Semi-Monthly Organ of the Opposition Group in the Communist Party of A m erica “Ic it necettary that every member of die Party should study calmly and with the greatest objectivity first the «.tv*,.,... „r .. , ,, opinion, and then the development of the struggles within the Party. Neither the one nor the other r a bTdone untoTtfo The wde. me publish«!. He who takes somebody's word for U i, a hopeless idiot, who can be «fopomd o f^ i* a ^ p k g ^ o f^ h T d !”_ u S MILITANT V O L 11. No. 7. NEW YORK. N. Y.,_APRIL_1,_1 ->29. PRICE T CF.NTS TROTSKY’S REPLY TO STALIN
To the Central Committee of the Communist formed the vanguard of the proletariat into a rear awarded the “historical right” to Stalin. guard of Pilsudski; which in China carried out Party of the Soviet Union! If this blind, cowardly, incompetent policy of to the end the historical line of Menshevism To the Executive Committee of the Communist In adaptation to the bureaucracy and the petty bour and thereby helped the bourgeoisie to demolish, geoisie had not been followed, the situation of ternational! to bleed and to behead the revolutionary proletar the working masses in the twelfth year of the dic iat; which weakened the Comintern everywhere Today, December 16th, the representative of the tatorship would be far more favorable; the mili and squandered its ideological capital . Council of the G.P.U. Volinsky, transmitted the tary defense far firmer and more trustworthy; following ultimatum to me orally: To cease political activity would mean to sub the Comintern would be in quite a different posi "The work of your own colleagues in the coun mit passively to the blunting and the direct falsi tion and would not have to retreat step by step try” — he declared almost literally— "has lately as fication of our most important weapon: the Marx before the traitorous and bribed social democracy. sumed an open counter-revolutionary character. ist method, and the strategical lessons we acquired The conditions under which you live in Alma Alta The incurable weakness of this apparatus re give you full possibilities to direct this work. On action in the Party, despite all its apparent pow this ground the Council of the G. P. U. has de er, lies in the fact that it does not know what cided to demand of you the categorical promise Comrade Trotsky to the it is doing. It is carrying out the command of to discontinue this work, or else the Council will the enemy classes. There can be no greater his be obliged to change your conditions of existence in the sense of a complete isolation from political American Opposition torical curse for a faction that arose out of the life. In connection with this the question of chang Revolution and is now undermining it. ing your place of residence is also raised." We are able to announce that the Com munist Opposition in the United States has The great historical strength of the Opposition, I declared to the representative of the G. P. U., finally succeeded in getting into direct con despite its momentary weakness, lies in the fact that I would only give him a written answer to a nection with comrade L. D. Trotsky, who is that it feels the pulse of world historical pro written formulation. My refusal to give an oral now living in exile in Pera, the foreign quarter cesses, that it clearly perceives the dynamics of reply to the G. P. U. was called forth by exper of Constantinople! We have just received class forces, that it foresees the future and pre iences of previous times; my words would be mali a letter written by comrade Trotsky to the pares for it consciously. Te renounce political ciously distorted in order to mislead the working United States stating that he has largely over activity would be to renounce the preparations for masses o f the U . S. S. R. and the whole w orld. come his malarial affliction, is in fairly good the coming day. Nevertheless, irrespective of the further steps * * * health and has not the slightest intention of to be undertaken by the G. P. U., which after all The threat to change my conditions of existence plays no independent role in this mater but only dying despite the ardent wishes of the ene mies of Bolshevism. In a very early issue we and to isolate me from political activity carries out technically the old decision of the sounds as though I am not separated by narrow Stalin faction which I have known for some expect to present to our readers a message from comrade Trotsky to the American Com 2500 miles from Moscow and by 150 miles time, I consider it necessary to submit the follow from the nearest railroad and by approxi ing to the Central Committee of the Communist munists. We are further assured of regular contributions from comrade Trotsky to the mately the same distance from the border of the Party of the Soviet Union and the Executive Com desolate Western provinces of China, where the mittee of the Comintern: Militant and we intend to publish a new article by him in every issue of our paper. tierccst malaria shares its dominion with leprosy To demand that I renounce my political activity and pestilence. As though the Stalin faction, is to demand that I abjure the struggle for the in Long life to comrade Trotsky, die living leader of world Bolshevism! whose direct organ is the G. P. U., had not done terests of the international proletariat, a struggle everything in its power to isolate me not only from I have been conducting without interruption for political life, but from any other form of life as thirty-two years, that is, during my whole con in struggle under the leadership of Lenin and well. The Moscow newspapers arrive here only scious life. The attempt to represent this activi with the aid of this method. after a delay of ten days to a month, sometimes ty of mine as "counter-revolutionary” emanates It would mean to be reconciled passively—by more. Letters get to me only in exceptional cases, from those whom I accuse before the internation bearing the responsibility for them-—to the theory after they have lain around for two or three months al proletariat of trampling under foot the basic of the Kulak's growing into Socialism, to the myth in the drawers of the G. P. U. and the Secretariat teachings of Marx and Lenin, of injuring the his about the revolutionary mission of the colonial of the Central Committee. torical interests of the world revolution, of break bourgeoisie, to the slogan of the "combined wor Two of my closest co-workers since the civil ing with the traditions and the heritage of the kers’ and peasants' parties” for the East, a slogan war, comrades Scrmouks and Posnansky, who ac October, of the unconscious—and therefore the w hich breaks w ith the foundations o f class theory, companied me voluntarily to my place of exile, more dangerous—preparation for the Thermidor. and finally to that which is the crowning point of were arrested immediately upon their arrival, To renounce political activity would mean to all these reactionary fables and many others, the thrown into a cellar with common criminals, and give up the struggle against the blindness of the theory of socialism in a single country, the great then sent away to the remotest corners of the present leadership which heaps upon the objective est crime against revolutionary internationalism. North. A letter from my hopelessly sick daugh difficulties of socialist construction ever greater The Leninist wing of the Party has endured ter, whom you expelled from the Party and kept political difficulties that arise out of the opportun blows since 1923, that is, since the unprecedented from all work, took seventy-three days to get to ist incapacity to conduct a proletarian policy on defeat of the German revolution. The force of me from the hospital, so that my answer found a large historical scale. these blows has increased w ith every successive de her no longer alive. Another letter on the serious It would mean the renunciation of the struggle feat of the international and the Russian proletariat illness of my second daughter, whom you also ex against the stifling regime in the Party which as a result of the opportunist leadership. pelled from the Party and drove from all work, reflects the growing pressure of the enemy classes Theoretical understanding and political exper I received a month ago from Moscow, forty-three upon the proletarian vanguard. ience teach us that a period of retreat, of retro days after it was mailed. Telegraphic inquiries It would mean to be passively reconciled to the gression, that is, of reaction, can take place not about health hardly ever reach their destination. economic policy of opportunism, a policy which only after bourgeois revolutions, but also In a similar or far worse position arc thousands of undermines and destroys the foundations of the after proletarian revolutions. For si x years the best Bolshevik-Leninists. whose services to the proletarian dictatorship, which hampers the ma we have lived in the U.S.S.R. under conditions October revolution and to the international prole terial and cultural growth of this dictatorship and of growing reaction against the October, and with tariat are infinitely greater than the services of at the same time deals heavy blows at the alliance it the clearing of the road for the Thermidor. The those who exiled or imprisoned them. of the workers and the working peasants, the basis most open and consummate expression of this re In preparing still more cruel repressions against of the Soviet power. action within the Party- is the wild persecution the Opposition, the narrow faction of Stalin, whom The renunciation of political activity would and the organized smashing of the Left wing. Lenin characterized in his “Testament” as rude mean to cover with silence the disastrous policy In its last attempts to resist the open Thcrmi- and disloyal, (at a time when these characteristics of the International leadership which, in Germany, dorians, the Stalin faction had to borrow the "rub had not yet reached a one-hundredth part of their 1925, led to the surrender of great revolutionary bish” and the ‘'remnants” of the ideas of the Op present development), is attempting with thc< positions without a struggle; a policy which at position. Creatively, it is impotent. The struggle help of the G. P. U. to lay at the door of the Op tempted to cover up its opportunistic mistakes against the Left deprives it of all firmness. Its position some kind of “connection” with the ene with the adventures in Esthonia and Bulgaria; practical policy is unbalanced, false, contradictory mies of the dictatorship. Among themselves the which falsely estimated the international situation and unworthy of confidence. present leaders say: “We have to do this for the at the Fifth Congress and gave the Parties direct The campaign against the Right Danger, masses.” And very often even more cynically: ives which only weakened and split them, a policy undertaken with such clamor, remains three-quar “That is for the simpletons.” M y close co-worker, which, through the Anglo-Russian Committee, ters only a sham campaign and serves above all to Georgi Vassilievitch Butov, secretary of the Rev supported the British General Council, the bul coyer up the real war of annihilation against the olutionary War Council during all the years of wark of imperialist reaction, in the most difficult Bolshevik-Leninists before the masses. The world the civil war, was arrested and detained under months for the traitorous reformists; which in Po bourgeoisie and international menshevism have unheard of conditions. From this upright and land, at the sharp internal turning point, trans both blessed this war; these judges have long ago CONTINUED ON PAGE 3 THE MILITANT April !, 1919
Next Steps in the Struggle Boston Works M aterial for the National Conference Discussion for a Weekly T is now more than 5 13,- Tom ^c P. Cannon restrainted those afflicted Imonths since our decku with weak knees and Militant Fund ration in support of the Russian Opposition, made faint hearts from joining our struggle. Those who passed to our side through this selective process The Boston group of the Communist Op on the occasion of our return from the Sixth Con position opened its campaign for the Weekly gress of the Communist International, was ans only grew firmer in their convictions and stronger in their confidence under the pressure on us. M ilitant with the holding of a Vetcherinka wered by expulsion from the Party. The period on Sunday night, March 24th which was which has intervened since that time has seen a The experience of the International Opposition attended by a good crowd. A profit of ¿(50. steady development of the work of popularising has not been in vain. The nature of the struggle was realied by the affair and contributed to the main ideas of the Opposition, a task which has is so clear now that Zinovievs, Fishers and Mas- the fund for the Weekly. Comrade Schlos- been carried on in the face of a campaign of falsi lows can no longer be attracted to it. It will be berg, who presided, reminded the comrades fication and incitement reminiscent of Palmer s the duty of the Conference to sum up this Inter of a similar gathering held during the war days and having not a little of the same essential national experience and to say that capitulationist which many of those present had attended content. tendencies are a foreign substance in the move which had marked the launching of the There could be no better testimony to the revo ment of the Communist Opposition which must be Boston section of the Left W ing movement lutionary impulses in the Party ranks than the fact cast aside in the most ruthless fashion at their first and said the same spirit which had animated that the revolutionary platform of the Opposition appearance. the pioneers of Communism in those days was able in so short a time to make its way through Capitulation on the terms of the bureaucratic was in our Opposition movement today. the "cordon sanitaire" of corrupted bureaucracy destroyers o f the Communist International means and to find supporters in every section of the to give up participation in intellectual and political The Boston group held a special meeting Party, in all parts of the country, who stood up in life at a time when the movement stands most in on Saturday, March 23rd, on the occasion of defense of that platform even to the point of ex need of this participation by all the creative forces. Comrade Cannon’s visit to the city and de pulsion from the Party. These are the vanguard It means to become a silent partner in the criminal cided to accept a quota of ¿(250. for the fund fighters for the Communist ideal and the living destruction of the Russian Revolution and the for the Weekly. The amount raised at the proof of its vitality. Their firmer union on a na Communist International. I t means treason to Vetcherinka is the first installment on this tional scale and their collective preparation for Communism and to the cause o f the w orking pledge. class. the next stages o f the struggle now stand on the In our last issue we remarked that reports order of the day. The National Conference of the We have no doubt that the Conference will from Kansas City and other places were “ still estimate the question in this way and give a rev- Opposition, which w ill convene in Chicago on May awaited.” Since then K. C. has been heard 17th, w ill be devoted to these tasks. The thoughts oltionary answer to it. In doing so it will have from in the form of a letter from “Shorty” to go beneath the surface and attack the germs of of the most reliable and tested militants of Ameri Buehler, the veteran of the Communist move can Communism are turning to the forthcoming this disease w hich present themselves in the form ment there who is famous for doing things of “ ultra-legalism” in the struggle for our views. Conference which is fraught with such a great which others consider impossible. significance for the future. This is the "advice” frequently given to us by The Conference w ill sharpen the line of our "sympathizers” o f our cause who th in k i t s u ffi “ K . C. comrades pledge $100.” says the struggle and work out the organization forms for cient to hold views in secret and do nothing to letter. “Enclosed find check for $20. as a the next stage of its development. The action of advance them because it is prohibited by the bu starter on the pledge. Keep up the good the Convention in rejecting our appeal and deny reaucrats. This “advice” must be specifically and ing us the right to be heard, w ill naturally have no categorically rejected by the Conference as it has been in all of our activities since the expulsions A1 G lotzer, fo r the Chicago group, sends influence in halting this determination. The Con along another $56. to apply on their pledged vention, which was packed and prearranged by began. The movement of the International Com quota of $500. This makes a total of $176.50 the mechanical exclusion of the Opposition, ac munist Opposition is a fighting movement and it from Chicago so far which puts it ahead of complished nothing whatever except to demon w ill triumph by struggle. We can agree to give all points East, but still behind Minneapolis. strate again the bankruptcy of the regime. Formal up extraordinary methods and organization in this decisions arrived at in this way cannot be taken struggle only when our Party rights and the Party Individual responses to our circulation of as a substitution for conclusions based on free col rights of all our comrades throughout the Inter collection lists are beginning to come in. L. lective work of revolutionaries. national are restored. S. Quong, a Chinese comrade who has al W hile confirming the fighting methods we have The question has been asked by timid people ready contributed more than five dollars employed in the Communist struggle for our views in the Party ranks whether the action of the Con through the Chicago group, sends another vention, which was inspired and is fully supported and working out the organization forms for their dollar on his own list. Charlie Byrne sends by the Stalin leadership in the Comintern, w ill intensification and further development, the Con a five spot on his own account from Youngs prompt the Opposition to give up the struggle and ference w ill also have to answer the question of a town. Joseph Keller, of Cleveland, sends new Party. This tendency, the antipode of capit- return to the Party on the terms implied in the five dollars and says, “ I am very glad to hear present policy toward the Opposition on an Inter ulationism, has a superficial attractiveness. It the news of the campaign for a Weekly national scale. It is a significant feature of the could be seriously entertained by the Opposition, M ilitant and w ill do my best in securing subs Opposition movement that not a single voice in however, only if it had become clear that the and money toward its maintenance. The be Communist International, of which our Party is favor of this has been heard in its ranks. De ginning may appear slow, but there surely spite the difficult circumstances under which we a part, had definitely left the proletarian path. w ill be good results later.” conduct our work, or perhaps becauie of them, the This is by no means the case. The bureaucratiza Alex Schreiber, treasurer of the Detroit determination to carry on the fight to a victorious tion and opportunist politics of its upper stratum are the objects of our attack. group, sends $5.75 as the first installment conclusion, no matter how long it takes nor how and Rosa Powell sends another contribution hard the road, has bjen voiced on every side. We The Comintern possesses enormous revolution of three dollars from Richmond California. are confident tuat the National Conference w ill ary resources in its proletarian ranks which are be A collection of $60.50 for the Weekly fund confirm this attitude unanimously. ginning to assemble and take shape. The Opposi was taken at the Trotsky protest meeting There' has been much speculation in the circles tio n must continue to base itse lf on them. O ur policy w ill become the policy of the proletarian held in New York on March 9th. In addi of the party bureaucracy on the appearance of a tion to this a number of individual contri "Zinoviev” tendency, that is, a tendency toward forces of the Comintern if the correct tactics in furtherance of it are employed. A split in the butions have been received, the largest of capitulation, toward treason to principle, in the which is $10. from comrade Louis Stone. ranks of the Opposition. Such things are, of Comintern is the aim of the Stalinist bureaucrats. course, possible on the part of individuals, but we The unification of the Comintern on the basis of The struggle to maintain our M ilitant even do not believe they will be seen. The nature of Leninism, against the bureaucrats and opportunists, as a semi-monthly has been a hard one which the campaign against us was not without its pos is the slogan of the Opposition. W ith this slogan required sacrifices all around of a kind which itive side in our favor. The fact that expulsion we w ill defeat all attempts to isolate us from the only pioneers animated by real convictions and unprecedented calumny had to be faced by Party membership. The tactics proceeding from and Communist determination are able to every Party member coming out for our platform this slogan w ill be the means of helping the prole make. The establishment and maintenance tarian tendency in the Party to find the right line of the Weekly w ill be a still harder struggle and march on the same path w ith us. for a time, but the Opposition Militants will Alongside the task of penetrating ever deeper go through with it just the same. THE MILITANT into the Party ranks with our agitation, we have The Weekly Militant must and will be Published twice a month by the Opposition Group in the the task of recruiting and organizing the revolu realized. Communist Party of America tionary workers outside the Party who are be Amount necessary to start Weekly $2,000.00 Address all mail to: P. O. Box 120, Madison Square coming attracted to our banner in large numbers. Previously acknowledged ..$382.00 Station, New York, N. Y. This is a revolutionary duty of the greatest im Received since last issue...... 180.70 Publishers address at 340 East 19th Street, New York, portance which the Opposition must perform. The N . Y. — Telephone: Gramercy 3411. present leadership has failed miserably in this. Total contributions to date...... $ 562.70 Subscription rate: $1.00 per year. Foreign, $1.50 Among these non-Party Comunists are thous 5C pet copy Bundle rates, 3c per copy. ands and tens of thousands who have been aliena Balance needed ...... -.....$1437.30 Associate Editor* ted and estranged from the Party but who remain Martin Abem true to the cause o f communism. The problem Send Contributions to James P. Cannon Max Shachtman Maurice Specter of organizing them is not separate from the work T H E M I L I T A N T within the Party ranks but is bound up with it. Box 120, Madison Square Station V O L 11. " APH1L 1. 1929 N o ~ Tha National Conference of the Opposition must New York City. v/ork out the organization form for this double task. April 1, 1979. THE MILITANT F u e l A New Dawes Plan for the Old HE so-called Experts Conference now meeting vested in Germany since the inauguration of the T in Paris, in an attempt to "settle” for the By Max Shachtman Dawes Plan. nth time the question of German reparations There is no doubt that a temporary “solution” and debt payments, has projected the most ambi ing bank will not settle the question. A t best it —by the typical method of capitalist anarchy- tious plan for American imperialist domination of will succeed only in delaying for a brief period can be found to this problem. But the solution Europe that has yet been presented. The plan the final revolutionary solution. can “ w o rk" only at the expense o f the German calls for the establishment of an international debt Such a bank cannot settle the question to the proletariat, already doubly-exploited, already sub bank for the ostensible purpose of regulating the satisfaction of France and England on one side, jected to a most intense rationaliation, already movement of the funds created by reparations and and Germany or the United States on the other. driven into a constantly lower condition of life. war debts. Tran sal ted into the language of the The German bourgeoisie demands a sharp down A ll signs point to the increased rapidity of the current world financial relation of forces, the ward revision of the reparations payments. That is, tempo of this development. establishment of such a bank would result in the the German industrialists and bankers, with the American imperialism, already deeply involvd establishment of a hitherto unequalled domination renewed strength accumulated in the past years of in the maelstrom of world economics and drawn of the countries of Europe especially such as the inexorably deeper into the vortex, is seeking to rehabilitation, demand a greater share of the prof United States has never before enjoyed. fight its way out at the expense of the European its extorted from the sorely pressed German prole The pian becomes even clearer when it is un bourgeoisie, chiefly of the German bourgeoisie, tariat which up to now have been turned over in derstood that the only country at present in a posi who in turn unload their burdens on the German part to the Allied bourgeoisie in reparations pay tion to organize and insure the maintenance of proletariat. The German bourgeoisie, for its part, ments. such an institution is the United States, whose is preparing the grounds for a more violent pres enormous and dominating financial power would On the other hand, England, whose financial sure upon the w orking class. be immediately reflected in its control of the condition is far from a desirable one, demands from These preparations are reflected on the political policies of the bank. It is not for nothing that Germany the payment of such reparations as w ill field by the movement for a "bloodless putsch” in the head of the American "unofficial” delegation cover at least the British debt to the United States, Germany, for the establishment of a naked dic to the conference is J. P. Morgan who sits in the w hich has been estimated at some five b illio n dol tatorship. The reactibnary press in Germany de center of the immense American financial spider lars. mands ever greater power for the President, Hin- web that extends over the entire capitalist world. The French Shylocks demand from Germany denburg, who has, significantly enough, refused The proposal has left the European press breath payments that w ill run up to about four billion to withdraw from the position of honorary chief less. Am erican finance capital is playing its cards dollars, that is, the French debt to the United of the fascist Stahihelm. The same press is filled with a sure, firm hand, and the plan it offers is States, plus its debt to England, plus the indemnity with sharp critcisms of "the outworn, fruitless another way of informing the bourgeoisie of it claims fo r the devastated w ar areas. U n fo rtu n parliamentary system.” It is further significant Europe that the U. S. has every intention of press ately for Germany, incidentally, France still holds that Hjalmar Schacht, head of the German State ing the knife more sharply to their throats in an over its head the question of evacuating the 2nd Bank, and chief German negotiator at the Experts' attempt to put an end to the uncertainty with and 3rd Rhine zones, to which Briand will not Conference, is mentioned prominently for the post which the question of reparations and debt pay pledge himself definitely unless there is a satisfac of German Mussolini. Incidentally, the German ments has hitherto been surrounded. tory financial settlement. social-democracy, nominally at the head of the gov American domination of such a bank—and no Similar demands are presented by the other ernment, is in reality clearing the road for the re other domination is at present conceivable—would former Allies; the Little Entente even goes so far actionary coup, and the repetition of a collabora leave the disputed questions entirely in the hands (under French and Italian coaching, to be sure,) tion with naked reaction to suppress the rebellious of W all Street. The primary function of the in as to demand that Germany pay the entire debt of proletariat—as was done years ago by Ebert and stitution, according to the announcements, would the former Entente of the Central Empires. Severing—is entirely likely. be to "act as trustee in receiving from Germany American imperialism, further, has no inclina The bourgeoisie may feel elated at the thought such annuities as may be arranged and disbursing tion to see the Allies receiving sufficient funds that they arc solving this delicate question satis these among the creditor nations . . . It also could from Germany to maintain and strengthen their factorily by uprooting the old Dawes plan in order cooperate with and act as an essential intermediary military and naval machinery for probable future to plant a new one. But they are blindly sowing between all the interested governments and the use against the U . S.! Especially so, since such dragon’s teeth. Whether the harvest is to be a issuing bankers in marketing such bonds as might funds w ill necessarily derive from Germany, at the reactionary dictatorship or a proletarian revolution be issued for the commercialization of the German expense of its industrial and financial development, in Germany w ill depend chiefly on the strength, annuities.” In other words, W all Street, sitting from which the United States expects to receive preparedness and resolution of the German Bol at the cashier's window of the new bank would the payments on the tens of millions of dollars in sheviks. decide on the payments to he made to the creditor nations (England, France, Belgium, Italy, etc., etc.), the percentages, the frequency of payment, and T ro tsky’s Reply to Stalin so forth, and would further be the controlling CONTINUED FROM PAGE 1 factor in any attempt to commercialize the repara had foreseen the ultimatum presented to us t
same time, from a complete misapprehension of the class role of the police to illusions regarding deals with this or that group of fakers, has found ex After the Dress Strike pression in the course of this faction of leaders. To this can be added the survivals of edious trade f I 'HE results and lessons of the dressmakers’ the Daily Worker signs paeans of unciritical praise union bureaucratic and ‘business agent' relations strike begun in New York on February 6, fo r Zimmerman, W o rtis and Co.—because they with the rank and file. The struggle for a true J L Communist policy—the only fighting j icy—was 1929 under the leadership- of the Needle Trades are all members of one faction in the Part)*, while and is a struggle against the tactics and policies of Workers Industrial Union have not yet been ade Labor U nity cautiously makes a critical analysis of this group.” quately analyzed in the Communist press. The the same group—because they are on different This estimate is still fully correct. The revolu central English organ of the Party has entirely sides of the factional fence. This method is re tionary needle trades workers, whose courageous neglected this task and has, instead, fed its read pulsively alien to the Communist movement. It battle against reformism and corruption in their ers with typical philistine optimism about the great reflects the transference of “the corrupt practises unions led to the defeat of the Sigmans, Schles victory for the strikers. An article in the current of the bourgeois parties” into our movement. It ingers and Kaufmans and the founding of the in number of Labor Unity (“Some Progress and a accomplishes anything but the clarification of the dustrial union, have a proud record that insures Few Mistakes,” by Philip Aronberg), however, movement and the training of the masses in the their triumphant future. The struggle against the while not complete, comes closest to a clear and class struggle. socialist fakers and A. F. of L lieutenants of cap honest review of the outcome of the struggle. A t the outset of the strike we said in the M ili italism who repeatedly betray the workers’ inter The importance of such an appraisal is especial tant (February 15, 1029) that one o f the causes o f ests, against the machinery o f the government ly necessary because the strike was the first big the setbacks for the left wing in tha needle trades which works hand in hand with the bosses, must struggle led directly by the new left wing indus was a stratum of its leadership, be carried on with even greater vigor than before. “ Gold, Zimmerman, Wortis, etc., whose practices trial union. W ithout a critical examination of its have been a constant obstacle to the development The fig h t fo r a revolutionary, class course in the results, the mistakes made w ill form a millstone and execution of a fighting Communist policy new union itself must, at the same time, still be around the neck of the new unions now being which alone is able to mobilize the full resources won. It can be won only in a struggle of clari of the masses for their Etruggle. Almost every op fication against the opportunists who have been formed and seriously hamper their future work portunist prejudice from craft union conceptions and development. to the theory that a struggle cannot be carried on factionally protected in the leadership of the union Instead of the official bally-hoo cf the Daily againct the bosses and the right wing leaders at the by the corrupt clique of Lovestone and Co. Worker, Aronberg bluntly indicates the following errors of the union's leadership: “ The first point was in the inadequate prepara How W ill Hoover Recognize Russia? tions for the strike of 50,000 and more wo.kers in- d in »his industry. This can best be illustrated E are reliably informed that the Hoover gov orient, especially against China.” (Our emphasis). by the failure to develop and put forward any de mand which would deal with the generally pre W ernment is on the eve of understaking nego In effect, the Daily Worker is saying to the vailing piece-work system in the irdustry (a meth tiations leading to the recognition by the United Hoover government: W hy don’t you protect the od o f speed-up generally used by the bosses to States of the Soviet Government. Our informa interests of American nationals in Russia? You intensify their exploitation). The demand for week-work is part of the economic program cf the tio n is as follow s; claim to be jealous of the rights of American new union established only a few v.-e ks pi-c vic. sly, A. L. Scheinman, chairman of the board of business everywhere. You protect them in Latin yet it was not put forth before cr durir,;; the strike. directors of the State Bank of the U.S.S.R., who America and China even to the point of armed in “ But the crassest example of the inadequate has been in the United States for the last few tervention. W hy don't you make good your claim? preparations for the strike was the failure to bring forward the most basic demand (which v.-as also months at the head of a secial mission, has been The least you can do to protect the interests of incorporated in the program of the new union) spending a great deal of his time in Washington American business men in Russia is to recognize that the jobbers assume the responsibility fer con conducting unofficial negotiations with American the country. ditions and wages of the workers that employ government representatives. A basis of agreement through contractors and for the limitation of the has been tentatively reached for the coming recog That such revolting anti-revolutionary writing contractors employed by them.' This failure is be can appear in the official organ of the Communist nition of the Soviet Union. The process of ac yond Comprehension if we consider the needs of Party is a bitter comment on the situation in the the workers in the industry and that this demand complishing this is to be somewhat as follows: movement. Three or four years ago, Bombacci, was developed in the course of long struggles The Soviets are to ask formally for the opening against the social reformism and the employers. . . . one of the leaders of the Italian Communist Party, of negotiations which is to be followed by the The demands put forward in the strike— forty- spoke in the Chamber of Deputies and urged the four hour five-day week; increase in the piece appointment of a commission by Hoover. Formal rates; minimum scales; and guarantee of the job recognition is to follow on the basis that the government to trade w ith Russia because o f the economic advantages it would bring to the Italian without the right of the boss to discharge—can Soviet government w ill recognize the debt incurred not be very effectively enforced if the Jobber can bourgeoisie. In those days Stalinism had not yet discharge at will any number of workers and hire by Bakhmcdeff, former ambassador of the Keren sky government to the United States! The debt, corrupted the Communist movement, and Bom any other number be* wishes by discharging and bacci was expelled. Today, when the Daily hiring his contractors.. .. amounting to the tidy sum of 5180,000,000, was “ This conception that the strike must be of short always repudiated — in the old days at least — Worker outstrips Bombacci, it is in perfect accord duration led to further errors in strategy. Instead by the Soviet government, since the money was with the official theory of the Comintern, with of mobilizing the 8,000 workers who answered the Stalinism, and no action is taken against it. strike call to spread the strike to the other 50,000 used to furnish munitions to the counter-revolu workers employed in the dress industry, the lead tion to shoot down the Russian workers and peas Recognition of Kerensky's debt and rejection of ership of the new union proceeded against the ad ants. vice of the T. U. E. L., to make settlements with revolutionary principle by the Daily Worker! Are the contractors. This made impossible the devel Scheinman has been assuring the American these the price that will be paid for American opment of the strike so that the mass of the wor bourgeoisie that they have nothing to fear from recognition ? kers in the industry did not participate and were the Soviet Government, that Communism and not driwn into the struggle, and the new union capitalism can live blissfully side by side. In his has still the task of organizing the mass of the workers in the industry. speech before the American-Russian Chamber of II Duce Speaks up for Stalin “ But the agreements arrived at between the con Commerce, on February 7, 1929, he said: “The The New York Times of March 28, 1929, carries tractors and the union and the settlements pro United States and the U.S.S.R. are two countries posed by the union should be the most glaring a copyrighted Associated Press dispatch from signal o f the extent to which the policies and which, through fortunate historical circumstances, practices of the social reformist officials of the old have no political or economic antagonisms at this Rome in which the maniac of the Palazzo Chigi, union are taken over bag and baggage by the new present stage of development, nor can such an Mussolini, airs his views on the world situation. union leadership. Agreement* which call for im tagonisms be foreseen in the future. On the con He expresses him self on the present situation in partial arbitration’ are proposed and signed by the trary, it would seem that their interests are natu leadership of this union which was built in the the Communist movement as follows: struggle against class-collaboration schemes of the rally complementary.” (Economic Review of the Sch¡«singer* and the Sigmans.” (O ur emphasis). Soviet U nion, February 15, 1929, page 68. O ur “The Premier then indicated that he What Aronberg writes is entirely correct, but emphasis.) thought communism was in full retreat while he is naturally backward in establishing the forces This reactionary drivel is “naturally comple the danger was quite past in Germany. In behind these crude opportunist craft union blund mentary” to the Stalinite theory of socialism in one some other parts of Europe he thought there ers. He is not so naive as to think that the country. The touching picture of revolutionary might be a good deal of vitality left in the “ failure is beyond comprehension” . On the con Russia and counter-revolutionary capitalist Amer Communist movement. Returning to the trary, it is but too clear. ica, “which have no political or economic antag question of Russia, the Premier said that the Back of these reformist conceptions and actions onisms at this present stage of development,” wor struggle between Joseph Stalin and Leon are the long years of craft union opportunism king side by side to build a “national socialism” in T rotsky was most im portant because M . brought into the new union—not by the rank and the Soviet Union is enough to make Lenin turn Trotsky represented the Left.” in his grave. file fighters who developed in the struggle against Mussolini is keen enough to detect the character* it —but by the group of leaders that dominate * * * istics of the struggle between the Leninist Oppo the union today, Zimmerman, Words, Gold and Those who imagine th a t Scheinman speaks this their colleagues. Aronberg knows this to be at way because o f some special dispensation granted sition and the dominant opportunists. The strug the ro o t o f the trouble, ju st as everyone else in to revolutionary “diplomatic representatives” gle is im portant fo r him because “ M . T rotsky rep the Party knows it. But he dare not say so. Were should read the leading editorial in the Daily resented the Left” and Trotsky has now been “ put Aronberg a “ free agent” he would point out that Worker of March 28, 1929: out of the way” by Stalin, for which Mussolini, Zimmerman, Words and Co., all of whom are “The interests of ’American nationals' in the like the reaction everywhere in the world, is duly Party members, as are the majority of the leaders Soviet Union are continually growing. This is thankful. But then, it is only fair exchange when of the new union, can flaunt the formal decisions easily seen in the contracts reached, for instance, Litvinov finishes praising Mussolini for the latter of the Party and the T. U. E. L , as they have by die Standard O il Company of New York and to return the compliment by praising Stalin for done repeatedly, because they are guaranteed fac the International Electric Company w ith the Soviet persecuting the Left. One good turn deserves tional protection from the ruling Lovestone group government. The United States government claims another. whose trade union “specialists” they are. Any to be jealous of the rights of its ‘nationals.’ I t has other explanation of the cynical refusal by these declared a war in permanency against Latin Amer NOTICE TO BUNDLE AGENTS opportunists to accept the proper proposals of the ica to protect their interests, maintains a hard- Bundle ^gents failing to receive their bundles within T . U .E. L. are entirely invalid. boiled machine gun diplomacy ready for duty at two or three days after the date of Issue should notify On our part, we have nothing in common with a moment's notice, and sends thousands of marines u* at once. Hereafter each number w ill go to press the dilletantc factional division of labor in wluih and fleets of battleship to danger sectors in the before the date o f issue. t h e m i l i t a n t Apra 1, 1919. h i t < The Draft Program of the Comintern U. S. S. R. This task can be solved only by means CONTINUED FROM PREVIOUS ISSUE A CRITICISM OF of a desperate struggle of the suppressed, hungry 3. D E M O C R A T IC D IC T A T O R S H IP o r A and downtrodden masses under the direct leadership DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETAR- FUNDAMENTALS of the proletarian vanguard, not only against world IAT? imperialism, but also against its economic and poli By L. D. Trotsky tical agency in China — the bourgeoisie, includ W hat was the decision of the last Plenum of the ing also the “national” and democratic bourgeois E C C I on the experiences of China, including flunkeys. And that is the road leading towards the experiences of the Canton insurrection? What one hand, speak of a non-capitalist path of devel the proletarian dictatorship. further prospects has it outlined? The resolution opment of China and on the other deny the per Beginning with April 1917 Lenin explained to of the February (1928) Plenum, being the key to manent character of the revolution? his opponents who accused him of having adopted the corresponding parts of the draft program, But—objects the resolution of the E.C.C.I.— the position of the "permanent revolution”, that says concerning the Chinese R evolution. the revolution has not been completed, either from the dictatorship o f the proletariat and the peas *‘It is wrong to characterise it as a permanent re- the viewpoint of the agrarian revolution or from antry was partly realized in the epoch of dual gov volution'" (the position of the representative of the viewpoint of the national struggle against im ernment. He explained later that it was further the E. C. C. I.). "The tendency of skipping (?) perialism. Hence the conclusion about the bour through the bourgeois democratic phase of the re realized during the first period of Soviet power volution with a simultaneous (?) appraisal o f the geois democratic nature of the “present period of since November 1917 u n til July 1918, when the revolution as a 'permanent revolution’ is a mistake the Chinese revolution”. In reality the “present peasants, together with the workers, effected the similar to that which Trotsky made in 1905 (? )". period” is a period of counter-revolution. The E. agrarian revolution while the working class had not The ideological life of the Comintern since C.C.I. apparently wants to say that the new rise yet proceeded with the confiscation of the factories Lenin's departure from its leadership that is, since of the Chinese revolution, or more correctly, THE and plants, but experimented on workers’ control. 1923, consisted p rim a rily in a struggle against so- THIRD CHINESE REVOLUTION, will be of As to the "class nature of the government” , the called "Trotskyism” and particularly against "per a bourgeois democratic character, in view of the democratic S. R. Menshevik "dictatorship” gave manent revolution” . How could it happen that in fact that the second Chinese revolution of 1925- all that it could give—the dual government mis the main question of the Chinese revolution not 1927 has not solved the agrarian problem nor the carriage. As to the agrarian revolution, it gave only the Central Committee of the Communist national problem. However, even with this correc birth to a healthy and strong child, only the prole Partv of China, but even the official representa tion, this argumentation is built, on a complete tarian dictatorship acted as the midwife. In other tive of the Comintern, that is, the leader who was fa ilu re to understand the experiences and lessons words, that which in the theoretical formula of the especially instructed for the job, should have fallen both of the Chinese as well as of the Russian re dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry into the same "error” for which hundreds of peo volution. was united, was disunited in the course of the ple are now being exiled in Siberia and put in pri The February revolution of 1917 in Russia left actual class struggle. son? The struggle around the Chinese problem unsolved all internal and international problems The empty shell of the half government was has been raging already about two and a half years. which led to the revolution—serfdom in the vil provisionally entrusted to Kerensky and Tseretelli; When the Opposition declared that the old Central lages, the bureaucracy, the war and the economic the real kernel of the agrarian democratic revolu Committee of the Communist Party of China ruin. Based on this, not only the S. R.s and the tion was in the hands of the victorious working (Chen Du-8iu) under the influence of wrong in Mensheviks, but also a considerable section of the class. This dialectical disappointment of the demo structions from the Comintern, conducted an op leaders of our own Party tried to show Lenin that cratic dictatorship, the leaders of the E.C.C.I. portunist policy, this was declared to be "slander” . the "present period of the revolution is a period failed to understand. They have landed in a politi The leadership of the Communist Party of China of the bourgeois democratic revolution.” In its cal blind alley mechanically condemning any "skip was declared flawless. The well-known Tang Pin- general aspect the resolution of the E.C.C.I. merely ping through the bourgeois democratic phase” and san clamored with the general approval of the copies the objections raised against the struggle for endeavoring to guide the historical process by Seventh Plenum of the E.C.C.I. that: the proletarian dictatorship waged by the oppor means of circular letter?. If we aic to un "As soon as the first manifestations of Trotskyism tunists against Lenin in 1917. Furthermore, the made their appearance the Communist Party of China derstand by the bourgeois democratic phase, bourgeois democratic revolution proves to be un the completion of the agrarian revolution by and the Young Communist League immediately accomplished not only from the economic and na adopted a unanimous resolution against Trotskyism. means o f a "dem ocratic dictatorship” then no other (Stenographic Report. Page 205). tional viewpoint, but also from the "viewpoint" but the October Revolution rashly “skipped” When however, notwithstanding these “ achieve of the class nature of the government (the dictator through the bourgeois democratic phase. Should ments” events have unfolded their tragical logic ship of the proletariat and the peasantry). This it not be condemned for having done so? W hy is which at first led to the first and then to the can only mean that it has been forbidden that the it that that which was historically inevitable was second, even more terrific, ruin of the revolution, Chinese proletariat fight for power so long as the highest expression of Bolshevism in Russia, the leaders of the Communist Party of China were there is no real democratic government in whereas it proved to be ‘Trotskyism” in China? rechristened in twenty-four hours from being China. Unfortunately it is not pointed out where Apparently owing to the same logic on the basis model leaders to Mensheviks. A t the same time that is to come from. of which the theory of the Martinovs, who for it was declared that the new leaders fully repre The confusion is further increased by the fact over twenty years have fought Bolshevism in Rus sented the line of the Comintern. But as soon that the Soviet slogan was rejected for China in sia, was declared suitable for China. But can such as another serious phase came it was found that the course of two years on the sole ground that a comparison .at all be made with Russia? The the new Central Committee of the Communist Soviets can be organized only during the transi slogan of a democratic dictatorship of the prole Party o f China is g u ilty, as we have already seen, tion towards the proletarian revolution (Stalin’s tariat and the peasantry—we object—was built up not in words, but in action, of having adopted the "theory” ) . But when the Soviet Revolution broke by the leaders of the E.C.C.I. exclusively and en position of the so-called "permanent revolution”. out in Canton and its participants arrived at the tirely by the method of analogy, but a formal and This is the path chosen also by the representative conclusion that this is the transition to the prole literal analogy and not a material and historical of the Comintern. This surprising and unbeliev tarian revolution, they were accused of ‘Trotsky analogy. An analogy between China and Russia able fact can be explained only by the glaring ism” . Can a Party be trained in such a way and is absolutely admissablc if we find the proper key "scissors” between the instructions of the E.C.C.I. can it be helped in this manner to solve the great to it, and this analogy was excellently made use of and the real dynamics of the revolution. est tasks? by Lenin and not post factum but beforehand, as We w ill not dwell here upon the myth of the T o save a hopeless position the resolution o f the if he had forsecn the future blunders. Lenin had “permanent revolution” of 1905 which was cast E.C.C.I. without any contact with the entire trend to defend the October revolution, that is the con out in 1924, in order to sow confusion. We w ill of its thought, gives its last argument—from im quest of power by the proletariat, hundreds of lim it ourselves to an analysis of how this myth perialism. We find that the tendency to skip times, NOTWITHSTANDING THE FACT that broke down on the question of the Chinese revo through the bourgeois democratic phase: the bourgeois democratic tasks had not been fu l lution. “ is the more harmful because such a formulation filled. Precisely BECAUSE OF THAT, PRE The first paragraph of the February resolu of the question excludes (?) the greatest national pe CISELY FOR THE FULFILLMENT OF THAT, culiarity of the Chinese revolution being a semi-co tion, from which we have taken the above passage, replied Lenin, in answer to the pedants who in motivizes its negative attitude to the so-called “ per lonial revolution.” The only meaning that these words have is that their arguments against the capture of power re manent revolution" as follows: the imperialist yoke w ill be overthrown by some ferred to the economic immaturity of Russia for "The present period of the Chinese Revolution other and not the proletarian dictatorship. But socialism which was “ unquestionable” for Lenin. is a period of democratic revolution which has not (V o l. 18. Part 2. Page 119). In reply to this ped been completed cither from the economic viewpoint this means that the "greatest national peculiarity” (the agrarian revolution and the abolition of the has been dragged in at the last moment only in or antry Lenin said on January 16th 1923: feudal relations) or from the viewpoint of the nation der to present in bright colors the Chinese nation “ It does not even occur to them for instance that al struggle against imperialism (the unification of Russia, standing on the border of civilized countries, China and the establishment of national independ al bourgeoisie or Chinese “ petty-bourgeois democ racy.” They can have no other meaning. But this and countries which were for the first time by this ence), or from the viewpoint of the class nature of war definitely drawn into the vortex of civilization the government (the dictatorship of the proletariat only “ meaning” we have sufficiently examined in (all Eastern countries, the non-European countries) and peasantry).” our chapter concerning the "nature of the colonial therefore could and should have manifested some orig This motivization is full of blunders and contra bourgeoisie” and there is no need to return to this inality along the general lines of world development dictions. subject. by distinguishing its revolution from all preceding revolutions of the Western countries and introducing The E.C.C.I. taught that the Chinese revolution China is still confronted with an enormous, ter certain new elements in approaching the Eastern coun must guarantee an opportunity for China to devel rific, bloody and prolonged struggle for such ele tries.” (Ibid., page 118). op along socialist lines. This could be done only mentary objects as the liquidation of the most The "originality” which brings Russia CLOSER if the revolution would not stop at the solution “Asiatic” forms of slavery, such as national eman to the Eastern countries was seen by Lenin in the merely of the bourgeois democratic task but cipation and unification of the country. But it is fact that the young proletariat had at an early by growing over from one stage into another, that from here, as the march of events has shown that stage to take hold of the broom so as to clear the is, by constantly or permanently developing, would further petty-bourgeois leadership or even half road from feudal barbarism and every other kind lead China towards socialist development. This is leadership in the revolution is impossible. The of rubbish for socialism. precisely what Marx understood by the term per unification of China is now an international task. manent revolution . How then can one, on the It is no less international than the existence o f the If. consequently, vve are to proceed on the basis THE MILITANT ht«7
socialization program as applied to agriculture Stalin Gains a New Friend by the present Soviet government, we need HE Stalinitc press has not wearied of repeating not accept Trotsky's prediction as to the out What! N o Unity? that the “ bourgeoisie and the entire counter come of the present agrarian policy; never T theless, it is clear on the record of Russian revolutionary bourgeois press has welcomed the As soon as it was announced in the Party press events during the past year that the destiny renegade Trotsky to its bosom." It is entirely true that the Party convention had achieved a blissful of the country is falling into the hands of that there is no basis in fact for this statement. unity, it was only natural to expect that a week moderate men, and its economic life is re On the contrary, as we have already proved in or two later the new “ united leadership of the flecting to an increasing degree the middle previous issues of The Militant, all the forces of C.E.C. would publish a declaration against the class mentality of the small land-owner." reaction within and outside the labor movement remnants of factionalism.” We were not disap (Page 172, our emphasis.) have rejected the program of Trotsky and the pointed in our expectations. They were fulfilled to Opposition. The bourgeoisie correctly see in Sta The New York Times is one of the keenest or the letter by the statement of the Central Com lin their hopes for a “moderate course" in the gans of the American imperialists. When the mittee in the Daily Worker of March 23, 1929. Soviets and the Comintern and that is why they Soviets, under Lenin and Trotsky, followed a rigid A fter four full columns of windy flub-dub on the are stacking their chips on the Centrist regime. We proletarian revolutionary course, the Times led the world historical import and significance of the are now able to point out another friend that reactionary press with the most venomous, lying achievements of the Party convention, the un Stalin has gained among the bourgeoisie by his attacks upon Russia and Bolshevism. It knew its paralleled success in liquidating forever and aye exile of Trotsky. In Current History of April entTny well. It still knows its enemy well and it the factional struggle, of meeting successfully the 1929, the organ of the big bourgeoisie owned by sees him chiefly in Trotsky and the Opposition he burning tasks confronting the Party, the exhausted the reactionary New York Times, there appears leads. I t also knows upon whom to lean fo r sup reader is informed of the shocking fact that an article entitled "Trotsky’s Banishment by Soviet port. The Times, the spokesman for American " It has been drawn to the attention of the Dictators” from which we take the following imperialism, is joyous in the knowledge that "under Central Executive Committee that, here and characteristic excerpt: Stalin's leadership . . . the Soviet regime grows con there, an insignificant handful of comrades tinuously more conservative” ; that "the policy of “ As regards the present trend of policy in entirely unrepresentative of the spirit and the Stalin group has been opportunist rather than Russia under Stalin's leadership, Trotsky s line of the Sixth National Convention which doctrinaire" (read; Leninist); that "the country is analysis confirms the general impression that represented the firm w ill of the member falling into the hands of moderate men." the Soviet regime grows continuosly more ship to eradicate all vestiges of factionalism and fully to unite the Party, are, in defiance conservative. The issue between the Stalin of the Open Letter of the Communist Inter and Trotsky factions is joined over the agra A Comrade for Minor rian policy and the treatment of the peasant national and the decisions of the Sixth Na tional Convention, attempting to rekindle, landowner. The Trotsky faction has de In the reactionary anarchist journal, The Road to the factional strife in our ranks." manded dominance for the industrial wage Freedom for March 1929, its editor, W. S. Van Needless to say, something has to be done about earner in politics and rigorous suppression Valkenburgh writes a leading editorial on the Kronstadt uprising of 1921 and Trotsky. Van V. this. Can it be possible that the Bittleman-Foster of peasant individualism in the economic boys are at it again so soon after signing for unity structure of the country. The policy of the is one of those who make up in venom for what they lack in intelligence. He says of Trotsky: on the dotted line and then swearing to it? Stalin group has been opportunistic rather Surely they must be satisfied! Wasn't Union than doctrinaire, but has tended to concede "Oceans of crocodile tears are being shed Square tilled with jubilant Foster-Bittelmanites— greater freedom of action to the peasant, for this arch fiend of the Bolsheviki—be they had united again, you know—only a couple with a resultant increase in his economic and trayer of comrades, murderer of men, women of weeks ago, imbued with the spirit of gaiety political power. Trotsky condemns this as and children, who, like a petty Napoleon, and flushed with victory at the thought that Foster a 'zig-zag policy back to middle class domi now resides in exile vainly awaiting a valiant was to be made secretary of the Party? Didn’t nation.’ Taking account of the strenuous return to the scenes of his erstwhile, orgies. the Party convention go on record against Bu- The Ides of March have ever boded ill for charin and tor Stalin, the patron saint of the min those who yearn for freedom but not yet has ority? Didn’t these same Fosterites whisper to of Lenin's comparison between China and Russia, history written down such a wanton welter themselves that everything was turning out beau wc must say—from the viewpoint of the "POLI of useless human butchery as that for which tifully, that a new epoch had opened up in the TICAL NATURE OF THE GOVERNMENT", Leon Trotsky is personally responsible." Party? all that could have been obtained through the de Van V. should make his way to the editorial We are ready to admit reluctantly that we had mocratic dictatorship has in China been tried out office of the Daily Worker where he can find his a few “ reservations." The truth of the matter is first in Sun Yat Sen’s Canton, then on the road ex-anarchist friend Robert Minor. Minor, at least, that we simply couldn't see it at all. We examined from Canton to Shanghai whch was crowned by does not shed “ oceans o f crocodile tears fo r this the list of the members and candidates of the new Shanghai coup d’Etat, then in Wuchang where the arch fiend” Trotsky. On the contrary. Should Central Committee of the Party and we uneasily Left Kuomintang appeared in its chemically pure Minor and Van Valkenburgh ever get together to beheld that in the "united" C.E.C. the minority aspect, i. e., according to the instructions of the discuss Trotsky what a charming picture of ef has less members than in the previous C.E.C. In E.C.C.I., as an organizer of the agrarian revolution, fusive agreement we would have! Minor should addition, a number of old familiar faces are missing, but in reality as its hangman. The social content really get in touch with Van. He will find in him faces that would help to make up a good picture of the bourgeois democratic revolution w ill have a co-thinker and a comrade in the war against of a united happy family. Where is Bittelman? to be completed by the first period of the coming "Trotsky ism.*’ Where, we ask, the Aronbergs, Wagenknechts and dictatorship of the Chinese proletariat and the rural Costrells, not to speak of the numerous Gomezes? poor. To advance now the slogan of a democratic Gone, and almost forgotten. Not one of them dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry W here to Buy T H E M IL IT A N T was made a member of the C.E.C., nor even a candidate, nor an alternate, a deputy, a proxy, when the role not only of the Chinese bourgeoisie, The following is a partial list of newstands. bookstores, and Agents from whom The M ilitant can be purchased. nor an-acolyte nor a neophyte. but also of democracy has already been tested The Militant is also obtainable from our Opposition And in the big "unification" spree a few other through and through, when it has become absolute Croup Secretaries: heads were lopped off. Wagenknecht has been ly certain that "democracy" will in the coming Malden, Mas«.: Comrade Dublin, 15 Semmett St. guillotined and his place in the l.L.D. is to he struggle play even a more despicable role than in Boston Mass.: Shapiro's Booskstorc, 7 Beach St. near Washington. taken cither by Juliet Stuart Poyntz (God help us!) the past, simply means to create the means of cov or by J. Louis Engdahl (Cod help us again!), for ering up the new forms of Kuomintangism and Roxbury, Mass.: Charles Goldberg's Store, 5J6 Warren St. Chelsea, Mass.: Charles Kleinficld, at Labor Lyceum. both of them are faithful servants of the Lord. to put up a trap for the proletariat. New York City and Brooklyn: In the T.U.E.L. the gray-haired patriarch of O f course it is not by any means a question of A t various newstands around Union Square 14th St. unity, Johnny Ballam, fresh from the California calling the Communist Party of China immediately & Broadway; Second & Third Aves. on 14th St.: news split, has been made national secretary, while those stands in the Bronx, and other stands in New York City to revolt to capture power. The tempo depends and various stands in Brooklyn. Also, at The M ilitant, he dispossessed must ruminate on the course of entirely upon the circumstances. 340 East 19th St., New York City. events and the base ingratitude of man. Even The revolution is now subsiding. The half- Troy, N. Y., Allen’s Bookstore, Hendrick Hudson Hotel. Weinstone has been told what’s what. He, you concealing resolutions of the E.C.C.I., and the tales New Haven, Conn., S. Gendelman, 393 Sherman Avc. must understand, made the fatal error of vacillat about imminent revolutionary onslaughts, while Philadelphia, Pa., Leon Goodman, 327 So. 11th St. ing a bit during the convention on the question of numberless people are being executed and a ter Cleveland, Ohio., Joseph Keller, 304 Vega Ave.; L. Bryar, the Comintern decision regarding Foster. He ev en rific commercial and industrial crisis rages in the 2211 East 55th St. had the temerity to form a new faction for half country is criminal light-mindedness and no more. Youngstown, Ohio, Denis Plarinos, 387 East Federal St. an hour “ to support the line of the C.I.” Over this erring sinner who is Party District Organizer After three overwhelming defeats an economic Detroit, Mich., Barney Mass., 8720-12th St., A pt 2; "Aidas" Book Shop, 1713-24th St. in New York has new been appointed a new com crisis docs not rouse, b u t on the contrary, depresses missar, B. Lifsehitz, who is sure to guide the Wob the proletariat which, as it is, has already been bled Chicago, III., Cheshinsky’s Community Store, 2720 W. W . Division St.; Bornstein’s Bookstore, 1326 So. Kedzie bling William along the straight and narrow. white, and the executions only destroy the politi Ave., Albert Glotzer, 2610 Thomas Avc.. Horsley’s But surely all these little items should not make cally weakened party, the formation and strength Bookstore, 1623 W . Madison. the minority to act so violently as to cause the ening of firm organizational links in all spheres of Springfield, BL, Joe Angelo, 431 No. Wesley St. Central Committee to scold and threaten them the labor movement. The organization of rural nu San Francisco, Calif., McDonald's Bookstore, 7