volume, thus, wantstohelp raise this awareness.Its articles tracethe history of antisemitismand the tradition of antisemitic stereotypes through the ages. It documents various manifestations of antisemitism over time and reflects on the varyingmotivations for antisemitism.Assuch, these contributions shed light on socio-culturaland socio-psychological processes that have led to the spike of antisemitism in various periods of time and in varyingintensity.In this way, they can help to establish methods and policies to not onlytocounter current antisemitic manifestations but also to combat them. -
The Public Square and the Jew As Religious Other, 44 Hastings L.J
Hastings Law Journal Volume 44 | Issue 4 Article 4 1-1993 The Public quaS re and the Jew as Religious Other Sheldon H. Nahmod Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Sheldon H. Nahmod, The Public Square and the Jew as Religious Other, 44 Hastings L.J. 865 (1993). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal/vol44/iss4/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Law Journal by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Public Square and the Jew as Religious Other by SHELDON H. NAHMOD* Introduction In The Other Side of Religion,1 Professor William Marshall suggests that the United States places two primary constraints on the role of reli- gion in the "public square,"'2 the site of public political decisionmaking. The formal constraint is the Establishment Clause, while the informal constraint is "the general perception that religion and religious convic- tion are purely private matters that have no role or place in the nation's political process."' 3 In support of these constraints, he argues that there ought to be a presumption against religious involvement in the public square because religion by its nature has a "dark side."'4 Marshall uses Dostoevsky's Grand Inquisitor narrative from The Brothers Karamazov as a proof-text to demonstrate that religious "perse- cution and intolerance [cannot] be ascribed to the malevolence of reli- gious leaders.. -
Karen Musalo
LEGAL AND PROTECTION POLICY RESEARCH SERIES Claims for Protection Based on Religion or Belief: Analysis and Proposed Conclusions Karen Musalo Resident Scholar and Director, Center for Gender Refugee Studies University of California, Hastings College of the Law DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL PROTECTION PPLA/2002/01 December 2002 PROTECTION POLICY AND LEGAL ADVICE SECTION (PPLA) DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL PROTECTION UNITED NATIONS HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR REFUGEES CP 2500, 1211 Geneva 2 Switzerland E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.unhcr.org This paper was commissioned by UNHCR (Department of International Protection) as a background paper for an expert discussion on religion organized as part of the follow-up to the Agenda for Protection. The views expressed in this paper are not necessarily those of UNHCR. The paper is available online at http://www.unhcr.org/protect. © United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees 2002 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior written permission of UNHCR. LEGAL AND PROTECTION POLICY RESEARCH SERIES Claims for Protection Based on Religion or Belief: Analysis and Proposed Conclusions Karen Musalo Resident Scholar and Director, Center for Gender Refugee Studies University of California, Hastings College of the Law DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL PROTECTION PPLA/2002/01 December 2002 Table of Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY I. INTRODUCTION -
Conflicting Images of Children in First Amendment Jurisprudence
Pepperdine Law Review Volume 30 Issue 1 Article 1 12-15-2002 Conflicting Images of Children in First Amendment Jurisprudence David L. Tubbs Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.pepperdine.edu/plr Part of the First Amendment Commons, and the Juvenile Law Commons Recommended Citation David L. Tubbs Conflicting Images of Children in First Amendment Jurisprudence, 30 Pepp. L. Rev. Iss. 1 (2003) Available at: https://digitalcommons.pepperdine.edu/plr/vol30/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Caruso School of Law at Pepperdine Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Pepperdine Law Review by an authorized editor of Pepperdine Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]. Conflicting Images of Children in First Amendment Jurisprudence David L. Tubbs* The corruption of the public mind, in general, and debauching the manners of youth, in particular,by lewd and obscene pictures exhibited to view, must necessarily be attended with the most injurious consequences, and in such instances, courts ofjustice are, or ought to be, the schools of morals.' [T]he Constitution does not permit government to decide which types of otherwise protected speech are sufficiently offensive to requireprotection for the unwilling listener or viewer.... [T]he burden normally falls upon the viewer to "avoidfurther bombardment of [his] sensibilities simply by averting [his] eyes. "2 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION II. OBSCENITY JURISPRUDENCE FROM 1868 TO 1957: AN OVERVIEW III. CRACKS IN THE SHIELD: THE NEW OBSCENITY JURISPRUDENCE AND THE PROBLEM OF "INCIDENTAL EXPOSURE" IV. -
''Especially Special'': Learning About Jews in a Fundamentalist Christian
‘‘Especially Special’’: Learning About Jews in a Fundamentalist Christian School SIMONE SCHWEBER University of Wisconsin-Madison REBEKAH IRWIN University of Wisconsin-Madison Based on the premise that private religious schools function sociologically as crucibles for collective memory work, this study examined the image of Jews conveyed through a Holocaust unit as taught at a fundamentalist Christian school. After presenting an analysis of both the enacted and experienced curricular dimensions of the unit, we argue that studies of abstracted othersFothers studied about rather than interacted withFwithin communal religious schools potentially pose problematic implications for students’ multicultural sensibilities. Moreover, we claim that, given these impli- cations, religion, as a category, ought to be both more consistently included within multicultural education frameworks and more closely examined within lived, classroom practice. In the fall of 2000, the U.S. Department of Education reported that more than five million students were attending religious private schools (National Center for Educational Statistics 2000). To meet these enrollment demands, religious elementary school construction has increased by 234 percent over the last decade, nearly twice the rate of public school construction.1 During the same period, the number of parents home-schooling their children more than doubled, largely due to parents’ religious convictions (Apple 2001; Bauman 2001).2 Although it remains to be seen how the Supreme Court decision on school vouchers in Zelman v. Simmons-Harris (2002) will affect educational policies nationally, it seems likely that public monies will be used to support various kinds of religious education in the near future. Despite this growth in religious schooling, the inclusion of religion within multicultural education paradigms has been irregular. -
The Catholic Elites in Brazil and Their Attitude Toward the Jews, 1933–1939* Graciela Ben-Dror
The Catholic Elites in Brazil and Their Attitude Toward the Jews, 1933–1939* Graciela Ben-Dror The 1930s were a decade of sweeping political, social, and economic changes in Brazil. The revolution in 1930 propelled Getúlio Vargas to the presidency;1 there was a distinct political polarization; the general persecution of Communists and the left turned into repression of the same in 1935; and Vargas established an authoritarian state, the Estado Novo (“New State”), in November 1937. All these events affected the attitude of the new political and intellectual elites2 toward the Jewish issue and lent the nascent anti-Jewish climate an additional dimension.3 This climate was abetted by racist ideas that been gestating in Brazil since the late nineteenth century and that had nestled in the consciousness of senior bureaucrats and decision-makers.4 Moreover, a few Brazilian Fascists - members of the Integralist Party, an important movement - helped generate the climate of anti-Jewish hostility by creating the metaphor of the Jew who threatens Brazil and equating Jews with Communists.5 These factors – and 1Boris Fausto, A revolução de 1930 (São Paulo: Editora Brasiliense S. A., 1995, first edition, 1970), pp. 92–114. In this book, one of the most important works on the reasons for the 1930 revolution, Fausto argues that the revolution marked the end of the ruling hegemony of the bourgeoisie at that time. The revolution, prompted by the need to reorganize the country’s economic structure, led to the formation of a regime that arranged compromises among classes and sectors. The military, with its various agencies, became the dominant factor in Brazil’s political development.