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The University of Chicago Library THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO LIBRARY ELECTRONIC COURSE RESERVE THE FOLLOWING FILE IS PROTECTED BY SECTION 17 OF THE UNITED STATES COPYRIGHT CODE. BALKANISTICA OCCASIONAL PAPERS IN SOUTHEAST EUROPEAN STUDIES 10 II 1975 Editor Kenneth E. Naylor Assistant Editor Craig N. Packard / -I- , / plr’ir This match! may be protecud by 2 r i Gp$gk bw (Tide 17 U.S. Cod@: Published for -. The American Association for Southeast European Studies by Slavica Publishers, Inc. P.O. Box 312 Cambridge, Mass. 02139 ’ (2) of three MACEDONIAN LANGUAGE AND NATIONALISM DURING THE ent building' NINETEENTH AND EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURIES ed' (3) Victor A. Friedman zd' (1) zry ' (3) x-rect' (5) In contradistinction to the development of the other South Slavs, the national awakening of the Mac- :a1 scholars' edonians in the nineteenth century was not accompan- ied by the definitive formation of a literary lan- 1’ (1) guage. To the contrary, the rise of a Macedonian IP’ (1) national consciousness along with attempts to form a lurch prop- Macedonian literary language, or at least a literary language based to a large extent on Macedonian dia- !4) lects, was discouraged at this time. This paper will f (4) investigate not only the phenomenon of language and :' (3) :21 national identity among the present-day Macedonians but will also demonstrate that a national identity s’ (2) -Is’ did in fact exist among those people in the nine- (2) teenth century. (5) , Since the Macedonian literary lan- -n love guage did not come to be officially codified and recognized until the time of the Second world War, the "nineteenth century" of Macedonian can in a sense acquire a A be said to have lasted until that time. Since the existence of a Macedonian literary 1 ?F \ language is a sensitive topic in some circles, it is sman' (1) k desirable to give some objective definitions. ' (5) \ c’ The .an' (5) territorial definition of Macedonia is not disputed by any group: it includes southern Yugoslavia (Vardar Macedonia), much of northern Greece (Aegean Macedon- 5) * 5) ia), and the southwestern corner of Bulgaria (Pirin Macedonia). Any attempts to define the limits of n' (3) 0" B pe' (1) Macedonian on the basis of linguistic boundaries, (/! i.e., isoglosses, however, can be met with accusa- %03 tions of arbitrariness or incompleteness, since there 5h.h is no definitive bundle of isoglosses- separating one Serbo-Croatian, Macedonian, and Bulgarian; rather the dialects shade very gradually from one into aA- other. The definition of the modern Macedonian lit- erary language presents no problems, as it is firmly based on the west-central Macedonian dialects and has an established grammar, dictionary, and orthography. One has only to compare these works with their Bul- garian and Serbo-Croatian counterparts to see the differences. However, because the period discussed in this paper was one during which there were no es- tablished norms for Macedonian, and because of the aforementioned problems arising from dependence on isoglosses and from political sensitivity, the most objective definition of Macedonian in the nineteenth- century is a territorial one. 'Thus, for our purposes "Macedonian" will be taken to mean the Slavic dialects 84 Friedman: Macedonian Language spoken in the region called Macedonia. Since this its definil paper is concerned with the developments connectedwith of a liter; the formation of the modern Macedonian literary lan- yet considc guage , those factors which did not directly contribute South, Gree to these developments, i.e., Bulgarophile and Serbo- the high sl phile activities, will not be considered. Those peo- question 0: ple whose activity was significant for the development of the ear: of Me ?donian language and nationalism will be treated Macedonian regardless of the name by which they may have called is signific themselves or their language. Macedo-Bulc There is not much to be said about pre-nine- The f: teenth-century Macedonian nationalism and language. guage basec In Macedonia, as in other parts of the Ottoman Empire KrEovski (I at that time, the major distinction was in terms of Kratovo-Kr. religion rather than language or nationality. Thus donia, and the important opposition was Turk/giaour rather than Kiril PejE. national, e.g., Slav/Greek (Arnakis 1963:116). The Tetovo dia. Slavic literary language of this period was basically Joakim (Lu Church Slavonic with ever-increasing admixtures of their langI local dialects; texts from Macedonian speech areas were Macedc show Macedonian linguistic features. By the beginning to publish of the nineteenth century, texts were being written in 1967a:88). Church Slavonicized dialects rather than in dialectal the Macedo: Church Slavonic (Koneski 1967b:22-26). (While a num- work gave ber of manuscripts exist in various dialects using colloquial both the Cyrillic and Greek alphabets, the discussion tification in this paper will be restricted to published texts.) was though Blaze Koneski (1967b:27) has noted that the earli- Sinaitski ( est published Macedonian text was aimed at the elim- Utjegenie ination of the language. This was the TetragZosson ika, 1840) (?etirijaziznik) of the Vlah HadHiDaniilof Moskopole golden key (Albanian VoskopojB), first published in Venice in it is like 1794. This quadrilingual word list and didactic con- and that i versation manual had as its purpose the Hellenization the heart of Albanians, Aromanians, and Slavs. The Slavic sec- (Polenakov tion, called Bulgarika, was written in the Ohrid dia- should be lect as translated by the priest Stefan of Ohrid using the (Kepeski 1972:27; Lunt 1953:366). The TetragZosson had not ye raises the two major problems of Macedonian language South Slav and nationalism during the first half of the nine- desire for teenth century: Hellenization and the distinction guage base Bulgarian/Macedonian. As will be seen, the main ian and Bu problem of this period for the Christian South Slavs first expr living in Ottoman territory was the combatting of but these Hellenization, so such concerns as differentiation vided an a among themselves were of secondary importance. The Befor term BuLgurian has a long history of being used in- chate in 1 discriminately for the South Slavs living in Turkey, were more e.g., in the seventeenth century Evlija Celebija Borba, 'EC wrote of "Bulgarians" in Belgrade and Sarajevo (Kon- iot Patria eski 1968:24). During the early nineteenth century, 63). Altho the Bulgarian literary language had not yet developed norther;!Ma nature (Cl Patriarcha Friedman: Macedonian Language 85 since this its definite eastern character; in fact, the question connectedwith of a literary language based on the vernacular was not literary lan- yet considered settled. Church Slavonic (or, in the tly contribute South, Greek) was still regarded as the language of e and Serbo- the high style of writing (Xoneski 1967a:88). Thus the . Those peo- question of whether to call the language of the books he development of the earliest writers to use Macedonian dialects ill be treated Macedonian or BuZgarian is basically immaterial. Wh , have called is significant is that they tried to use some form of Macedo-Bulgarian vernacular. pre-nine- The first two writers to publish books in a lan- d language. guage based on Macedonian dialects were HadZi Joakim ttoman Empire KrEovski (d. 1820), who used a language based on the in terms of Kratovo-Kriva Palanka dialects of northeastern Mace- lity. Thus donia, and his somewhat younger contemporary HadZi rather than Kiril PejEinovik (c.. 1770-1845), who wrote in the :116). The Tetovo dialect, with fewer Church Slavonicisms than was basically Joakim (Lunt 1953:336)'Both these writers called ixtures of their language BuZgarian,but since their dialects eech areas were Macedonian, they can be considered as the first the beginning to publish books in some form of Macedonian (Koneski ing written in 1967a:88). Their importance to the development of in dialectal the Macedonian language lies in the fact that their (While a num- work gave the authority of the printed word to the ects using colloquial language (Koneski 1967b:31). That a jus- he discussion tification of the use of the vernacular in publishing ished texts.) was thought necessary can be seen in Hadz'i Teodosij hat the earli- Sinaitski of Dojran's preface to Kiril Pejzinovik's at the elim- Utjesenie Grjesnim 'Consolation for Sinners' (Salon- etragZosson ika, 1840), in which he likens Church Slavonic to a iof Moskopole golden key but defends the vernacular by saying that Venice in it is like a key of iron and steel (ieZezo i ZiZik) didactic con- and that it is just such a key that is needed to open Hellenization the heart of the common man (prostiot c'eZovek) Slavic sec- (Polenakovik 1973:244-245). That such a defense he Ohrid dia- should be written in 1840 shows that the concept of of Ohrid using the spoken language as the Ianguage ofliterarure etragZosson had not yet been fully accepted among the Christian ian language South Slavs of the Ottoman Empire.. The Macedonians' the nine- desire for a single Macedo-Bulgarian literary lan- stinction guage based on a compromise between various Macedon- the main ianand Bulgarian dialects can be said to find its South Slavs first expression in the works of Joakim and Kiril, atting of but these works were also important because they pro- rentiation vided an alternative to Greek. tance. The Before the establishment of the Bulgarian Exar- "9 used in- chate in 1871-1872, the Macedonians and Bulgarians g in Turkey, were more or less united in the so-called Crkvena Celebija Borba, 'Ecclesiastical Struggle,' against the Phanar- rajevo (Kon- iot Patriarchate of Constantinople (Apostolski 1969a: lth century, 63). Although there was some Serbian influence in Jet developed norther?Macedonia, it was not of a very extensive nature (Clissold 1968:145).
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