Rebellion, Baldwin II and Charles the Simple On 5 January, Abbot and Deacon, Rudolf,1 died and was laid to rest in the church of the blessed Peter, on the left side of the alter in the monastery of St-Vaast. The third day after his death, the castellani2 dispatched Count Ecfrid to report his [Rudolf’s] death to the king, in order that they might act according to his [Odo’s] wishes. They [the castellani] held in absolute contempt that which they had told the king and what they had promised Count Egfrid. For through the council (consilium) of the exceedingly cunning Evrebert, they chose Baldwin [II] from Flanders,3 against the king’s will. As Everbert had counciled,4 Count Baldwin [II] sent legates (legati) to King Odo, confiding that he wished, with his good favor, to take possession of his cousin’s abbeys.5 King Odo replied that God had granted to him the power to appoint these positions, and that he [Baldwin II] should come to him in friendship and meet with him at court in regard to this issue. Baldwin did not assent to do this. The king sent more and more missi but they accomplished nothing. After this the king began to attack Baldwin [II]. Having left his brother6 in Arras, he [Baldwin II] himself traveled to Flanders before Lent.7 But on the Monday before Easter8 a great misfortune came to us, which could not be undone. For at the sixth hour of the day, the castrum was destroyed by fire as well as the churches of St-Vaast, St-Peter and St-Mary.9 While this fire was burning and the entire castrum was consumed, we secretly removed the relics of the saints which were in our possession.10 After this, a great hunger and barrenness fell upon us and the land, so that because of the great famine, the inhabitants of the area forsook their homes. After this, Baldwin [II] refortified the castrum and prepared to resist. The bishops excommunicated him. Then king Odo gathered an army (exercitus), and took a route as if to come to Arras, but in reality he made for Flanders.11 Baldwin, coming from Arras,12 took a different route and reached Bruges before the king. As a result, the king achieved no success and returned to his own land. Odo’s Siege of Laon and Execution of Walker Already, his cousin, Walker,13 had taken possession of the castrum of Laon, which he was now holding against the king [Odo] by means of tyranny;14 so the king besieged (obsedo) the castrum and he, himself, soon took possession of the city. And after a few days he [Walker] was condemned, and although the king did not oversee the deed himself,15 he ordered him beheaded. This was TITLE • 2 conducted before the king traveled to Flanders. [This was because] Baldwin, with Everbert’s16 assistance, had made peace (pax) with Walker, the peace which swept his life from him [Walker].17 The Vikings leave Francia In the autumn, the Norsemen, returning from Laon, saw that the kingdom was wasted by famine, so they left Francia and crossed the sea. Those Franks who had recently been attacked by the king [Odo] were all united with him. In order that they might be able to accomplish that which they wished to accomplish,18 they advised the king to leave Francia because of the winter, so that Francia, which had been afflicted for so many years, might in some measure be able to recuperate. They also advised him, that because Ranulf19 had revolted and because Ebalus and Gozbert20 had fallen away from him, he should reunite them to himself, drive them from his kingdom, or deprive them of their lives. Believing this, he acquiesced to their counsel, unaware of what evils they were contriving for him. But when he reached the borders of Aquitaine, Ebalus, who knew that he [Odo] was coming, turned in flight21 and was killed near a certain castellum by a stone.22 After this, his brother Gozbert was besieged and in a short time, met death.23

Rise of Charles the Simple In order that the hostility and hatred that they held for King Odo might be made known, the Franks who remained in Francia assembled a council (consilium) at Rheims to plot against him. On the day of the purification of Saint Mary,24 when they assembled there, they all agreed that they should show clear evidence [of their hostility/hatred]. So they sent [a message] to Charles [the Simple], Louis’ son, who was still a young man,25 asking him to come to [Rheims], and on the previously mentioned day26 they gathered at Rheims, placed him on his father’s throne, and everyone swore an oath against King Odo. Rumor of this quickly flew and was made known to King Odo. And he [Odo] then returned, spending some time in Aquitaine, where he ordered those who were faithful to him that they should remain forever faithful. After Easter,27 Archbishop Fulk and Count Herbert28 accepted King Charles [the Simple] and with all the army (omni exercitus) prepared [to march] against King Odo. Richard,29 William30, and Adamar31 came to join them32 and brought a large army.33 King Odo did not delay to come against them. He sent [a Author Name • 3 message] to those who were with Charles [the Simple], ordering that those who had failed to meet their promise (vadium)34 to him should amend it, and be mindful of the oaths of fidelity (sacramenti) which they had sworn to him. And he concluded, that everyone should return to his own land, without achieving their goals. Charles [the Simple] returned to Francia with his men (cum suis), while Odo remained in Aquitaine. In summer [messivo],35 King Odo suddenly invaded Francia and compelled Charles [the Simple] to leave the kingdom with his men (cum suis). In September, Charles [the Simple] unexpectedly returned to Francia with his men, and after proxies (nuntiis) mediated between them, one after another, they made an agreement (pax), [which lasted] all the way to Easter.36 Afterwards, King Odo moved to Compiègne. Charles [the Simple], with Fulk [of Rheims], returned to Rheims.

Odo’s Siege of Rheims Finally, after Easter, King Odo gathered an army and arranged to move towards Rheims against Charles [the Simple] and his fideles. Those who had fallen away from him [Odo] were united with their king [Charles the Simple] at Rheims. King Odo, coming against them, established a castra.37 However, those who were with Charles [the Simple], seeing that they could not resist him [Odo], withdrew one night from the city (civitas) with their king [Charles the Simple]. Having fortified the city and having assigned guards (custodi)—under the pretext of peace—hostages (obsides) were accepted by Robert38 and given—along with their king [Charles the Simple]—into the charge of King Arnulf.39 King Arnulf received his cousin [Charles the Simple] kindly, granted to him his father’s kingdom,40 and sent him aiding forces (adiutores) from Upper Francia.41 Who, on their return to Arnulf, came upon Odo, who along with his army, awaited them in his kingdom beyond the river Aisne. But those who were on Arnulf’s side, with Charles, made an agreement (amicitia) with King Odo. Everyone on both sides of the aforementioned river pitched camp, and since no one was able to accomplish his objective, everyone returned to his own lands. King Odo remained in Francia. Charles [the Simple] joined with Richard [of Autun], and they persued King Odo, willing to make an end of the disagreement through war.42 But God’s mercy did not allow these disputes to be settled through bloodshed. At this same time, one of Richard’s men, TITLE • 4

Manassus43, blinded Bishop Teutbold of Langres. King Odo again returned to Francia; Charles [the Simple] and his men returned to Burgundy, where they remained.

Those who were bound to follow Charles [the Simple] —for King Odo had taken all his men into Francia—violently laid waste to Burgundy. And the complaint (clamor) reached the ears of King Arnulf, who sent missi to Francia, ordering (jubeo) that Odo and Charles [the Simple] must come, so that they might end the great, misfortunate destruction between them. Those who favored Charles [the Simple], delayed the king from setting out and sent missi to King Arnulf. King Odo, having promptly received these men [Arnulf’s messengers], made haste to go to King Arnulf and honored him with many gifts (honores).44 The king [Arnulf] received him with honor and with joy and sent him back to his own land. In Odo’s presence, King Arnulf crowned his son, Zwentibald,45 as king, and granted him Lothar’s former kingdom.46 When King Odo was returning from Arnulf, Archbishop Fulk [of Rheims], who was traveling to Arnulf, met him en route. Fulk scarcely escaped through flight, but Count Adelung,47 who was with him, was slain. But those who were with Charles [the Simple] joined themselves to Zwentibald and offered him part of the kingdom, that he might come and aid his cousin Charles [the Simple]. King Odo heard of this, but he crossed the Seine as if he did not know, because his men were weary. Charles the Simple besieges Laon King Zwentibald and Charles [the Simple] came with an army and surrounded Laon in a siege.48 Under bad counsel (consilium), Count Baldwin [II] and his brother, Rudolf,49 and also Ragnerus,50 left Charles [the Simple] and joined themselves to Zwentibald. Because those who were with Charles [the Simple] saw their numbers diminishing—and as they alleged, that Zwentibald and his men were plotting to kill Charles [the Simple]—they sent legates (legati) to Odo, [with an offer to take] from Charles [the Simple], whatever part of the kingdom that he wished, so that he might unite with them and withdraw in peace (pax).51 King [Odo] found this most agreeable, and after gathering his army (exercitus), he returned to Francia. When Zwentibald was informed of this, he was already withdrawing from Laon. Because Bishop Dido52 had sought a truce under the pretense of peace,53 and because he [Zwentibald] now perceived that Charles’ [the Simple’s] primores were not as Author Name • 5 opposed to him as they had been, he [Zwentibald] quickly returned to his kingdom. Odo besieges St-Vaast King Odo came to Corbie and from there to Arras, and laid siege (obsidione vallavit) to the castrum and monastery of St- Vaast.54 However, he did not wish to capture him [Baldwin II] by means of war, but with Christian compassion.55 Baldwin [II]’s men, seeing that they were unable to resist, sought an agreement (pax) and delivered hostages (obsides) to the king [Odo], and sent their lord [Baldwin II] to him [Odo], that he might suggest what to do. And during the pause, in which these messages were sent, the king ordered them to open the gates,56 and he entered the monastery and the castellum. He hastened to the threshold of St-Vaast and publicly, in the presence of his men, prayed at his [Saint Vaast’s] grave, prostrated (prosterno) himself on this most consecrated ground and wept abundantly; then in that place he heard the mass, and gave thanks to God. From Charles [the Simple] and his primores came Herbert,57 Herkengerus, and Hekfrid to discuss this affair. Baldwin’s messengers returned with Robert [I] to do those things which their lord [Odo] had ordered. And immediately, the king [Odo] ordered the keys of the castellum to be returned and for his men to withdraw, and in this manner Baldwin’s men regained that castrum.58 The king [Odo] arranged to move from Arras to St- Quentin and Peronne,59 because during the night, Rudolf60 had seized the castrum of St-Quentin, through the treachery of Theoderic’s son.61 But the king delayed his march, and through the intervention of proxies (nuntii), announced to Charles’ fideles [that they would hold] an assembly (placitum) after Easter, so that they might pass the winter without discord.

King Odo wintered in Francia, King Charles [the Simple] beyond the Mosel. After this, those who were with Charles [the Simple] held Baldwin [II] to be dangerous, and dealt out destruction everywhere they went.62 For King Odo had taken all of the castella from them,63 except Rheims. Thus, through various meetings (placiti), this entire year passed. King Odo held an assembly (placitum) with his fideles, wishing to grant a part of the kingdom to Charles [the Simple], a part held by his retainers. But Count Rudolf broke up that entire assembly; thereafter, Herbert64 and Herkengerus, seeing TITLE • 6 everything squandered, joined themselves to King Odo, while few remained with Charles [the Simple]. After this, King Odo besieged the castrum of St. Quentin and Peronne65 and drove Rudolf’s men from that place. Archbishop Fulk, who had been favoring Charles [the Simple]’s part, was surrounded by Odo’s fideles and allowed to come un-subdued to the king [Odo], and everything that the king ordered, he satisfied. Upon hearing this, Charles [the Simple] withdrew to the kingdom of Zwentibald. The Vikings Return Also at this same time, again the Norsemen entered the Seine in five barchis,66 under a dux named Hundeus;67 and while the king [Odo] was attending to other things, great evil fell on him and the kingdom. Rudolf was moved to anger due to the destruction of the castella,68 while they [the Norsemen] ceaselessly ravaged, and the abbot of St-Quentin was struck down in war by Herbert.69 The Norsemen had already been augmented [by a force] entering the Oise a few days before Christmas. They constructed a strong camp [sedem…firmant] near Choisy70 and met no resistance.

After this, they [the Norsemen] continuously took booty from the Meuse with no resistance. When they were returning from plundering, the king’s [Odo’s] army (exercitus)71 rushed to intercept them, but with no success. Fearing the large army,72 the Norsemen returned to their ships (naves), and to avoid being besieged, returned to the Seine, where they plundered all summer, with no one to resist them.

1 Mentioned above in 890. 2 Simson notes that in B1, this word is castellam, which would make it singular and accusative, possibly Egfrid’s title, but the plural form seems to be suggested by the plural verb, miserunt; see Simson, 70, n. t. 3 Baldwin II, born c. 865, d. 918. 4 It is unclear who is being referenced here. Dehaisnes points to a charter from Charles the Bald, which mentions an Everbert in 861. If allowances can be made for spelling, this may be Eberhard, duke Author Name • 7 of Fruili, d. 866. His ‘council’ mentioned above may be a reference to his last testament, which laid out how his holdings, including the monastery of St-Vaast, should be divided among his children, one of whom was Abbot Rudolf mentioned here; see, Christina La Rocca and Luigi Provero, “The Dead and Their Gifts: the Will of Eberhard, Count of Friuli, and his Wife Gisela, Daughter of Louis the Pious,” Rituals of Power: From Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, Ed. Frans Theuws, (Brill, 2000), 248-9, 268-70; John Morby, Dynasties of the World: a chronological and genealogical handbook, (1989); Michael MacLagan, Lines of Succession: Heraldry of the Royal Families of Europe, (1999). If the Evrebert mentioned here is Eberhard, then the question becomes more confused below, where Evrebert is mentioned and clearly still living. It is possible that the Eberhards mentioned here and below are one and the same, and that he was a relative of Rudolf and possibly a descendant of Eberhard, duke of Friuli. 5 The abbeys of St-Vaast and St-Bertin. St-Bertin is NW of Arras in the Pas-de-Calais area. 6 Rudolf, count of the province of Camaracencis. 7 Before March 8. 8 April, 17. 9 It is unclear whether this was the work of Odo’s forces or accidental, but it was not an attack by the Vikings. 10 Note the use of first person here. 11 Odo is using misdirection to confuse Baldwin II. 12 I.e. Atrebatibus, but the sequence is party confused and obscured. 13 Regino refers to Walker as a nephew/relative of Odo, and son of Adelhelm, “nepos Odonis regis, filius scilicet avunculi eius Adalhelmi,”, 892; and in Fridericus Kurze’s note (p. 164), he suggests that Adelhelm is the count of Laon, and brother to Robert the Strong, making him Odo’s uncle; see Karl v. Kalckstein, Robert der Tapfere, Markgraf von Anjou: der Stammvater des kapetingischen Hauses, (Berlin, 1871), 114. 14 “quod a rege perceperat, per tirannidem obtinuit…” This might be interpreted that Walker held the castrum ‘from’ the king. In other words, ‘for’ the king, but the per tirannidem, seems to suggest ‘against’. Regino, 892, is explicit that Walker took Laon in rebellion against Odo, “Waltgarius comes, nepos Odonis regis, filius scilicet avunculi eius Adalhelmi, adversus eundem regem cum consilio TITLE • 8 quorundam rebellionis arma levavit et Lugdunum Clavatum ingressus omni annisu regiae potestati contraire nititur.” 15 Rau translates this to mean that the king did not pardon him, but that is his interpretation of praevidit, which is usually translated as ‘foresaw’, but such a translation does not seem to fit the context here. Regino, 892, seems to say that the leading men judged Walker, but that the order to behead him came from Odo, “Deinde omnibus primoribus, qui tunc ibi aderant, adiudicantibus eundem Waltgarium decollari iussit…” 16 Unless this is a relative or descendant of Evrebert [mentioned above], then the question on his identity is still unanswered. 17 In other words, the pax between Baldwin II and Walker led to Walker’s execution. 18 An allusion to their plot to support Charles the Simple, see below, 893. 19 This must be Ranulf III, as his father died in 890; see Regino, 892; 20 Ebalus was abbot of St-Germain-des-Pres and St-Denis. Both he, and Count Gozbert were Ranolf II’s brothers. 21 In fugam versus. 22 This occurred on 2 October, apparently while he was besieging this unidentified castrum. See Reg Chron., 893. 23 “Gozbertus post haec obsessus atque in brevi vitam finivit.” This seems to imply that he was killed during the siege or executed afterwards. It might also be interpreted as suicide, but that may be reading too much into the Latin. 24 2 February. 25 He was 13-14 years old at this time. 26 Presumably, the author is referring to 2 February. 27 April 8. 28 Fulk was archbishop of Rheims. Herbert I was the count of Vermandois, son of Pepin of Vermandois and grandson of King Bernard of Italy. 29 Count of Autun, duke of Burgundy and brother of King Boso. 30 Count of Auvergne (modern-day Clermont-Ferrand (Puy-de- Dome)) and the marches of Gothia, and at this time, duke of Author Name • 9

Aquitaine. 31 Count of Poitiers, relative of King Odo. 32 “veneruntque contra eos.” Rau seems to interpret this as Richard et al coming against Fulk, “…kamen ihnen mit einem beträchtlichen Heer entgegen.”, 327. Dehaisnes suggests that it should be amended to say obviam eis, or to ‘meet them’; 346, n. (c). Dümmler may have clouded the issue even further, “…rüchten Fulko und Heribert mit ihrem kleinen Könige gegen Odo ins Feld, während von der andern Seite Herzog Richard von Burgund und die Grafen Wilhelm von Aquitanien und Ademar von Poitou mit starker Mannschaft ihnen begegneten.”, 383. His use of ‘from the other side’ could be interpreted as against Fulk et al, but begegneten can be translated as ‘counteract’, ‘confront’, or ‘meet’. Abbo clearly places these men against Odo, and with the supporters of Charles the Simple; Abbo, II, 532-6. Therefore, I have opted to support Dehaisnes’ position. 33 Exercitum copiosum. 34 Simson prefers uadimonium, which refers to a legal matter or debt; see Niermeyer’s entry, which over four pages long. Rau translates this as those who are indebted, “was sie ihn verschuldet hatten.” Odo is probably referring to a legal agreement that these men had made with him. 35 The translation of this word is uncertain. Rau translates this as Erntezeit (harvest time), but Simson suggests that it should probably be in aestivo (summer time). 36 Usque in Pascha. 37 Rau translates this as Charles’ men coming against Odo’s camp, “Und König Odo kam heran und schulg inhnen gegenüber sein Lager auf.”, but he seems to ignore posuit and it may be that castra should be castram, but it is difficult to discern. Also, eos is accusative which suggests that it should be the object of Odo’s action (veniens adversus), not genitive as would suggest possession. In fact there is no word that demonstrates the sein/his in the Latin. 38 Odo’s brother, count of Paris and later, king of West Francia from 922-23. 39 Who then held a general assembly at Worms. 40 West Francia. 41 East Francia. TITLE • 10

42 Volens determinare bello finem discordiae. This may be a reference to the concept of ‘trial by battle’. 43 Count of Divionensi [Dijon]. 44 Simson suggests this should be understood as muneribus. See Simson, 75, n. 6; also AF, 895; Regino, uses muneribus, 895. 45 Arnulf’s son, the offspring of a concubine, who ruled Lotharingia from 895-900. 46 Lotharingia. 47 I’ve found very little on this count, other than the fact that he died of wounds and was buried at a villa called Beltem, in the pagus of Trechirgau, a province on the Rhine between Enrich, Koblenz and Oberwessel. This account can be found in Regino, 895. 48 Cum exercitu veniunt Laudunumque obsidione cingunt. 49 Above, 892. 50 Above, 886 and note. 51 Hi vero qui cum Karolo erant videntes se inminui et, ut ferunt, quia Zuendebolchus cum suis Karolum privari vitam cogitabant, ab ipsa obsidione legatos [ad] Odonem mittunt, ut partem regni, qualemcumque ei placuerit, Karolo et eis consentiat atque eos in pace recipiat. Regino mentions the siege, but no details on the agreement; Regino, 895. 52 Bishop of Laon. Dehaisnes’ edition points out that while three other sources place Dido’s death prior to 895, the passage here seems to suggest that he was still alive; see Dahaisnes, 350, n. (b). 53 indutias sub spetie pacis petendo. 54 This seems to indicate that he circumvallated them with some sort of rampart or fortifications. 55 Sed miseratus Christianitati noluit eum bellando capere. 56 Iussit sibi aperiri portas. 57 Probably Herbert I of Vermandois, above, 893. 58 The author seems to be using castrum and castellum interchangeably here. 59 Dehaisnes argues that this is not the village of St-Quentin, but Mont St-Quentin, a monastery outside of Peronne, France, which is not far from St-Quentin, the village; see Dehaisnes, 351, n. (a). It would seem that Odo hoped to use this place as his base to deal with Author Name • 11

Rudolf, who had seized St-Quentin itself. 60 Baldwin II’s brother. 61 There is some uncertainty on the identity of Theoderic and his son; see Dehaisnes, 352, n. (a). 62 Exhinc hi qui cum Karolo erant Balduinum infestum habuere, et ubique depraedationes agebantur ab eis. 63 Nam omnia castella tulerat eis Odo rex. 64 Count of Vermandois. 65 See note above. 66 This should probably be barca, a flat-bottomed boat. Simson argues that this is likely referring to the Vikings’ great ships; Simson, 78, n. 1, who references, AB, 876, which uses the term navibus magnis, and explains that the Franks referred to them as bargas. Also see Vogel, 35, n. 2. The term may very well be describing the Viking Longship, but could also be generally referring to any number of Viking ship/boat types. Abbo, I, 30, in his description of the fleet at Paris in 885, refers to them as high- ships [aerias naves], and says that there were many other smaller vessels. He also mentions that they are frequently referred to as barcas, but it is difficult to determine whether he was attributing this term to the high-ships, to the smaller vessels, or both. 67 A new leader of the Norsemen. 68 The author seems to be referring to St-Quentin and Peronne, mentioned above, but is using the terms castrum and castellum interchangeably. 69 In bello occiditur. The abbot in question seems to be none other than Rudolf himself, killed by the same Herbert mentioned above; see Regino, 818. 70 Choisy-au-Bac, NE of Compiègne. 71 This should be understood as Odo, himself, leading the army; see Simson, 78, n. 6; Vogel, 375, n. 3. 72 Multitudinem exercitus.