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SPIRITUAL DEVELOPMENT IN CHILDHOOD AND ADOLESCENCE: MOVING TO THE SCIENTIFIC MAINSTREAM

EUGENE C. ROEHLKEPARTAIN

PETER L. BENSON

PAMELA EBSTYNE KING

LINDA M. WAGENER

round the world, there appears to be a within religious communities—worry that the growing concern with in the beliefs, narratives, and commitments of the A general public as well as among schol- world’s religious traditions are not adequately ars. Whether one looks at the list of best-selling taking root in young people’s lives (e.g., books, searches the Web, watches contemporary Lindner, 2004). As Wuthnow (1998) puts it, movies or TV shows, or reads general-interest “When the sacred no longer has a single magazines, one quickly finds evidence of this address, people worry that it may disappear trend. And one sees and spirituality entirely” (p. 10). Other observers contend that (mixed with nationalism and ethnic tensions) the world’s religious heritage is “tainted by an playing defining roles in most major geopoliti- incriminating record of injustice, tribalism, vio- cal conflicts in a world that is becoming both lence, and the violation of fundamental human smaller and more fragmented. rights” (King, 2001 p. 2). Instead, they say, the While spirituality in general has considerable urgent need is to engage young people in new currency, there is additional focus on the spiri- ways of seeing, knowing, and discovering, since tual development of children and adolescents. “a simple return to or retrieval of past spiritual- The source of this interest varies considerably. ities is no longer enough to meet urgent con- For example, some people—particularly those temporary social and personal needs” (King,

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2001, p. 2). Still others note that children are, development in a way that encourages and too often, at the center of major conflicts, ter- guides additional scholarship. The long-term rorism, and the trauma of war, all of which point goal is to help position spiritual development toward spiritual pathology or pain (see Wagener as a central and mainstream issue in the social & Malony, chapter 10, this volume). Finally— sciences, including , sociology, and and perhaps most germane to this handbook— , which have had a tenuous relation- there is an emerging sense among developmental ship with this domain. The lack of full engage- scholars that something has been missing in the ment with this domain in the mainstream social scholarship, and that domain is spiritual devel- sciences has limited our capacity to fully under- opment (Benson, chapter 34, this volume; Coles, stand the person in its entirety at all points in the 1990; Lerner, Anderson, Alberts, & Dowling, life span and within its multiple social, cultural, chapter 5, this volume). and national contexts. This volume is an effort Although this appears to be a “moment” in to fill this gap. the public imagination when things spiritual To a context for the book, this introduc- have gained , there has been little con- tory chapter first examines some of the history sensus in the scientific community about the of how the mainstream social sciences have nature and scope of this dimension of life. To be neglected this area of inquiry, then it highlights sure, there are consistent strands in the social some of the challenges and approaches to defin- sciences, such as the subfields of psychology and ing spiritual development. Next, the chapter sociology of religion, that have, for more than a highlights the major theoretical traditions that century, built a growing base of have informed and shaped the current scientific theory and . To this point, however, most understanding of spiritual development, particu- of this knowledge base has been dispersed into larly in and psychol- textbooks, journals, conferences, and interest ogy of religion. Growing out of those theoretical groups focused in a particular discipline, geo- underpinnings, we then articulate several themes graphic area, or religious tradition, with little and assumptions that guided the development of overlapping scholarship or dialogue. Much of the handbook. the work finds its “home” in the . This field interfaces more with and than it does with MARGINALIZATION IN developmental psychology (Spilka, Hood, THE SOCIAL SCIENCES Hunsberger, & Gorsuch, 2004). Furthermore, the psychology of religion is quite insulated from Although pioneers in the social sciences such anthropology and sociology. Spiritual develop- as , G. Stanley Hall, J. H. Leuba, ment cannot be understood without significant Edwin Starbuck, Max Weber, and Emile conversations across these and other fields. Durkheim considered religiousness and spiritu- For the first time, this handbook draws ality to be integral to their fields, the study was together leading social scientists in the world marginalized throughout much of the 20th from multiple disciplines to articulate what is century. Through the years, many scholars have known and needs to be known about spiritual documented the relative lack of attention to development in childhood and adolescence. In issues of religion and spirituality in the social doing so, this volume presents a rich and diverse sciences in general (Davie, 2003; Gorsuch, 1988; array of theory, qualitative and quantitative Paloutzian, 1996; Weaver et al., 1998; Weaver research, and proposals for the future that are et al., 2000) and, more specifically, in the study designed to move spiritual development from a of adolescence (Benson, Donahue, & Erickson, sidelight in the academy to become a main- 1989; Bridges & Moore, 2002; Donelson, 1999; stream, accepted, and sustained field of inquiry Kerestes & Youniss, 2003; Markstrom, 1999; and . Wallace & Forman, 1998) and childhood (Hay, The editors of this volume share two goals, Nye & Murphy, 1996; Nye, 1999). The scientific one short term and one long term. The short- study of religion began reemerging in the 1960s term goal is to synthesize the research on spiritual and, by the new millennium, Hill et al. (2000) 01-Roehlke-4710.qxd 5/11/2005 7:32 PM Page 3

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concluded that “the state of the discipline today In addition, Smith (2003) documents can be characterized as sufficiently developed but reductionist thinking among sociologists that still overlooked, if not bypassed, by the whole dismisses religious or spiritual phenomena as of psychology” (p. 51). Today, this subfield of expressions of something else. “What appears psychology of religion is struggling with how to be divine or spiritual or transcendent or pious it relates to notions of “spirituality,” with some or sacred are really only about social class, race, arguing that the subdiscipline should be renamed gender, ethnicity, nationalism, solidarity, social “psychology of religion and spirituality” (Emmons control, and so on” (p. 19, italics in original; & Paloutzian, 2003; Pargament, 1999). see also Wuthnow, 2003). And, although there The inattentiveness to spiritual development are exceptions, many anthropologists have con- in the mainstream social sciences can be graphi- cluded that religion or spirituality is “a by-product cally illustrated in the study of developmental of cognitive selected for ‘more mun- psychology. Benson, Roehlkepartain, and Rude dane’ survival functions” (Alcorta & Sosis, in (2003) searched six leading developmental psy- press; see also Atran, 2002). chology journals (Child Development, Develop- Recent years, however, have seen a marked mental Psychology, International Journal of growth in scholarship related to spirituality and Behavioral Development, Journal of Adolescent spiritual development. A number of reviews of Research, Journal of Early Adolescence, and the the literature in child and adolescent religion Journal of Research on Adolescence) to ascertain and spirituality provide access to the knowledge the frequency of citations to religion, religious base in multiple disciplines (see, for example, development, spirituality, or spiritual develop- Benson, Donahue, & Erickson, 1989; Benson & ment. Of 3,123 articles published between 1990 King, in press; Benson et al., 2003; Bridges & and July 2002 having to do with children or ado- Moore, 2002; Donahue & Benson, 1995; lescents, only 27 (0.9%) referenced one or more Donelson, 1999; Hay et al., 1996; Kerestes & of these key words. And only one article explored Youniss, 2003; Markstrom, 1999; and Smith, issues of spirituality in childhood and adoles- 2003.) In addition, several special issues of cence. Content analyses of other journals and peer-reviewed journals have been published publications have reached similar conclusions, that address spirituality or spiritual develop- though some have documented somewhat higher ment, including Annals of Behavioral Medicine, proportions based on other search criteria Review of Religious Research, Journal of (Weaver et al., 1998; Weaver et al., 2000). , Journal of Personality, and A variety of explanations have been given American Psychologist (special section). Mills for the historic marginalization of religion and (2002) documents a substantial increase in spirituality in the social sciences. Almost all medical journal articles that address religion or have to do with the academy’s biases about reli- spirituality and health (also see Thoresen, gion. And because religious and spiritual devel- 1999). Though the word spirituality did not opment share conceptual space, the former has even appear in the MedLine database until the affected the reputation of the latter. Wulff 1980s, “in recent years, every major medical, (1997) identifies some of the more prominent psychiatric, and behavioral medicine journal obstacles. Among them is the pervasive personal has published on the topic” (Mills, 2002, p. 1), rejection of religion by social scientists, a fact fueled, in part, by the pioneering work of Harold supported by several studies of academics’ atti- G. Koenig and the late David B. Larson (e.g., tudes toward religion (Bergin, 1991; Campbell, Koenig, McCullough, & Larson, 2001). This 1971; Larson & Witham, 1998; Shafranske, work has not focused specifically on children 1996). Another is the view that religion, like art and adolescents, but it has generated significant or music or politics, is a discretionary human attention in the public and media to this domain activity and not a core, fundamental dynamic of of life. human life. The area may also be shied away In addition to this growing attention to the from because it is “politically sensitive and broad domain of spirituality, a number of recent philosophically difficult” (McCrae, 1999, contributions in mainstream developmental p. 1211). science publications have also focused specifically 01-Roehlke-4710.qxd 5/11/2005 7:32 PM Page 4

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on children and adolescents. Reich, Oser, and been reached about what the terms actually Scarlett (1999) have compiled a volume titled mean” (p. 549). Psychological Studies on Spiritual and Religious There are several ways to think about the Development, uniquely featuring European terms spirituality and spiritual development, scholars. A major article on spiritual develop- all of which are reflected in various contribu- ment appeared in Developmental Psychology in tions to this handbook. First, they have been 2004 (King & Furrow, 2004). The Journal of described by many scholars as a particular Adolescence published an issue focused on ado- dimension of the . Wulff lescents and religion (1999), and a special issue (1997) has suggested that this situation has been of Applied Developmental Science on spiritual necessitated by a change in the use and meaning development was published in 2003. For the of the term religion. William James (1902/1958), first time since it began publication in 1946, the he notes, recognized that religion had several Handbook of Child Psychology includes a intertwined dimensions. There are both institu- chapter on spiritual development in its sixth tional aspects to religion, including sys- edition (Oser, Scarlett, & Bucher, in press). tems and rituals that one inherits when choosing And, in addition to this volume, Sage Publica- to be part of a religious tradition. At the same tions has released the Encyclopedia of Religious time, there is an experiential dimension, which and Spiritual Development in Childhood and is more direct and immediate. Adolescence (Dowling & Scarlett, in press), In Wulff’s view, the meaning of religion has which offers brief introductions to hundreds evolved to focus more on the first of these two, of topics. with religion “becoming reified into a fixed sys- tem of ideas or ideological commitments” (p. 46). This has led to the use of the term spiri- DEFINITIONAL ISSUES tuality to convey the more subjective and expe- riential aspects of religion. According to Although there is evidence of increased atten- Zinnbauer and colleagues (1997): “Spirituality tion to this domain, there is no consensus about is now commonly regarded as an individual what “this domain” really is. Indeed, a funda- phenomenon and identified with such things as mental challenge in compiling scholarship on personal transcendence, supra consciousness “spiritual development” is a definitional issue, sensitivity, and meaningfulness.... Religious- knowing that how the subject is defined not only ness, in contrast, is now often described nar- sets boundaries on the areas of scholarship but rowly as formally structured and identified with also influences whether it is deemed legitimate religious institutions and prescribed theology in the academy. What is meant by spiritual and rituals” (p. 551). In fact, some models now development? How is it different from spiritual- subsume religiousness as a category within spir- ity? And how it is it different from religious ituality (see, for example, MacDonald, 2000). development—the domain with which it has This bifurcation of religion and spirituality been most closely associated? Despite a number has both proponents and detractors. For some, of helpful explorations of these definitional these are artificial lines of demarcation, blurring issues (see, for example, Hill et al., 2000; King, the fact that belief and tradition are dynamically 2001; MacDonald, 2000; Marler & Hadaway, intertwined with the experiential (Wuthnow, 2002; Oser et al., in press; Reich, 2001; Slater, 1998). Another concern voiced by some schol- Hall, & Edwards, 2001; Stifoss-Hanssen, 1999; ars is that the split between religion and spiritu- Wuthnow, 1998; Zinnbauer et al., 1997; and ality unnecessarily fuels the idea that one is Zinnbauer, Pargament, & Scott, 1999), there has bad (i.e., religion) and the other is good (i.e., yet to emerge any consensus. As Zinnbauer and spirituality). (See, for example, Hill et al., 2000; colleagues (1997) write: “The ways in which the Pargament, 1999.) Such evaluations are likely to words [religiousness and spirituality] are con- emerge in postmodern societies in which social ceptualized and used are often inconsistent in institutions are viewed with suspicion and indi- the research literature. Despite the great volume vidual development is held as a primary value. of work that has been done, little consensus has In these cases, individuals may seek to know, 01-Roehlke-4710.qxd 5/11/2005 7:32 PM Page 5

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relate to, and respond to the sacred without the streams of development: cognitive, social, perceived trappings and constrictions of tradi- emotional, and moral. The name commonly tional religious doctrine, ritual, and institutional given to this dimension is spiritual development. engagement. Still others argue that the debate And it is hypothesized to be a developmental is really a Western—even North American—one wellspring out of which emerges the pursuit of in that it ignores how these terms are experi- meaning, connectedness to others and the enced and used in non-Western and developing sacred, purpose, and contributions, each and all societies (see, for example, Mbiti, 1969; Stifoss- of which can be addressed by religion or other Hanssen, 1999). systems of ideas and belief. A relatively new wave of definitions is pred- One way to think about this core developmen- icated on finding a common denominator that tal dimension is to focus on the human capacity can bind religion and spirituality together and (and inclination) to create a narrative about who at the same time demarcate their differences. one is in the context of space and time. Persons This anchor point is the concept of the sacred. are active participants in creating this narrative, Pargament (1997) suggests that examples of the working with “source” material that comes from sacred include the concepts of God, divinity, and is handed down by family and social groups, transcendence, and ultimate reality. Accordingly, but superimposing on this material a great deal spirituality can be defined as “a search for the that emerges from personal experience and per- sacred, a process through which people seek sonal history. This process of constructing the to discourse, hold on to and, when necessary, self in social and historical context is universal, transform whatever they hold sacred in their transhistorical, and transcultural. lives” (Hill & Pargament, 2003). Similarly, A variety of theoretical perspectives can be Miller and Thoresen (2003) suggest that spiritu- brought to bear on this narrative- jour- ality refers to one’s engagement with that which ney. Building on the neo-Freudian ideas in she or he consider holy, divine, or beyond the Rizzuto’s The Birth of the Living God (1979), material world. Religion also seeks the sacred, Robert Coles grounds spirituality in the deepest creating the doctrine, beliefs, and rituals that of human needs (without pathologizing this bind believers to it and to each other. dimension of life, as did Freud). In Coles’s A second recent effort seeks to define spiritu- (1990) words: ality without explicit reference to a sacred or transcendent realm. Beck (1992), for example, We are the creatures who recognize ourselves refocuses the concept of spiritual on a set of as “adrift” or as “trapped” or as “stranded” or as human qualities rather than a search for the being in some precarious relationship to this sacred or transcendent. These qualities, he world; and as users of , we are the ones suggests, can be developed by either religious or who not only take in the world’s “objects” but nonreligious persons. Among these are insight build them up in our minds, and use them (through and understanding; an awareness of the intercon- and fantasies) to keep from feeling alone, nections among and between persons and other and to gain for ourselves a sense of where we life forms; an experience of mystery and awe; came from and where we are and where we’re and a posture of generosity and gratitude. Roof going. (p. 8) (1993) puts it this way: spirituality “gives expression to the being that is in us; it has to do In this vein, a second definition of spiritual with feelings, with the power that comes from development—which was used as a starting within, with knowing our deepest selves” point for shaping this volume—also focuses on (p. 64). the person as actively constructing a view of the A new line of theory and research introduces self-in-context: a third perspective. This work suggests that there is a core and universal dynamic in human Spiritual development is the process of growing development that deserves to be moved to cen- the intrinsic human capacity for self-transcendence, ter stage in the developmental sciences, along- in which the self is embedded in something side and integrated with the other well-known greater than the self, including the sacred. It is the 01-Roehlke-4710.qxd 5/11/2005 7:32 PM Page 6

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developmental “engine” that propels the search and synthesized these themes. And Strommen for connectedness, meaning, purpose and contri- (1971) produced an important edited volume bution. It is shaped both within and outside of reli- synthesizing the research on religious develop- gious traditions, beliefs and practices. (Benson ment. That 1971 volume is, to a certain extent, et al., 2003, pp. 205–206) a forerunner to this volume. Throughout the history of the social sciences, Given the emergent nature of this area of noted scholars have examined the intersection inquiry, it is premature—and potentially counter- of religious or spiritual development with per- productive—to propose that a single definition sonality, society, and/or human development. could adequately capture the richness, complex- Although their view of religion (and, by exten- ity, and multidimensional nature of spiritual sion, spirituality) has not always been favorable, development. As Nye (1999) writes: “Attempts to religion has been acknowledged as either a help- define [spirituality] closely, and derive an ade- ful or a hindering force in the developmental quate ‘operational definition’ can be sure of one process. Several strands of this ongoing theory thing: misrepresenting spirituality’s complexity, building and research have informed current depth and fluidity. Spirituality is like the wind— understandings of child and adolescent spiritual though it might be experienced, observed and development, including psychoanalytic theories, described, it cannot be ‘captured’—we delude stage theories, and systems-oriented approaches ourselves to think otherwise, either in the design to psychological development. of research or in analytical conclusions” (p. 58). Furthermore, without further field exploration, Psychoanalytic Theories this approach risks being another “ungrounded theory” that does not reflect human realities in As noted, religion and spirituality were ini- different cultures, contexts, and traditions (see tially maligned by psychoanalysts, particularly Pargament, 1999). Thus, while the preceding by Freud (1961), who referred to “religion as a definition has been offered as a starting point universal obsessional neurosis,” a mere illusion for shaping this volume, all authors have been derived from infantile human wishes (p. 43). encouraged to articulate their own approach and However, a number of prominent psychoana- assumptions, in hopes that the resulting diversity lysts have proposed meaningful and productive enriches the dialogue and understanding. ways in which spirituality or, in most cases, reli- gion can function in the developmental process. Although Carl Jung saw religion as a delu- RESEARCH TRADITIONS sion, he recognized its value in providing assur- THAT INFORM THIS FIELD ance and strength, allowing humankind to transcend the instinctive stage of the uncon- Although this emerging field of child and scious into the heights of great moral and cul- adolescent spiritual development is relatively tural achievements (Wulff, 1997). He noted that new in the social sciences, there is an extensive religion was “incontestably one of the earliest literature that can inform this area of inquiry. and most universal expressions of the human Several major works have synthesized various mind” (Jung, 1938, p. 5) and that religion was aspects of the domain. Three works in the psy- not only a sociological and historical phenome- chology of religion are particularly noteworthy. non, but also something of considerable per- Wulff’s (1997) monumental text reviews the sonal concern to a great number of individuals. contributions of some of psychology’s most From the object-relations tradition, Ana- influential thinkers, including James, Hall, Maria Rizzuto (1979) argued that representa- Freud, Jung, Erickson, Allport, Fromm, and tions of God are an inevitable universal outcome Maslow. In addition, Spilka and colleagues of the child’s relationships with the parents and (2003) have produced a third edition of their other caretakers along with the child’s growing extensive synthesis of the scientific literature interest in causal events. Whether or not the in the psychology of religion. Similarly, Oser, individual in the representation as a Scarlett, and Bucher (in press) have examined divine entity remains a potentiality throughout 01-Roehlke-4710.qxd 5/11/2005 7:32 PM Page 7

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life. For Rizzuto, these God images serve as an confirmation of hope and can serve throughout illusory transitional object, bringing comfort the life span as a source of hope. And he and meaning to the individual. She also found asserted that religion not only provides a tran- that God images develop at every life stage, scendent worldview, moral beliefs, and behav- leading her to conclude that “each new phase in ioral norms, but religious traditions also the identity cycle brings with it a specific religious embody these ideological norms in a commu- cycle” (p. 52). nity of believers (Erikson, 1968). As a self-identified psychoanalyst turned Erikson’s stage theory greatly contributed to fieldworker, Robert Coles (1990) broke new the faith development theory of James Fowler ground by articulating the natural, complex, and (1981; also see Fowler & Dell, chapter 3, this adaptive function that spirituality played in the volume). For Fowler, faith is universal and can lives of children. In his 30-year project on the exist within and outside of religious traditions. inner life of children, Coles and his wife, Jane It’s a person’s way of responding to transcen- Coles, gathered data from interviews and draw- dent value and power in such a way that the trust ings from children around the world. He recalls in and loyalty to the source of transcendence that it was not until years into the project that integrate our identity and give our lives unity he began to take note of the spiritual lives of and meaning (Fowler, 1981). Although stage children. As a classically trained analyst, Coles theories such as Fowler’s have been criticized was initially concerned with the illusionary qual- for its strong cognitive basis and for suggesting ity of religion, but over time his conceptualiza- that children are limited to less mature faith tions were transformed as he noted with surprise (e.g., Balswick, King, & Reimer, 2005; Day, the positive and sometimes life-changing quality 2001; Loder, 1998; Streib, 2001), they have of children’s spirituality. After witnessing how been invaluable in allowing the study of the children’s religious beliefs and experiences transcendent domains of religion, spirituality, helped them cope with racial discrimination and and faith to gain more serious consideration. transform civic culture during the civil rights era The research of Fritz Oser and Paul Gmünder in the South, he wrote, “whether our emphasis is (1991) has produced the “European school” of sociological or psychological or theological,... cognitive-psychological religious stage theory. even the most private ‘illusions’ can become part Although the stages are related to the work of of a decidedly public event” (Coles, 1990, p. 20). Fowler, these stages specifically focus on reli- His phenomenological approach to understand- gious judgment. Their work concentrates on the ing child spirituality brought a deep quality of nature and structure of religious thinking, eluci- respect and illumination to the complex spiritual dating how persons interpret their personal expe- lives of children. riences both of self and the world in life of the Ultimate (God, transcendent other). Oser and Gmünder argue for a sphere of knowing that is Stage Theories distinctively religious. Although related to moral Stemming from the psychoanalytic tradition, , this religious intellect is independent of Erik Erikson’s epigenetic theory of development moral knowledge and other forms of cognition. introduced stage theory to the psychology of There are strong similarities between the religion. In addition, Erikson gave unprece- theories of Fowler (1981) and Oser and dented attention to the potential role of religion Gmünder (1991). Both are indebted to genetic and spirituality in development. For example, he structuralism and describe a development that suggested that the successful resolution of the leads from the particular to the universal and first stage of development brings about the virtue from heteronomy to autonomy. Both approaches of hope, which “is the enduring belief in the establish significant age trends, and the stages attainability of fervent wishes” (1964, p. 118). from both theories, to a certain extent, parallel Hopefulness over time is transformed into mature one another. Notwithstanding these similarities, faith, allowing one to believe without evi- there are differences (see Oser et al., in press; dence that the universe is trustworthy. Erikson Fowler, Nipkow, & Schweitzer, 1991). Primarily, acknowledged that religion is the institutional Fowler incorporates into his scheme of stages 01-Roehlke-4710.qxd 5/11/2005 7:32 PM Page 8

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many different psychological elements, including experience, and it has remained a robust force moral, social, and cognitive development; iden- in life for both individuals and societies, despite tity; and comprehension of symbols. In contrast, numerous predictions of its demise. To be sure, Oser and Gmünder concentrate on religious such a conclusion is not readily apparent through judgment. Fowler addresses faith in a very gen- available survey research on religion among eral sense; in contrast Oser and Gmünder speak youth and adults. For example, Norris and of religious judgment for establishing control Inglehart (2004) document two countervailing and regulating the relationship between oneself dynamics. First, they document an ongoing and an Absolute. Whereas Fowler’s approach decline in the influence of religious institutions may be more suitable for raising questions in affluent societies (with a public that remains related to life history and existential themes, more traditionally religious, the United States is Oser and Gmünder’s approach elucidates the a notable outlier among industrialized nations). transformation dynamics of cognitive structures. This secularization trend is counterbalanced in poorer, nonindustrialized societies by a growing proportion of the world’s total population being Developmental Systems Theories traditionally religious (owing to the comparably Increasing attention has been given to under- higher population growth in these societies). standing the role of context in spiritual develop- As noted, the United States (where much ment. Developmental systems theories shift the of the scholarship on spiritual development and focus to transactions between individuals and religion has occurred) remains a unique case. their various embedded contexts (see Lerner et al., Although there has been growing attention to chapter 5, this volume). Developmental process those adult populations who are “spiritual, but is located in the ongoing transactions between the not religious” (Fuller, 2001) and although that person and her or his multilayered contexts. From percentage may be rising, Marler and Hadaway a developmental systems perspective, the good- (2002) document that only about one in five U.S. ness of fit between person and environment is of adults places her- or himself in this category, with primary concern. Oser and colleagues (in press) the majority of American adults (64%) currently point out that in the current literature, religious- describing themselves as spiritual and religious ness and spirituality are of interest insofar as they (9% describe themselves as religious only and provide opportunities to foster a better fit. 8% indicate that they are neither religious nor spiritual). Lippman and Keith (chapter 8, this volume) report similar findings among adoles- ASSUMPTIONS GUIDING THE HANDBOOK cents in the United States (see also Smith, 2005), but they also document the uniqueness of these Each of these research and theoretical traditions, American patterns in a broader global context. among others, has brought important insights and These various forms of survey research on accents to the science of child and adolescent religious participation or belief are helpful as spiritual development. Reviewing these various proxies for spiritual development in countries approaches and the current research, the editors such as the United States with a relatively high of this handbook identified a series of theoreti- overlap between religiosity and spirituality. cal assumptions that have guided the process of They are inadequate, however, for understand- structuring this handbook. Each of these core ing spiritual development, in its many diverse assumptions is woven into Benson’s (chapter 34, forms, as a universal process. For example, a this volume) thinking about an architecture for a growing, though still limited, body of scientific theory of spiritual development. evidence suggests that spirituality or religiosity has biological or physiological roots (e.g., Spiritual Development as Brown, Murphy, & Malony, 1998; d’Aquili & Newberg, 1999; D’Onofrio, Eaves, Murrelle, a Universal Human Process Maes, & Spilka, 1999; Hay, Reich, and Usch, Throughout history and across all societies, chapter 4, this volume; Newberg & Newberg, forms of spirituality have become part of human chapter 14, this volume). 01-Roehlke-4710.qxd 5/11/2005 7:32 PM Page 9

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Although the evidence is incomplete, the 20 measures of spirituality, identifying five editors hypothesize that spiritual development “robust dimensions of spirituality” (p. 185): is a dimension of human life and experience as cognitive orientation; experiential/ phenomeno- significant as cognitive development, emotional logical dimension; existential well-being; para- development, or social development. All of normal beliefs; and religiousness. These examples these dimensions of development are interre- point to the many accents that surface in this lated. It is the spiritual dimension that is most field. They reinforce the understanding of spiri- involved in a person’s effort to integrate the tuality and spiritual development as complex, many aspects of development. As a core process multidimensional phenomena and processes of development involving the creation of a life that require sophisticated theory, measurement, narrative (in which the self is connected to larger and analysis across diverse populations, cultures, constructs of values, tradition, space, and/or time), and traditions. spiritual development cannot be reduced to However, much of the current research merely human need or desire. (including many, though not all, contributions to The narrative-building and self-transcending this volume) rely primarily on relatively super- tasks of spiritual development can, but do not ficial measures of spirituality or—perhaps more necessarily have to, be about the divine or the common—on measures of religious commit- sacred. While it is commonplace for persons ment, belief, or participation as proxies for spir- to draw religious imagery, doctrine, symbol, ituality or spiritual development (Benson, and tradition into this developmental “work”— Scales, Sesma, & Roehlkepartain, 2005). This particularly in cultures and social contexts gap holds true, despite the abundance of avail- grounded in such perspectives—notions of able scales that measure dimensions of religios- divinity, God, or gods are not essential for spir- ity and, increasingly, spirituality (Gorsuch, itual development. 1984; Gorsuch & Walker, chapter 7, this vol- It is problematic, however, that the vast ume; Hill & Hood, 1999; Tsang & McCullough, majority of published scholarship in well- 2003). The contrast between the call for deep, established journals presumes a North American multidimensional theoretical frameworks and context with a primary focus on the majority the “shallow” measures most often used in this population (Caucasian and Judeo-Christian). domain represents one of the major challenges And, as multiple chapters in this volume docu- for the future of research in child and adolescent ment, this lack of cross-cultural research and spiritual development. understanding has greatly limited advancements in the field, not only because its relevance to the Spiritual Development as a Process majority of the world’s population is untested, but also because it carries with it a set of The notion of spiritual development adds an assumptions about the dynamics and processes important dimension in its emphasis on process. of spiritual development that are not universal Spiritual development introduces questions and may, in fact, be anomalies. Several chapters about the nature of spiritual change, transforma- in this volume (notably Gottlieb, chapter 11; tion, growth, or maturation as well as life phases Lippman and Keith, chapter 8; Mattis, and stages. For example, Wink and Dillon (2002) Ahluwalia, Cowie, & Kirkland-Harris, chapter argue that spiritual development “demands not 20; Verma and Sta. Maria, chapter 9) make only an increase in the depth of a person’s important contributions to closing this gap. awareness of, and search for, spiritual meaning over time, but it also requires an expanded and deeper commitment to engagement in actual A Multidimensional Domain spiritual practices” (p. 80; see also Scarlett, The vast majority of researchers in the field chapter 2, this volume). agree that spirituality has multiple domains (e.g., Through most of the 20th century, spiritual Gorsuch & Walker, chapter 7, this volume; Hill (or, more often, religious) development was & Hood, 1999; Lerner et al., chapter 5, this vol- viewed through stage theory (e.g., Fowler, ume;). For example, MacDonald (2000) analyzed 1981) or was dominated by nondevelopmental 01-Roehlke-4710.qxd 5/11/2005 7:32 PM Page 10

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approaches (see Oser & Scarlett, 1991). In the in the African American community and tradition same way that developmental psychology has consistently finds that interpersonal relation- moved beyond stage theory as a primary frame ships (with family, peers, etc.) play a vital role (e.g., Overton, 1998), spiritual development in cultivating and shaping the spiritual develop- must also move beyond an overreliance on stage ment of children and adolescents. (See also theory, which “implies a certain amount of dis- Gottlieb, chapter 11, this volume; Mattis et al., continuity in religious [and spiritual] develop- chapter 20, this volume; Schwartz, Bukowski, ment, whereas it may actually be a reasonably and Aoki, chapter 22, this volume.) continuous process” (Hood, Spilka, Hunsberger, Their perspective is consistent with develop- & Gorsuch, 1996, p. 55). mental systems theories that emphasize the The emphasis on process also grows out of interaction between person and context, in an emphasis on the developmental trajectory which the child or adolescent is embedded across time (instead of emphasizing distinct, within multiple contexts or ecologies (including predictable, and often disconnected develop- culture, family, school, faith community, neigh- mental stages). This approach highlights devel- borhood, community, nation; see part IV) that opment as a continuous process in which early shape the young person’s developmental path experiences and opportunities shape (though do (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Lerner, 1998, 2002; not predetermine) future experiences and choices Lerner et al., chapter 5, this volume). This (Rutter, 1983; Scales, Sesma, & Bolstrom, 2004). perspective would suggest that spirituality is not Hence, understanding the continuity of develop- only an individual quest but also a communal ment through childhood and adolescence is as experience and phenomenon. vital to understanding spiritual development as Just as important as recognizing the ways it is to recognizing the phases and stages that are in which various contexts shape young people’s also part of that process. spiritual pathway is to see this influence as It is important to acknowledge that to some, bidirectional, with children and adolescents also however, the term development implies growth affecting the people and places that are part of from less to more, which is incongruent with their lives. This interaction speaks to the impor- some religious and philosophical understand- tance of “goodness of fit” between the young ings that spirituality is fully formed in a person and her or his ecological contexts (Pearce newborn and is too often suppressed, not nur- & Haynie, 2004), as well as emphasizes personal tured, in society (see Yust, Johnson, Sasso, & agency in shaping one’s own spiritual pathway. Roehlkepartain, in press). Others note that spir- This perspective challenges widespread practices ituality is more mystical, relational, and divinely of emphasizing “passing down” traditions and gifted than is suggested by the use of the word beliefs that effectively “erode the of development, which can imply a sort of children as agents within society” (Lindner, inevitability to the process. Coming to terms 2004, p. 57). Lindner goes on to note that, despite with the language to suggest both the reality of the burgeoning research on religion and spiritual- process as well as these related issues remains ity, “scant attention as been given to children’s an important area for dialogue and discovery. own views of religion and their spiritual life” (p. 60). Multiple chapters in this handbook (most notably, Hart, chapter 12) emphasize this theme. Interaction Between Person and Context Many conceptualizations of spirituality, par- Spirituality as a Life-Shaping Force ticularly in the West, have been highly focused on individual experience and impact. Mattis and The preponderance of available research Jagers (2001) note that the vast majority of con- suggests that spirituality has a powerful effect ceptualization and research in the area of spiri- in life. As documented in part V of this hand- tuality has emphasized the individual “quest,” book, spirituality has been found to be inversely rather than the social and relational context of related to numerous negative outcomes and posi- spiritual development. However, their research tively associated with numerous positive outcomes. 01-Roehlke-4710.qxd 5/11/2005 7:32 PM Page 11

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Indeed, in the realm of spiritual development, perhaps we are only at the beginning of a major, the area of scholarship that perhaps has generated lasting resurgence in things spiritual that will be the most scientific study is the exploration of sustained for decades. spirituality and religion and their developmental In some senses, it hardly matters. As docu- correlates. It is arguable that the consistent pos- mented by the contributors to this handbook, the itive relationships between religion and devel- evidence is growing that spiritual development opmental benefits have captured the attention of is a vital process and resource in young people’s the public and the academy. developmental journey from birth through It is important, though, to note that spiritual- adolescence. Indeed, when human development ity, like religion, can have both positive and neg- marginalizes spiritual development, it does a ative expressions and outcomes. Some scholars great disservice to itself and to young people. have found, for example, that certain forms of Without accounting for the spiritual dimension, religiousness may be more pathological, includ- human development builds theories, research ing a strictly utilitarian or extrinsic religion or endeavors, and, by extension, practices on an spirituality, a conflict-ridden, fragmented reli- incomplete understanding of our humanness. gion or spirituality, an impoverished author- Just as important, the developmental itarian religion or spirituality, and a defense sciences add too little to vital questions of our mechanism that allows people to deny and time if they do not apply themselves to these retreat from reality (summarized in Hill et al., complex issues. As Benson et al. (2003) write: 2000; also see Wagener & Malony, this volume). “Spiritual development is likely a wellspring Although the field of psychology in the 20th for the best of human life (e.g., generosity, century too often emphasized the pathological unit, sacrifice, altruism, social justice) as well outcomes of spiritual commitment (e.g., Ellis, as for our darkest side (e.g., genocide, terror- 1980), the recent openness to spirituality tends ism, slavery). Using social science to examine toward recognizing only its positive aspects and this potent force in society and individual lives impact. It is important that this trend not lead to of young people has been neglected for too defining spiritual development as only a positive long” (p. 210). The Handbook of Spiritual process; nonetheless, the growing recognition Development in Childhood and Adolescence of the positive contribution that spirituality can seeks to ensure that this oversight does not make in the lives of children and adolescents persist. bodes well for continued attention to and exami- nation of this pivotal dimension of life. REFERENCES

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