Book Reviews

Prehistory and Protohistory belonging to this period. The absence of evidence for any Neolithic occupation suggests that this was not a natural place for a settlement; it might well Corien W. Wiersma, Dimitris Agnousiotis, have been a satellite of one of the more significant settlements in the region, like Zerelia. Evangelia Karimali, Wietske Prummel and H. Reinder Reinders. Magoúla The material is covered in three chapters, of which Pavlína. A Middle Bronze Age site in the by far the longest is that on pottery; the others are Soúrpi Plain. pp. 189, 43 col. ills incl. on the stone artefacts and the animal bones and maps + 58 b&w and 1 mixed, 4 tables. mollusc shells. There is nothing very remarkable 2016. Groningen: Barkhuis (Groningen about the pottery itself except that it includes much Archaeological Studies Vol. 31). ISBN of relatively fine quality, especially Minyan; this 978-9-4914-3197-5, hardback, €49. is a feature that can be paralleled at other more substantial Middle Bronze Age settlements in the region and also at Pefkakia Magoula further north, Magoula Pavlina is a slight elevation, about 1.9 m where a series of Middle Bronze Age levels provides high and 4 hectares in area, less than 1 km from the a local sequence for the period that supports dating beach ridge of an inlet from the Pagasitic Gulf and many Minyan and Matt-Painted pieces at Magoula close to the Salambrias river that runs into the inlet, Pavlina to particular phases. The division of the in a well-watered area of eastern Thessaly that used pottery into groups used at Pefkakia forms the to be marshy but was drained for agriculture in the basis for the division here into Painted, Minyan 1930s. It is not actually clear that it is a magoula, (with subsidiaries of Dark Burnished and fine that is, an artificial mound built up from the remains plain), Utilitarian, and Coarse. The study season of ancient settlement debris (p. 18, bottom), like devoted to the pottery was only four weeks, and several important sites in the neighbourhood such this may explain some omissions in the otherwise as Zerelia (Wace and Thompson 1912, 150–66); exemplary presentation of the pottery, in which but some prehistoric pottery was noticed on its all catalogued pieces are illustrated with a drawing surface in 1978. Ploughing for the first time (in (coloured in the case of the painted sherds), and the modern era, at least) in 1996 brought a mass of the fabric, features of manufacture and surface artefacts to the surface, and the Groningen Institute condition are carefully described. But the figures of Archaeology, which was conducting a survey have no scale and the descriptions do not specify in the region in partnership with the Ephorate sherds’ thickness or the method of production of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities in Volos, (e.g. wheel-turned, wheel-finished but coil-made, quickly made an arrangement with the land-owner handmade). One reference indicates that the Grey to give the site a survey. In two days over 9000 items Minyan was thought to be wheel-turned (p. 21), but were collected, predominantly pieces of pottery; that is exceptional. Admittedly, where the surface a sample consisting of pottery, stone and clay is abraded or encrusted, as in many cases, evidence artefacts, and mammal and mollusc remains was for manufacture method might be difficult to find; reserved for close study. This volume publishes the but how soon and to what extent the potter’s wheel results, replacing earlier partial reports. and the technique of wheel-throwing vases were adopted in the different regions of the mainland What is immediately striking about the material during the Middle Bronze Age is a question that is that the bulk of the diagnostic pottery is Middle has attracted much attention in recent years, and Bronze Age in date, including a considerable sample it would have been interesting to have some local of Grey Minyan ware. It is reported that the only evidence from a relatively ordinary settlement site. notable feature about the artefact distribution on the surface was that there was a particular There is much Minyan, of fine and coarser varieties, concentration of Grey Minyan at the highest point of and some fine plain ware; the shapes include early, the site, indicating that the settlement was centred mature and late forms. Here the reviewer would there. There is also some material attributable to comment that the Dark Burnished sherd no. 133 (fig. the Early Bronze Age, and a scatter of potsherds 2.20, p. 70) is unlikely to be from a Vapheio cup type, that suggest activity at various points in Classical, since the high attachment of the handle-base is quite Roman, Byzantine and near-Modern times. But the uncharacteristic, and the strongly flaring rim is not material strongly suggests that the site flourished an early feature. However, it could indeed date in most in the Middle Bronze Age, and it is likely the transitional period from Middle to Late Bronze that the other artefactual material and the animal Age, like some of the finest pieces in pale fabrics remains come mainly if not entirely from layers (especially nos. 148-9, fig. 2.22, p. 74), which would

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therefore belong to the latest Bronze Age phase particularly oriented to the sea, that did have quite represented on the site. The plain ware, here called substantial external contacts. It is placed in its Utilitarian (Gebrauchskeramik at Pefkakia), includes setting by the discussion in Ch. 5 of what is now the range of standard domestic shapes, while truly known about the Middle Bronze Age sites in the coarse ware consists mainly of cooking and storage Almyros region (here the reviewer must correct a vessels (pieces of pithos size seem to be very rare). misapprehension. The authors of Hope Simpson and Fragments of painted vessels are least common and Dickinson 1979 did not conduct survey activities have a wide range including some likely EH Urfirnis at Almyriotiki Magoula or Sourpi Magoula (pp. and others of open shapes, but more belong to quite 163, 169); only Hope Simpson visited the former, large closed vessels decorated in Matt-Painted styles, neither of us visited the latter. The entry in the including quite a number that are bichrome and a few Gazetteer makes no reference to Middle Helladic that are attributed to the Δ1β style that is associated at Almyriotiki Magoula, which must be deduced particularly with the Spercheios valley. This class from Halstead’s comment about the site, mentioned could well include other pieces from central Greece, on p. 163). But the total absence of evidence for a possible source for some of the best Minyan also, occupation in the Mycenaean period suggests that, but only two may come from beyond the mainland, although occupied over a long period (continuity is a small piece of a large closed bichrome-decorated not demonstrable, but likely for the Middle Bronze vessel of a distinctive fabric that might be Cycladic Age at least), it was not a necessary node in the (no. 15, p. 35), and a bowl fragment of fine slipped settlement pattern. Of course, conclusions drawn ware that might be specifically Kean (no. 150, p. on the basis of surface material, however abundant, 74). Most of the pottery was probably supplied from must always be considered provisional; but this larger neighbouring sites; it may be questioned volume helpfully publishes a range of material from whether the range of pottery represented could have a site that was surely smaller and more ‘ordinary’ been produced in a local potter’s workshop, though than Pefkakia, for a period that is poorly known in some domestic material might have been (this is a Thessaly in comparison with the Neolithic phases. topic that has not been much explored, as far as the reviewer knows). Altogether, a volume that specialists in the Middle Bronze Age on the mainland should find useful. There is nothing very remarkable about the few clay and stone artefacts (all illustrated in colour), which Oliver Dickinson belong to the usual domestic categories that might Reader Emeritus be expected on a settlement site, but together with Durham University the animal bones and mollusc remains (examples [email protected] again shown in colour) they help to give a picture of settlement activities. The animal material is Hope Simpson, R. and O.T.P.K. Dickinson, A gazetteer heavily dominated by domestic cattle, which might of Aegean civilization in the Bronze Age, Vol. I: the suggest that the site’s local economy involved mainland and islands. Studies in Mediterranean specialisation in cattle breeding, making use of the Archaeology 52. Göteborg: Åström. probably abundant pasture in the area (which is still Wace, A.J.B. and M.S. Thompson 1912. Prehistoric used for cattle grazing), but sheep/goat and pigs are Thessaly, Cambridge: Cambridge University also represented. Gnawing marks on animal bones Press. demonstrate the presence of dogs, not represented among the bone material, and red deer and other bones (1 boar, 1 aurochs) indicate hunting. A stone sickle element and pounders, grinders and querns relate to crop growing, a few clay items to spinning and probably weaving, and stone axeheads and a piece of sawn antler to craft work. The abundance of mollusc shells suggests that the sea supplied a proportion of the settlement’s food, though no fishbones are reported; there probably was fishing, however, for cockles and oysters could have been found in a shallow lagoon, but fresh Spondylus shells must have been hacked off rocks in deep water.

Overall, Magoula Pavlina seems to have been a medium-sized village near the coast, but not

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Marisa Marthari, Colin Renfrew and and in west Anatolia, where a tradition of figurine Michael J. Boyd (eds). Beyond the and vessel production specifically in marble goes Cyclades. Early Cycladic sculpture in back to the Chalcolithic. A final chapter by the context from mainland Greece, the north editors summarises the contributions, occasionally and east Aegean. pp. 328, 265 b/w ills, referring to additional material and briefly considers 8 tables. 2019. Oxford: Oxbow Books. all the evidence put forward in the symposia, with ISBN 9-781-58925-063-2, hardback £40. useful tables that cover the material presented in all three symposia. All papers are well illustrated, and the commendable practice of showing all figurine This is the third in a series produced to publish a illustrations at a common scale of 1:2 is continued sequence of symposia in Athens that started in from the previous volumes. 2014 with ‘Cycladic Sculpture in Context’. Such ‘sculpture’ consists in all cases of figurines (rarely The contributions vary in coverage: some are very large, although a few are more like statuettes concerned solely with the item presented, while or even, very rarely, something like life size). These others give details on the find spot, may include figurines are almost entirely of stone, generally other material that is certainly or plausibly Cycladic white marble, and belong to a well-known tradition from the same context or site, and may discuss that had its home in the EBA (Early Bronze Age) broader themes of the figurines’ social role and Cyclades, of which the ‘folded-arm figurine’ (FAF) is significance. an internationally recognised type. Until recently, Often the inclusion of other material has the a large proportion of this class of material was beneficial effect of considerably improving represented by holdings in museum and private knowledge of the site in question, which may well be collections, generally the results of looting and a relatively recent discovery, only known previously, often lacking even a claimed provenance. However, if at all, from brief reports in Arkhaiologikon the momentous discoveries in excavations on Deltion or references in academic papers. The Keros, a small island south-east of Naxos that was information given about graves at Delpriza in the an early reported source of such material, have Argive peninsula (close to Franchthi), Asteria near revolutionised our view of the whole class and the Glyphada in Attica, Nea Styra on Euboea, Vathy on part they played in Cycladic EB culture.1 The lively Astypalaia and Asklupis on Kos may particularly be debate on their interpretation and significance that noted in this respect. The reviewer was particularly followed the new discoveries led to the series of struck by the material from Nea Styra, which symposia in Athens, that was deliberately focused shows very close Cycladic links and includes an on the proportion of the material that could exceptionally large head, and from a rich jar be given an archaeological context or at least a burial at Menaria near Asklupis, which contained, secure provenance. Previously published volumes have concerned the finds with provenances in the apart from several vases and bronze weapons and Cyclades and in Crete; this volume incorporates tools, fragments of a silver sauceboat with incised examples from the Greek mainland, other Aegean decoration, a completely unique item (p. 228). The islands – mainly the Dodecanese, but there are additions to our knowledge about EB material from examples from Skyros and Lesbos – and a solitary the Acropolis of Athens, all from old excavations but find from Miletus, seemingly ‘recontextualised’ in a well-recorded for the time, Asteria, a major new site phase succeeding the EBA. and cemetery, and Palamari on Skyros, an evidently important node of exchange systems within the A total of 26 contributions deals with each of the Aegean, are also particularly noteworthy. A paper different find spots; these include material that was about the latest dated appearance of a figurine not presented in the original symposium, on new fragment, in a LPG grave at Argos, contains a very discoveries at Asteria in Attica (near Glyphada) and interesting discussion of ‘recontextualisation’, with on Ano Kouphonisi (an island in the same group many examples quoted (pp. 135–6). as Keros), and on a figurine in the collection of the Archaeological Museum on Rhodes, identified One strikingly obvious feature, perceptible at as acquired, with a local provenance, during the once in an overview of the material, is the heavy Italian occupation. There are also two general concentration of finds in Attica and sites in central papers, on the potential links with other traditions and south Euboea. The total scatter is wide, of figurine production in the Aegean Neolithic extending to Neraida near Olympia, Proskynas in eastern Locris, and a reported example from Laconia (p. 136), but at present these seem isolated instances 1 Renfrew et al. 2013 and succeeding volumes. except in the Argive peninsula, where there are two

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other occurrences apart from Delpriza. Figurines at the place where the breakage was enacted, or, are conspicuously absent from well-known and if this did take place somewhere on Keros, taken important Peloponnesian sites such as Lerna and away as a memorial of the ritual. At least, as the Tiryns, but there is other evidence of mainland editors point out (p. 292), the data make it likely links in the identification in the Keros material that the ‘Keros ritual’ came to be practised beyond of sauceboats that could come from the north Keros, over quite a wide area of the Aegean in fact; Peloponnese and also plausibly from Attica,2 and however, that it was ‘at the heart of the life cycle’ of the unique bone ‘figurine’, that may in fact have the FAF, as they also suggest, must seem debatable, been a pin-head, from Thebes (pp. 152–3). when some FAFs were not put through this ritual, but were buried intact. The Attic-Euboean finds include many from cemeteries that contain other Cycladic-looking The idea that not only many Cycladic communities material and may have Cycladic links in their grave but some parts of the mainland that had good access forms. This strongly suggests a level of Cycladic to the Aegean participated in the ‘Keros ritual’, influence also recognisable at Delpriza and at perhaps in some form of prehistoric confederacy,4 some sites in Crete, notably Ayia Photia, which is naturally very interesting, but there remain many has prompted suggestions that ‘Cycladic colonists’ unanswered questions. Ultimately, the material founded or settled at them. When so little is known, presented in this volume adds interestingly to relatively, about developments in the earlier part of the corpus of soundly documented items, but the EBA this should not be dismissed out of hand, brings us no closer to understanding the central but the frequent evidence for multiple tomb-use mystery, what the cultural and social significance in mainland cemeteries thought to have strong of the figurines was. The editors do not present Cycladic links, as at Ayios Kosmas, Nea Styra, and any lengthy discussion of this topic, which is surely Delpriza, does not seem a very Cycladic feature. wise when we are still adapting to the effective It might be better to suggest that, for reasons transformation of the picture that has followed the that remain obscure at present, some significant discovery of the Keros deposits; but it obviously elements of ‘Cycladic culture’ were adopted or has a crucial bearing on the motivation behind adapted by certain mainland communities. In the apparent adoption of the ‘Keros ritual’ and Attica this seems to have involved the development other practices in extra-Cycladic communities. of a local form of the ‘schematic’ type of figurine, Also, the access of new material sheds no light on but there was no local variety of the FAF type, in the decline and final disappearance of the figurine contrast with Crete, although some figurines may be tradition. Examples preserved in later BA contexts, local imitations of FAFs and other types (including particularly in the Cyclades, may reflect memories one example of a locally made seated figurine from of their ritual importance, but these are not very Manika in Euboea, pp. 293–4). The FAF is not in fact common. Those found in very much later contexts, very common among the Attic finds, whereas it is like the LPG tomb at Argos, are most likely to well represented in Euboea; this may well reflect have been chance discoveries that were, at best, a difference in the date and nature of the Cycladic recognised as survivals from a probably mythicised influence. past of which no real memories survived.

Another very striking feature of the material is Oliver Dickinson how often only fragments of figurines are found, Reader Emeritus clearly preserved and buried as such. Generally Durham University these are pieces of FAFs, which at once recalls how [email protected] prominent this type is in the Keros deposits.3 These consisted largely of figurines and other items that Renfrew, C., Philaniotou, O., Brodie, N., Cavalas, had been deliberately broken before fragments of G., and Boyd, M.J. (eds) 2013. The sanctuary on the broken items were ritually deposited. Places of Keros and the origins of Aegean ritual practice. The original breakage have not been found, on Keros excavations of 2006–2008 Vol. I: the settlement at or elsewhere, but it seems eminently possible that Dhaskalio. Cambridge: McDonald Institute of the fragments that were buried in graves, or were Archaeological Research. apparently preserved within a settlement, may be Renfrew, C., Philaniotou, O., Brodie, N., Cavalas, other remnants of the ‘Keros ritual’, perhaps kept G., and Boyd, M.J. (eds) 2015. The sanctuary on Keros and the origins of Aegean ritual practice. The excavations of 2006–2008 Vol. II: Kavos and the Special 2 Renfrew et al. 2018, 552–553. 3 On these see especially Renfrew et al. 2015 and Renfrew et al. 2018. 4 See Renfrew et al. 2015, 557–8 and 2018, Ch. 10.

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Deposits. Cambridge: McDonald Institute of and Whitelaw’s paper on recognising polities Archaeological Research. (Ch. 11) is appropriately well supplied with these. Renfrew, C., Philaniotou, O., Brodie, N., Cavalas, Relaki’s paper in its introduction provides the G., and Boyd, M.J. (eds) 2018. The sanctuary on nearest approach to an editorial summary, usefully Keros and the origins of Aegean ritual practice. The summarising the content of the papers and their excavations of 2006–2008 Vol. III: the marble finds relation to the major themes of the volume. from Kavos and the archaeology of ritual. Cambridge: McDonald Institute of Archaeological Research. Since it would take an inordinate amount of space to discuss the papers individually, the reviewer will remark on the most striking impressions that Maria Relaki and Yiannis Papadatos he gained, while emphasising that all will repay close study. Many of them return to ground already (eds) From the Foundations to the visited in papers submitted by the same authors to Legacy of Minoan Archaeology. pp. 331, the workshop published as Schoep et al. 2012, but in 69 b/w ills, 9 tables. 2018. Oxford: Oxbow that publication some papers pay specific attention Books (Sheffield Studies in Aegean to Protopalatial developments at the major centres Archaeology). ISBN 978-1-78570-926-5, of Phaistos and Malia. These do not figure largely paperback £38. in the volume under review, except in Whitelaw’s expanded version of his very useful attempt to establish the parameters within which any ‘states’ This volume contains final versions of the majority in Crete must have developed (Ch. 11). Knossos is of papers given at the 14th Sheffield Round Table in not particularly prominent either, which is not Aegean Archaeology, 29-31 January 2010, so it has surprising, since material of the early phases has taken a long time to arrive, but it can be said straight only been recovered there in rather bitty form (cf. away that specialists in Minoan archaeology should Cadogan in Ch. 4 on three separate sources of Early find it worth the wait. The Round Table was held Minoan (EM) material close to the palace); most to honour Keith Branigan, founder of the Sheffield notably, no early cemeteries of the kind that provide Centre for Aegean Archaeology, and its topics were so much of the most interesting Prepalatial data evidently chosen to reflect the areas in which he has have been found at Knossos. However, it still retains made particularly significant contributions. Thus, a claim to be the oldest established settlement in the papers published here are concerned principally Crete, and Tomkins has made it very clear how with different aspects of the rich field of funerary early the evidence is, dating from before the end activity, especially in the Prepalatial period, but also of Final Neolithic, for a focus of likely ceremonial with patterns of settlement and land exploitation, activity on the hill later occupied by the palace, and with the processes of development that and how major reshaping of the hill associated brought the Minoan civilisation into being. The with this purpose began as early as EM IIA (Ch. 3, contribution by Relaki, the co-editor (Ch. 2), stands provided with a series of useful plans of different out in focusing on another field in which Branigan stages). Although he is able to cite some evidence was active at an early stage, that of developments from Phaistos also, Knossos may well have been the in technology, their spread within Crete, and their leader in establishing what at the very least can be links with the outside world, notably the Cyclades termed major communal centres of ceremony. and Egypt. Tomkins’ evidence underlines the point that the The papers are generally well presented, but roots of the Minoan civilisation lie far in the past. At occasionally paragraphs are allowed to run on Knossos there was no relative sudden construction without a break over two or three pages, which of a ‘palace’; rather, there were repeated periods of makes them harder to take in and which the editors extensive construction and remodelling of previous might have tried to prevent. There is a sprinkling layouts. The creation of a recognisable Minoan of minor errors, typos, etc. that really ought to civilisation is likely to have been an equally long have been noticed at some point in the editing and complicated process. One salient feature of the process, but only one is serious, the total absence evidence that emerges from studying the papers of Table 10.1, clearly referred to in the text (p. 201). in this book is the degree of local variety that There are indications that many if not all papers there was in Crete in the Prepalatial period. Some have been revised to some extent from their homogeneity did develop, as particular features original oral presentation, which surely included that were developed in one region spread to others, more illustration than is provided; nevertheless, and this may often reflect the influence of the major each paper contains some figures, tables etc., centres, but in the Prepalatial period this process

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had not developed far; even styles of pottery and Most significant of all, in the reviewer’s opinion, seal type might be locally based. Thus, what the data is the authoritative account of the evidence of represent is not a single, unified ‘culture’, but rather the human remains by Triantaphyllou (Ch. 8), a group of related cultures, that may have shared the which cites material from a range of burial sites of sense of common identity that the historical Greeks different types, including caves, rock shelters and clearly had, despite their notorious differences, but ossuaries. On her analysis, relatively few primary this cannot be assumed of Minoan Crete. burials have been found; rather, the great bulk of the evidence represents the situation in which the The abandonment of a unilineal model of remains of the dead were left after various forms development in Minoan Crete in fact carries the of secondary treatment. This could often involve implication that evidence gathered from data in communal events, which sometimes included the one region, however abundant and well-analysed, transfer of a major group of remains from their cannot necessarily be taken as ‘typical’ for the whole original tomb(s) to somewhere that served as an island. Yet the reviewer feels bound to point out that ossuary, such as a structure or cave. The general this remains a lurking tendency, clearest in papers impression given by her account of the evidence is that are attempting to offer a model for general how different the treatment of the dead might be, application, whether in the basic organisation of not merely between different types of tomb but society (Driessen, Ch. 14) or in the significance of between different tombs of the same type, even if the often elaborate funerary rituals (Hamilakis, Ch. these practices fall within the same general class 15). The evidence cited in several papers reveals of ‘secondary’ treatment of the remains. Thus, as some pitfalls. Thus, Papadatos discusses the two tables for several well-studied assemblages show, earliest funerary structures in the great north there were significant variations in the number of Cretan cemetery at Arkhanes: Fourni (Ch. 6), Tombs ‘sub-adults’ buried in different tombs, and in two Γ and E, both circular stone-built tombs of the type out of four cases where a fair number of the adult often referred to as ‘tholoi’, that is particularly dead could be assigned a gender, men outnumbered popular in central southern Crete. These are similar women to a significant degree (pp. 155–6). There in size and many features of construction and in is also evidence for the singling out and separate the evidence they provide of burial practices, were arrangement of some remains, especially skulls, founded in the same phase (EM IIA), and were and the building of subsidiary rooms attached to the used concurrently for a considerable period; yet main chamber for some form of special treatment they differ markedly in the range and quality of was often part of the original plan (for more detail goods recovered. This must surely represent some see Hamilakis, pp. 318–23). social distinction of real significance; interestingly, another pair of such tombs at Moni Odigitria in the The evidence that Triantaphyllou presents for southern Asterousia region, that was again of similar the low numbers of burials in several types of date and used concurrently for a long period, also tomb is particularly striking. On the formula first differs markedly, but in this case in the treatment suggested by Bintliff2 and cited by both Schoep and of the human remains (p. 146). Yet the interpretive Triantaphyllou, that allows one ‘nuclear family’ to model that sees these ‘tholoi’ as the basic form of supply about twenty burials a century, most tombs communal tomb, tied either to a community or where there has been a realistic count of minimum neighbourhood, which was partly developed on the individuals represented have not produced evidence basis of the Ayiopharango survey in south Crete, suggesting regular use by even a single family 1often seems to be used as a template for Prepalatial over the date-range suggested by the contents social organisation in general, although it is only (Triantaphyllou, p. 154, with Table 8.3). The reviewer in south Cretan regions that this type of tomb has criticised elsewhere the implication that nuclear seems to be not just popular but almost exclusive. families did no more than replace themselves in As Schoep points out in her study of the ‘house- every generation,3 but that is not the point here; it tombs’ of northern and eastern parts of Crete (Ch. is rather that the low numbers do not fit with the 9), in those regions there are many different types idea that these remains represent the total dead of of burial place, and separate cemeteries, that may the communities whose labour went into building be associated with the same site (pp. 170–71); even them (which would have been considerable),4 as within the ‘house-tomb’ type there can be notable Bintliff assumed, and with the numbers who, it variations in the patterns of use. is supposed, might be involved in the secondary

2 Bintliff 1977. 3 Dickinson 1999. 1 Blackman and Branigan 1977. 4 Cf. Legarra Herrero 2012, 327.

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funerary rites and in general ceremonies outside resident, while Haggis does not commit himself in the tombs.5 Rather, as Triantaphyllou suggests, terms of numbers of families, but on fig. 12.3 suggests some segments of the population must have been that survey sites with estimated areas of between excluded from burial in these tombs. Taken with 0.1 and 0.2 ha were ‘farms’, between 0.2 and 1 ha the evidence that there are examples of sub-adults, ‘hamlets’ (alternatively between 0.2 and 0.5, p. 268), down to infants, being buried in them, and that, as and above 1 ha ‘villages’. But the structures at one of noted above, even among those who did receive the very rare excavated sites, the complex at Myrtos: secondary rites some were singled out for separate Fournou Korifi, cover only 0.125 ha,7 although on treatment, this suggests that there were social Whitelaw’s analysis they may have housed five or divisions in the population. Where different kinds six families, which is surely a hamlet rather than of tomb and several cemeteries can be associated a farm. But is this site typical, and for that matter with single sites, more of the population may have is the site at Trypiti, with tightly packed houses received primary burial and some kind of secondary on either side of a street, a typical ‘village’,8 as one rites; certainly, the practice of using the same tombs might well suppose? There are simply not enough or other burial sites for a series of burials over many data to suggest figures, in fact, and the nature of the generations seems to be popular in many parts of communities whose links Relaki explores in Ch. 2, Crete. Unfortunately, for lack of proper examination and which must have been involved in the building of the human remains, much information from and use of the ‘tholoi’, remains unclear. The most some of the best-known tombs has been lost, but that can be said is that Haggis’s9 argument for a this conclusion should be taken into account in common pattern of dispersed settlement, often on considering the evidence that we have. very small sites, with occasional larger ‘villages’ that might serve as local centres, is plausible, but The whole question is complicated further by that there was considerable scope for variation. The the regrettable fact that we know little about the potential contributing populations for collective nature of the living communities that followed tombs like the ‘tholoi’ thus remain very difficult to such elaborate funerary procedures for at least calculate. It may be noted that the populations of some of their dead. For there has been remarkably the much larger settlements that became probable little excavation of Prepalatial and Protopalatial centres of ‘polities’, as studied by Whitelaw (Ch. 11), settlements in Crete, and what there is relates with the aid of a barrage of statistics drawn from largely to central southern Crete, which is also one historical data, are paradoxically easier to estimate, of the regions that has seen the most survey work. if with a considerable margin of error, so that the The tendency to assume that the pattern of small, minimum extent of territory they would need to dispersed settlements combined with communal have controlled to support their populations can be tombs, identified in the Asterousia region (to which mapped with a reasonable degree of probability. the Ayiopharango valley belongs), is standard has been criticised by Legarra Herrero,6 and does not The possibility of change over time in the practices seem to be completely typical even in the Asterousia, used for burying and commemorating the dead to judge from the account given of survey and is indicated by Girella’s account (Ch. 7) of the excavation in the Moni Odigitria and Trypiti areas Kamilari cemetery of three ‘tholoi’ near Ayia by Vasilakis and Sbonias (Ch. 13, especially pp. 279– Triada, particularly of T.A, which was among the 84). Nevertheless, there is survey evidence from largest ever built in Crete and, quite unusually, had several regions for a wide spread of settlements repeated periods of use for burials and ceremonies so small in estimated surface area that they have into the Neopalatial period and even for a short time been identified as hamlets or farms (Haggis, Ch. beyond, a striking example of the varied histories 12), although as Legarra Herrero remarks, the that such tombs might have. But in general the smallest are unlikely to have survived for more than collective tombs did not outlast the Protopalatial a few generations and had to form part of wider period and, as Hatzaki shows in her very useful communities. Assessing these small sites is made survey (Ch. 10), funerary rituals in later periods of harder by the potentially confusing terminology the Bronze Age ceased to involve communal events used. Even specialists might want to ask, what is signified by a hamlet in terms of actual population? Legarra Herrero speaks of ‘small hamlets’ housing 7 Warren 1972, 267; the site’s extent was originally estimated as about 0.24 ha (BSA 59 (1964), 95). ‘no more than one or two nuclear families or their 8 See Dickinson 1994, 53–4, figs 4.2 and 4.3 for plans and comment equivalent’, which sounds more like a farm to a UK on these two sites 9 [Editor : Following the model proposed by Bintliff (1978). Pedology and land use, in D. Blackman and K. Branigan (eds) ‘An 5 As suggested in Branigan 1993, Ch. 7 archaeological survey of the Ayiofarango valley’. Annual of the 6 Legarra Herrero 2012, 335. British School at Athens. 72: 24-30].

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and instead became the concern of small groups, Overall, then, this book provides a fine introduction and while some tombs were evidently used over to the very lively and often innovative work that extended periods, others might contain only a is being carried out in the study of the beginnings single burial. Tombs and burials were often used for of Minoan civilisation. While strengthening the ostentatious display, in more convincing evidence case for the communal nature of Minoan society, for concern with ‘the individual’ than Hamilakis it also presents evidence for patterns of social was able to find in considering the evidence from differentiation deep into the Prepalatial past, and the collective tombs (Ch. 15). His interpretation, encourages the development of interpretations that that changes in the complex secondary treatment allow for a considerable degree of regional variation, given to the remains of the dead in collective tombs but also for the growing homogeneity detectable in reflect developments in ways of thinking about the the palatial periods. relationship between the living and dead members of the community, is definitely interesting, but if, Oliver Dickinson as suggested above, the tombs only held some of Reader Emeritus the community’s dead, what then? Moreover, what Durham University caused the surely very significant abandonment [email protected] of the whole complex of secondary treatment of human remains? It might well be seen as part of a Bintliff, J. 1977. The numbers of burials in the Mesara more general abandonment of ‘communal’ ways of tholoi. In Blackman and Branigan 1977: 83-4. thought and action, although caves, put to a whole Blackman, D. and Branigan, K. (eds) 1977. An variety of uses in Prepalatial and Protopalatial times archaeological survey of the lower catchment (Betancourt, Ch. 5), continued to be centres of cult, of the Ayiopharango valley. Annual of the British into the historical period, in some well-known cases. School at Athens 72: 13-84. Branigan, K. 1970a. The Foundations of Palatial Crete. Finally, Driessen’s innovative reconstruction of London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Minoan society deserves mention (Ch. 14); it should Branigan, K. 1970b. The Tombs of Mesara. London: be read with his earlier contribution to Schoep et Duckworth. al. 2012 on the possibility of a matrilocal system Branigan, K. 1993. Dancing With Death. Amsterdam: of residence. As its title indicates, it offers an Hakkert. interpretation of the palaces as communally planned Dickinson, O. 1994. The Aegean Bronze Age. Cambridge: and built structures, reflecting the ‘corporate’ Cambridge University Press. nature of society, which he suggests was made up Dickinson, O. 1999. Review of K. Branigan (ed.) of widespread and long-lived groups that he terms Cemetery and Society in the Bronze Age Aegean ‘houses’, which might live together in settlements (Sheffield, 1998). American Journal of Archaeology but, even if they did not, acted in common generally 103: 33. and could collaborate in building projects such as Legarra Herrero, B. 2012. The construction, the palaces, which would act as central places for deconstruction, and non-construction of displays of cooperation between ‘houses’ and the hierarchies in the funerary record of Prepalatial settlement of disputes. The theory represents a Crete. In Schoep et al. 2012: 325–57. praiseworthy attempt to conceive of Minoan society Schoep, I., Tomkins, P. and Driessen, J. 2012. Back as potentially much more ‘different’ than has been to the Beginning. Reassessing Social and Political usual, and to provide a setting for the marked Complexity in Crete during the Early and Middle ‘communal’ element in Minoan culture already Bronze Age. Oxford and Oakville: Oxbow. referred to, but it is likely to prove controversial. Warren, P. 1972. Myrtos. An Early Bronze Age Settlement The reviewer feels that it needs to be set out in much in Crete (The British School of Archaeology at greater detail, to explain how such a system fits Athens Supplementary Volume 7). London: what we know of Prepalatial communities and the Thames & Hudson. degree of variety in many cultural features, and also with the historical patterns of development that emerge from the papers in this book, not least the architectural sequences being demonstrated in the palaces themselves. One might also hope to learn whether, if it formed the bedrock of Minoan society, it is thought to have survived the Late Minoan I collapse of the original Minoan civilisation.

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Constantinos Paschalidis (with 2009), and has now produced this very substantial contributions by Photini J. P. McGeorge volume. and Wiesław Więckowski). The Mycenaean Cemetery at Achaia Clauss This is in fact the first full publication of a large near Patras. pp. xxiii+510, 918 ills (238 group of mostly intact chamber tombs from any photos & plans of tombs, mostly b/w; part of the Mycenaean world since the publication of the Perati cemetery in Attica (Iakovidis 1969- 679 col. ills, 96 accompanied by b/w 1970), and as such it deserves extended attention. drawings), 15 tables. 2018. Oxford: Full publications of other groups of intact tombs, Archaeopress. ISBN 978-1-78491-919-1, as from Pylos (Blegen et al. 1973, 176–215) and paperback £90; ISBN 978-1-78491-920-7, Dendra (Åström 1977), though important, concern e-book £16. only a few tombs, as does the recent publication of six tombs, two looted, from Ayia Sotira near Nemea (Smith et al. 2017, reviewed in JGA 4 (2019), This is the second publication of tombs from a large 433–435). Thus much might be expected from Mycenaean cemetery in Achaea to appear in two the publication of a body of material that extends years; the other, being concerned with tombs at Ayios in date over a period of some three centuries or Vasileios, Chalandritsa (hereafter Chalandritsa) more, although the bulk of the material comes was reviewed in JGA 3 (2018), 449-451 (Aktypi from the Postpalatial period, so the last century or 2017). The two sites both belong to a constellation so. Only 53 of the minimum 133 burials identified of sites to the east and south-east of Patras, but are clearly of Postpalatial date and so ‘primary’ (p. there are noteworthy differences between the two. 447), but a great deal of the material, which includes The Chalandritsa tombs were mainly excavated over 300 vases, 56 bronze objects, and 475 beads in rescue work carried out by members of the of various materials, accompanied these burials. Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities Much information is presented clearly and in detail, of Achaea at various times between 1989 and 2001; but the concentration is largely on providing full the cemetery contained at least 45 tombs, but only accounts of the discoveries in the tomb chambers, about a dozen produced much useful information, while questions of the manner in which tombs were and only two of these were excavated more or used and the remains of the dead handled, and their less intact. The volume reviewed here publishes overall social function, are given rather standard the results of research excavations in the Clauss answers that depend on traditional assumptions. cemetery, carried out for the Archaeological Society Parallels for individual items are sought in other between 1988 and 1992 by Prof. A. Papadopoulos of Achaean cemeteries and sometimes in Postpalatial Ioannina University. The cemetery site (B44 in Hope cemeteries elsewhere, but there is no attempt Simpson and Dickinson 1979, 87) has been known to compare the cemetery as a whole with other since Kyparissis’ excavations in 1936-1938, which Postpalatial cemeteries, especially Perati. It may uncovered many tombs, some apparently intact. reasonably be argued that giving proper publication Unfortunately, the documentation for these has to all the details of the distribution of material in largely been lost, although there are preliminary the tombs and the large mass of material constitutes reports in PAE and many finds are preserved in the a sufficiently substantial topic for a doctoral thesis. Archaeological Museum of Patras. These tombs But it would have enhanced this publication if appear to have been east and north-east of those some general assessment of the value of the Clauss more recently excavated, for five were rediscovered cemetery’s evidence for our general picture of the during the excavation (cf. cemetery plans, pp. 16, Postpalatial world had been attempted. fig. 11 and 125, fig. 236). While many of these earlier excavated tombs seem to have been robbed in The work begins well with a useful up-to-date antiquity or recently, the 13 (two double-chambered, summary in Ch. 1 of the state of our knowledge of the hence alternatively cited as 15) excavated by Prof. whole region of Achaea in the Mycenaean period. Papadopoulos and his team proved to be largely In the course of this Paschalidis argues plausibly intact, although erosion and recent agriculture for associating the Clauss cemetery with the and road-building have done damage, especially substantial site of Mygdalia Petrotou 1 km distant, to the tombs’ dromoi. The material was entrusted where he has collaborated in excavation with Dr. L. to C. Paschalidis, who had worked on many of Prof. Papazoglou-Manioudaki since 2008. Results of the Papadopoulos’s excavations, as a topic for a Ph.D. excavation here and in closely associated locations dissertation, which was presented in 2014. He has are summarised on pp. 8–11 (see also Papazoglou- published a preliminary account that gave much Manioudaki and Paschalidis 2017, 453–457); the detail on the cemetery (Paschalidis and McGeorge settlement was apparently founded at the beginning

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of the Mycenaean period, and the discovery of a of the material found in the dromos strata for tholos tomb in the neighbourhood suggests that understanding funerary practice seems not to it was a major local centre. The cemetery seems have been recognised (contrast the Chalandritsa to have been founded in the LH IIIA1 phase or not publication, where useful accounts are given of the much before, for material of this phase has been material from most dromoi). found in most of the excavated tombs, but here we encounter one of the traditional assumptions that The only information usually given about the needs questioning. It is suggested that its foundation dromos material is on the range of shapes found, was ‘meeting the needs of the local population’ (p. without any indication of date (was this material 11, cf. also p. 124, ‘a collective decision’). But a little not preserved, or was it not available for study?). calculation will indicate that, even if full study of Enough is said to show that the range is strikingly the ‘secondary’ burial remains reveals that the different from the material in the chambers, being number of burials substantially exceeded 133, it can dominated by open shapes such as kylikes, deep hardly come near the number of adult dead that bowls and kraters (pp. 23, 53-54, 67, 95, 104). This might be expected in a multi-household community material is interpreted as representing the remains over a period of three centuries, let alone the of probable libations and funeral feasts (pp. 332, children, whose burials are often thought to be 466-467), without apparently recognising how under-represented in Mycenaean cemeteries (cf. unusual and remarkable this would be. In contrast, JGA 3 (2018), 450, 4 (2019), 435). Thus, what is being in their general survey Cavanagh and Mee stressed observed is surely a decision by a more prosperous the rarity of evidence from Achaean graves for the upper stratum of the community’s population to ‘toasting’ ritual involving kylikes that is identifiable follow other Achaean communities in emulating in Argive and other cemeteries (1998, 115), and a custom already adopted widely in the Argolid cite very little to do with funerary feasts from any and elsewhere on the Greek mainland, and thus to Mycenaean context, only suggesting, on the basis of portray itself as properly ‘Mycenaean’. This stratum ethnographic parallels, that these might have taken could nevertheless have developed distinctive local place at the ‘second funeral’ (1998, 111). It has been preferences and practices, and may have become more usual to interpret pottery other than kylix more of an elite in Postpalatial times, as might be fragments found in the dromoi of tombs as goods deduced from the treatment of their remains and of earlier burials, cleared from the chamber (which the choice of goods to be buried with them. seems to be the case with much of the Chalandritsa material). This possibility should surely have Ch. 2 gives an account of the tombs, which were been considered, particularly for shapes of types arranged in quite tightly packed rows along a hill commonly found in the chambers and unlikely to slope, with a common orientation to the northwest form part of a funeral feast, like stirrup jars and large for all but one, Θ, which had to be re-oriented to avoid jars; indeed, given the common discovery of open an unusually hard area of rock. Three of the tombs vessels, especially drinking vessels, of generally LH seem to have been constructed in the Postpalatial IIIA-B date within tomb chambers elsewhere, it is period; two were relatively small and held few possible that these too were grave-goods. However, burials, but N was very much in the traditional style, without any information on the date of the dromos holding burials in pits as well as on the floor, one material any interpretation must be speculative. of which was the sole cremation from the cemetery. Very detailed accounts are given of the excavation As seems common in Achaea, the tombs themselves of the tombs’ chambers and the distribution of the are generally unremarkable, roughly circular or skeletal remains and other finds, illustrated with elliptical in shape and not very large. They often plans and other drawings and many photographs contain pits, sometimes quite carefully constructed (mostly black and white). The information for each and slab-covered, used for single burials, sometimes tomb is then summarised in a suggested history of more shallow and intended to contain the preserved its use, with a chart showing the likely sequence of remains of earlier burials. More often, primary burials and their nature (‘primary’, with details of burials were laid on the tomb floor and later might sex and age where available, or ‘secondary’) and be moved to heaps close to the walls of the tomb. All suggested phase dates, using the six subdivisions were inhumations except for the single cremation in of the Postpalatial period in Achaea proposed in N, an adult male apparently late in date. Many tombs Moschos 2009. In contrast, very little attention is were used for quite a number of burials over the given to the dromoi, although the descriptions Postpalatial period, so that the total numbers buried make clear that stratification was observed in the in them over the century or more of that period excavated parts and quite substantial quantities of were probably greater than those buried in the two pottery were often found. The potential significance centuries or so usually estimated for LH IIIA-B. The

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totals from several graves are considerably more men), but leaders, equivalents of the basileis of than have been identified in most chamber tombs Homer and Hesiod, as argued in Ch. 7 (p. 473). anywhere in the Mycenaean world. The majority So it is of interest that they, and quite lavishly of burials were adults, with a few adolescents and provided female burials like that in Tomb Θ, were children but hardly any infants or neonates, though not found separately in special tombs, but were one unusual burial was that of an adolescent girl who placed together with others in the standard type had died while giving birth. No regular distinction of tomb, along with burials that seem much more seems to have been made between male and female, ordinary in their grave-goods. This suggests that in or adult and child, in grave-goods; the provision of Postpalatial society in Achaea status probably had several vases, decorated or at least part-painted, to be achieved rather than inherited. It also seems was normal, although some burials, especially those clear that regional prosperity, though evident, was in pits, of both adults and children had no goods not sufficient to allow the burial of particularly closely associated with them. Remarkably often the valuable goods on the scale found with the most vases provided were stirrup jars, which make up c. important burials of earlier Mycenaean times. But 50% of all the pottery (in comparison, they formed the possibility that such items were sometimes only 29.5% of a much larger sample, 1227 vases, at buried with the dead and removed during later use Perati). The good quality of many vases’ decoration of the tomb, in a practice labelled ‘legal looting’ (p. suggests the relatively high status of those 464) is suggested by a few finds, notably a single presented with them as grave-goods, but frugality bronze vessel-handle in Tomb N, and cannot be is observable in the provision of other goods such excluded. as ornaments (beads are quite common but were normally found in small numbers only) and bronze After a short Ch. 3 on the setting and architecture objects like weapons or tools, normally found singly. of the tombs, two major sections form the catalogue of finds (Ch. 4) and an analysis of them (Ch. 5). One pair of burials in Tomb Θ deserves particular In the catalogue the items are listed for each attention for their striking features. The unusual tomb apparently in the order in which they were way they were laid out, apparently facing each other, discovered and numbered, with no arrangement suggests that they were husband and wife. The by type, phase, material, or find-spot, making it male, apparently wrapped in a garment fastened by hard to develop an overall impression quickly. But five bone pins, was provided with a Naue II sword, the information is presented in the accounts of spearhead, knife of Italian origin, and a pair of the distribution of material in the chambers, and tweezers, all apparently wrapped in a cloth, along all items are illustrated, mostly in colour, with with many vases, while the female was provided with supporting black and white drawings of a selection two long necklaces, a bronze razor, and more vases. of vases, weapons and other small finds. The The exceptional nature of this find is enhanced by catalogue is made lengthy by the extensive and, in the fact that at a later period in the tomb’s use a the reviewer’s opinion, excessive compilations of stone bench was put up over the male burial, on comparanda for each pot. Since the development which were found bones of a calf and a young pig, and parallels of the different shapes are discussed in surely sacrificial remains, and, on a separate step, considerable detail in Ch. 5, with frequent references two very large four-handled amphorae. All this to the standard works of Furumark (1941) and his suggests that he received something like ‘heroic’ successors, especially Mountjoy 1999, brief cross- honours on one occasion of reopening the tomb, references to this discussion would surely have and though relatively young (the male c. 29, the been a more economical use of space. female 25-35), the two were probably dominant figures locally in their time. Analysis of the pottery dominates Ch. 5, which is not surprising because there is so much of it, but In being provided with a Naue II sword the male it is inflated by an extremely long discussion of burial has one parallel in Kyparissis’ graves and the stirrup jars, in which much space and extra others in many Achaean cemeteries of the period illustration is devoted to the identification of (cf. Deger-Jalkotzy 2006 for a valuable discussion), individual ‘potters’, to whom several examples can but only a few of such burials, the maximum being be attributed through close similarities in shape, four, occur in any one cemetery. Some other males fabric and decoration, in each of Moschos’ six stages. at Clauss were provided with a single weapon, Work by these ‘potters’, sometimes including other generally a spearhead as quite often in other shapes, is identified in other Achaean cemeteries, Achaean cemeteries, but in Tomb A a short sword. and examples of some groups are identified in Elis The sword-burials are clearly special, and were and even beyond; the information is summarised surely not just ‘warriors’ (i.e. specialised fighting with other material in Ch. 7, entitled ‘The people

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and society of Clauss. Overview and history of the account does little more than summarise for each cemetery’. But although this analysis sheds some of Moschos’ six phases the evidence concerning light on the production of more elaborate pottery in the individuals identified as ‘primary’ burials and the region of Clauss and on interconnections with the developments represented by the ‘potters’, other regions of Postpalatial Mycenaean Greece, including the emergence of characteristically the numbers attributable to any individual are Achaean styles, although it mentions the almost always very small, and this tells us nothing occurrences of ‘warrior’ graves at other Achaean very useful about the organisation of the pottery sites. It seems to be assumed that the number of industry. Further, the context in which exchanges burials in each phase reflects the relative flourishing were made is not really discussed – references to of the community, but when the numbers involved ‘markets’ (e.g. p. 473) are surely anachronistic – nor are so small it might seem safer to avoid such broad is Achaea’s involvement in larger stylistic groups conclusions. Although the settlement seems to such as the ‘West Mainland koine’ investigated have been abandoned by the end of the Postpalatial (Mountjoy 1999, 404-405). Neither is there any period, it should be noted that this is not necessarily consideration of the idea that the exchange of the closely related to the cemetery’s cessation of use. often elaborately decorated stirrup jars might have Actually the abandonment of the custom of multiple more to do with questions of formal gift-giving burial in chamber tombs in the later stages of the and relations between communities than with any Postpalatial period is a phenomenon observable supposedly superior quality of their contents, in throughout Achaea and, indeed, the greater part Achaea as plausibly in other parts of the Postpalatial of mainland Greece; yet the population must have Aegean. continued to live and die somewhere, and it is one of the still unexplained mysteries of the early Iron Age The discussion of burial customs in Ch. 6 considers that it is so difficult to find evidence for this. many facets of the evidence in a fairly standard way. There is an underlying assumption that the tombs The reviewer has spotted some errors that have were in continuous use from their foundation, but escaped the notice of proof-readers, which seem the assumption depends on the correctness of the worth citing because they could be misleading to analysis of the pottery, which cannot simply be those less familiar with English, or in a hurry to assumed. For example, the reviewer considers that gather evidence. A certain type of jar is frequently all the pots found with burial Δ in Tomb Λ (pp. 100, described as ‘handless’; ‘handleless’ is meant. 104) could be LH IIIA1, which seems plausible since Frequently the words ‘on the contrary’ are used they apparently belong with a single ‘secondary’ where what is clearly intended is ‘in contrast’, burial; if accepted, this would create a long gap which has a different meaning, of comparison in the datable evidence for burials in that tomb. rather than counter-argument. There are mistakes Ch. 8 is concerned with the human remains but, in the summaries of evidence (which are correctable disappointingly, does not cover even the identified by reference to the detailed text): on p. 34, at the ‘primary’ burials fully; the discussion by W. bottom of the chart of burials in Tomb B, there is a Więckowski deals only with those in Tombs Λ, M and reference to a pit me – pit I is meant (p. 32); on p. 53 N, together with some comments on the secondary the words TOMB ΣT should come below, not above, remains from the ‘alcove’ I in the dromos of Tomb the chart showing duration of tomb-use, which K, by (here there is an unresolved discrepancy relates to Tomb E; and on p. 123 the primary burial between the main account of the tomb, which in Pit I is H (not Z, which is over Pit II). reports 18 burials, and the comments on p. 481 about the groups into which the ‘alcove’ remains This has been a long and, it must be admitted, had been divided, which might spread remains of rather critical review, so in conclusion it should the same burials between different groups). There be stressed that this book’s careful presentation of is also a section on the cremation in Tomb N by a mass of material from largely intact graves will Ph. J. P. McGeorge, but discussion of the rest of the undoubtedly be found very useful by specialists material is to appear in a future monograph. Thus, researching general questions about Postpalatial there is hardly scope for establishing patterns of Achaea and the Postpalatial world of the Aegean. usage and identifying the more complex attitudes Oliver Dickinson to the remains of the dead, as has been done for Reader Emeritus Chalandritsa (by O.A. Jones in Aktypi 2017, Ch. G), Durham University and Ayia Sotira (by S. Triantaphyllou in Ch. 5). [email protected] The history of the community using the cemetery is discussed in Ch. 7, as noted above, but the

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Aktypi, K. 2017. The Mycenaean cemetery at Ayios A Mycenaean Chamber Tomb Cemetery in the Nemea Vasileios, Chalandritsa, in Achaea. Oxford: Valley, Greece. Philadelphia: INSTAP Academic Archaeopress. Press. Åström, P. 1977. The Cuirass Tomb and other finds at Dendra Part 1. The Chamber Tombs. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag. Blegen, C.W., M. Rawson, Lord W. Taylour, and W.P. Donovan 1973. The Palace of Nestor at Pylos Vol. III. Peter M. Fischer and Teresa Bürge Princeton: Princeton University Press. (eds). Sea Peoples Up-to-Date. New Cavanagh, W. and C. Mee, 1998. A Private Place: Death Research on Transformations in the in Prehistoric Greece. Jönsered: Paul Åströms Eastern Mediterranean in the 13th-11th Förlag. Centuries BCE (Proceedings of the ESF- Deger-Jalkotzy, S. 2006. Late Mycenaean warrior Workshop held at the Austrian Academy tombs. In S. Deger-Jalkotzy and I. Lemos (eds) of Sciences, Vienna, 3-4 November Ancient Greece. From the Mycenaean Palaces to the 2014). pp. 412, 92 ills. 2017. Wien: Age of Homer, 151–179. Edinburgh: Edinburgh Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie University Press. der Wissenschaften (Denkschriften der Furumark, A. 1941. The Mycenaean Pottery: Analysis and Classification. Skrifta utgivna av Svenska Gesamtakademie 81; Contributions Institutet i Athen XX:1 (reprinted 1972 as to the Chronology of the Eastern Mycenaean Pottery I. Analysis and Classification), Mediterranean 35). ISBN 978-3-7001- Stockholm: Swedish Institute in Athens. 7963-4, paperback €149; e-book €109. Iakovidis, S. 1969-70. Περάτη: τo vεκρoταφείov, Athens: Library of the Archaeological Society in Athens no. 67. This volume is the outcome of an international Moschos, I. 2009. Evidence of social re-organization workshop held at the Austrian Academy of Sciences and reconstruction in Late Helladic IIIC Achaea in Vienna in November 2014. Since the first use of and modes of contacts and exchange via the the term ‘Sea Peoples’ (People’s de la Mer) 1867 by 1 Ionian and Adriatic seas. In E. Borgna and French Egyptologist Emmanuel de Rougé, the P. Cassola Guida (eds) From the Aegean to the topic has not lost its popularity, with plenty of Adriatic: Social Organizations, Modes of Exchange attention in recent years, including now published 2 and Interactions in Postpalatial Times (12th-11th workshops at Louvain-la-Neuve (in 2014) and 3 B.C.): 345–414. Rome: Quasar. Warsaw (in 2016). The present volume wanted to Mountjoy, P.A. 1999. Regional Mycenaean Decorated go beyond the information provided by the texts Pottery. Rahden: Verlag Marie Lehdorf. and aimed at presenting new archaeological data Papazoglou-Manioudaki, L. and C. Paschalidis 2017. and their analysis, covering a wider geographical A society of merchants and warriors to the region and implying a more holistic approach than east of the West. The case of the Mycenaean ever before. As the subtitle indicates, the specific settlement on Mygdalia hill, near Patras, in aim of the volume is to study the various political, Achaea. In M. Fotiadis, R. Laffineur, Y. Lolosand A. economic, social and cultural transformations in

Vlachopoulos (eds) Hesperos. The Aegean Seen from the Eastern Mediterranean from the 13th to 11th 4 the West. Proceedings of the 16th International Aegean centuries BC that can be connected to the Sea Conference, University of Ioannina,Department of Peoples phenomenon. History and Archaeology, Unit of Archaeology and At the outset, the editors Peter M. Fischer and Art History, 18-21 May 2016 (Aegaeum 41): 453–461. Teresa Bürge are to be commended for finding such Leuven/Liège: Peeters. a large panel of experts with such a wide interest Paschalidis, C. and Ph.J.P. McGeorge 2009. Life and and expertise, thus highlighting the strong multi- death in the periphery of the Mycenaean world and inter-disciplinary nature of the workshop and at the end of the Late Bronze Age: the case of the publication. The twenty-one contributions the Achaea Klauss cemetery. In E. Borgna and have been organised into five thematic sections P. Cassola Guida (eds) , From the Aegean to the Adriatic: Social Organizations, Modes of Exchange and Interactions in Postpalatial Times (12th-11th 1 Rougé (de) 1867:36. 2 B.C.): 79–113. Rome: Quasar. Driessen 2018. 3 Niesiołowski-Spanò and Węcowski 2018. Smith, R.A.K., M.K. Dabney, E. Pappi, S. 4 i.e. Late Bronze Age / Early Iron Age transition. In the following Triantaphyllou, and J.C. Wright 2017. Ayia Sotira. pages, abbreviated as Late Bronze Age = LBA / Early Iron Age = EIA.

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(Overviews: From Italy to the Levant; Climate While showing great expertise in textual and and Radiocarbon; Theoretical Approaches on archaeological sources, he also seems to disagree Destruction, Migration and Transformation Culture; with Jung in certain details. Hence, Wiener seems Case Studies: Cyprus, Cilicia and the Levant; Material to accept the Shardana=Sardinians, underlining Studies). The volume opens with two welcome the interactions between the island and the Italian introductions that aptly set the scene. The first is peninsula on the one hand, and the Aegean-Cypriot by Reinhard Jung (pp. 23-42) who, in a masterly area on the other. He also follows Molloy in arguing fashion, provides an overview that is useful for both that ‘mercenaries were among the new arrivals in the expert and the novice. Starting with a history Greece in the late LHIIIB and LHIIIC’ (p. 55), given of research of the Sea Peoples phenomenon, he the new military assemblages and cooking wares. also discusses the geographical problems of their Wiener also uses textual data (Linear B) and material ethnonyms, accepting only that of the Lukka=Lycia remains to suggest that preparations (construction as certain and two others (Aqajawaša=somewhere of defensive walls, weapons production, etc.) were in the Aegean world?; Denyen=Mycenaean Greece being made to protect against enemy attacks. The or Cilicia?) as possible. He next turns to various detailed overview describing traces of destruction classes of material remains that in his view allow and abandonment which span the 14th to the 12th a connection with migrating peoples, including century BC would have benefitted from a site map, various Aegean types of pottery – especially kitchen however. He also presents a very useful summary vessels (cooking jugs and amphora), handmade of the evidence of re-occupation during LH IIIC in and burnished pottery of Italian type – as well as each of the Aegean regions after the collapse and offensive weapons.5 This also involves the ‘double- convincingly points at the central role Cyprus played headed bird boat’ which Jung, in contrast to earlier in this process, as a ‘node of exchange networks and studies that attributed an Aegean connection,6 links movement of settlers’ (p. 60). Finally, Wiener lists all with Italy. The question is, however, how far we the arguments in favour of a predominant position can interpret such evidence before falling into the of Mycenae in the LBA Aegean as the capital of an ‘pots equal people’ trap. An example: while it can empire,11 a position also defended by Kelder, Eder be assumed that peoples of foreign origin probably and Jung,12 but each for different reasons. Wiener’s preserved some of their consumption habits in their paper can be regarded in connection with that by new habitats, to connect the consumption of pork Helene Whittaker (pp. 75-84) who also concentrates by Philistine communities, rarely attested before on the Greek mainland, arguing for a chaotic in Canaanite settlements, as a practice initially situation in the aftermath of the collapse for each introduced by settlers from Cyprus and the Aegean,7 palace individually and seeing the breakdown ‘in although attractive, lacks definite proof of causality. terms of discrete and unconnected episodes of The second part of his paper summarizes the state of destruction in different parts of the Greek mainland research on the Sea Peoples phenomenon in various rather than of a sudden unitary catastrophe’ (p. Mediterranean regions. He highlights a lack of 75). Here too an interpretative map distinguishing knowledge in some areas. For example, there is very the localised events would have been welcome. little archaeological evidence for Lycia, the probable Whittaker advances the hypothesis that the Sea ‘land of the Lukka’, and most information comes Peoples, although responsible for the destructions, from cuneiform and hieroglyphic sources.8 It is in did not settle on the Greek mainland, hence coming this regard, that the ongoing Çaltılar Archaeological close to hypotheses already expressed by Yasur- Project is promising since the hill had been occupied Landau.13 To some extent, however, her review over a long period spanning the Bronze Age – Iron would have been more optimally placed in the ‘Case Age9 and is located inland from the coast where the Studies’ section of the volume. Kumluca,10 Uluburun and Cape Gelidonya wrecks were found. A second introduction, by Malcolm H. The second section, ‘Climate and radiocarbon’, Wiener (pp. 43-74) carefully reviews the evidence comprises two papers by authors who did not actually for potential causes of collapse at the end of the participate in the workshop. David Kaniewski and Bronze Age, usually including climate change, Elise Van Campo (pp. 85-94) discuss both marine and drought, famine, earthquakes and epidemics. terrestrial data from the Mediterranean and Levant that hint at a period of decreasing humidity during the LBA and EIA, generally referred to as the 3200 5 See also Mehofer and Jung this volume. 6 Like M. Weede and others who believe that they were Helladic ships. See, recently, Emanuel 2014. 7 See also Faust 2018. 11 Contra: e.g. Zurbach 2019: 143-146 who argues a more nuanced 8 Gander 2010. position. 9 Cf. Hodos 2015. 12 Kelder 2010; Eder and Jung 2015. 10 Cf. Öniz 2019. 13 Yasur-Landau 2010.

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calBP event. Again the absence of an explanatory (hybridization, creolization and entanglement) that map can be deplored. A main conclusion is that have been applied to the study of Philistines. ‘there are no detailed paleoclimate records from However, a recontextualization of these concepts Greece showing unambiguous climate information – created for different spaces and times (such as during the crisis years’ (p. 90). Sturt W. Manning, the ‘middle ground’ between Indians and European Catherine Kearns and Brita Lorentzen’s paper (pp. colonizers in the Great Lakes region)16 – would allow 95-112) discusses how a plateau in the calibration for a better understanding of the significance of curve explains why the radiocarbon resolution these denominations.17 As Yasur-Landau points out, around 1200 BC remains poor. Nevertheless, the use of the concept of connectivity18 may present Bayesian chronological modelling (with a well- a useful avenue of research for the coming years. defined sequence of radiocarbon dates that can be Likewise, the excavators of Tell es-Safi/Gath, Aren placed in the calibration curve), does provide a time M. Maeir and Louise A. Hitchcock (pp. 149-162), frame with dates ranging from c. 1220 to 1110 BC. reflect on the complex processes that led to the Manning et al. tend to agree with the conventional development of Philistine culture and its gradual absolute chronology, where Late Cypriot IIC starts entanglement with the other material cultures in the late 14th century BC, ending early in the of the region (Israelite/Judahite and Canaanite). 12th century when some major coastal sites were The question of the ethnicity of these different abandoned. What is clear from these papers is communities cohabiting in the Southern Levant is that the Sea Peoples phenomenon was a long term particularly discussed, beyond the simplistic stance process stretching over almost a century rather of compartmentalizing cultural identities. In the than a short-time event. final chapter of this section, Lorenz Rahmstorf (pp. 163-173) compares the migration processes of the The third section (‘Theoretical approaches to Sea Peoples with that of Anglo-Saxons immigrating Destruction, Migration and Transformation of from north-western Germany and Denmark to Culture’) starts off with a paper by Jesse Michael England in the 5th and 6th centuries AD. By taking Millek (pp. 113-140) on the LBA/EIA transition into account archaeological data, written sources in the Southern Levant. First, the author reviews and a variety of scientific analyses (strontium some hypotheses on the possible causes of isotope and DNA studies),19 his study clearly such destruction and associated phenomena confirms the usefulness of comparative research (earthquakes, crisis architecture and termination that focuses on common phenomena and problems rituals, natural and accidental fires) before dwelling of migration processes. on intentional human destruction in the framework of warfare. His approach may be compared with that The core of the volume consists of a series of Eastern by Igor Kreimerman14 but they arrive at different Mediterranean case studies. Hence, Peter M. Fischer conclusions. In particular, Millek argues that there (pp. 177-206) focuses on the new evidence from is no direct archaeological evidence to assume that seven seasons of excavations (2010– 2016) at Hala 16 Canaanite sites allegedly destroyed by the ‘Sea Sultan Tekke,20 on Stratum 2, dated to c. 1200 BC Peoples’ were indeed so. He stresses a continuity (transition LC II/IIIA), and Stratum 1, dated to c. of local ceramic traditions with potentially some 1150 BC (transition LC IIIA1/2), including domestic ‘peaceful intrusion’ of ‘Philistine’ or ‘Sea Peoples’ and industrial structures. He underlines the material culture (such as LHIIIC:1b or Philistine presence of numerous clay sling bullets found in the Bichrome pottery) into a ‘Canaanite’ site during destruction layer (Stratum 2) of several districts of the EIA. Against the flow of recent overviews on the the ‘port city’, which probably suggests a phase of end of LBA in the Southern Levant, his minimalist warfare before the abandonment of the settlement. stance should be highlighted. At the end of his According to Fischer, the remainder of the paper, he also deliberates on: ‘how to describe’ and population either joined the Sea Peoples who ‘how to interpret’ a destruction layer, a substantial attacked Egypt or migrated to the Southern Levant crucial point for a field archaeologist. In a broader to settle there. A useful review of phases of way, and taking into account some fifty sites in the destruction, rebuilding and abandonment of various Southern Levant, such a question is also discussed sites on the island is furthermore given but again a in his recently published PhD dissertation.15 His map is absent. Artemis Georgiou (pp. 207-227) also paper should be considered with the two following deals with Cyprus, but her approach is quite ones. Assaf Yasur-Landau (pp. 141-148) plots some of the theoretical concepts of intercultural contact 16 Cf. White 1991. 17 E.g. Bats 2017. 18 Since the fundamental work of Horden and Purcell 2000. 14 Kreimerman 2017. 19 For Philistia, see recently Feldman et al. 2019. 15 Millek 2019. 20 See the recent work of Fischer 2019.

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different and usefully illustrated by photographs material culture. Perhaps he insists a little too much and maps. Focusing on the Paphos region,21 she on the homogeneity of Levantine material culture contrasts the unprecedented flourishing of during the LBA (p. 266), in contrast to its diversity in Palaepaphos during the 12th century BC with the the Iron Age.26 Moreover, when he quotes some breakdown of other well-established urban centres written sources, it would also have been opportune on Cyprus such as Alassa, Kalavasos and Maroni. The to cite editions of hieroglyphic texts directly27 construction of the ‘island’s first truly monumental instead of citations without references. Nuñez structure’ (Sanctuary I) at Palaepaphos is argues that the newcomers (if they belonged to the emphasized as is the appearance of individual shaft Sea Peoples) did not cause all the destructions graves, interpreted as the burials of migrants. identified in the Levant28 and stresses the absence of During this troubled period, two short-lived destructions in the central region. This, together settlements (Maa-Palaeokastro and Pyla- with the strong continuity in material culture Kokkinokremos) are founded. The former is during the LBA/EIA transition, are used to argue considered as the new commercial harbour of the that the North Canaanite/Phoenician cities of the Paphos polity. The following papers discuss Anatolia central Levant remained untouched, allowing and the Levant. Hence, Gunnar Lehmann (pp. 229- Phoenician cities to consolidate their positions, 255) defines the latest LBA phase in the 12th century once freed from Egyptian hegemony. In a joint BC as (Cilician) Late Bronze Age III, the period paper, Ayelet Gilboa and Ilan Sharon (pp. 285-298) following the collapse of the Hittite empire. Focusing argue that the Canaanite Carmel Coast region in on the recent excavations at Kinet Höyük, Lehmann Northern Israel should be considered as forming argues for a slow decline of the local LBA culture part of the ‘Phoenician’ cultural sphere, which is intimately connected with an increased Cypriot and usually limited to the Southern Lebanon in the EIA. Aegean influence. Rather than an incursion by the Using both cultural-stylistic and petrographic data Sea Peoples, the final destruction of the site is from ceramic evidence, the excavators of Tel Dor blamed either on an earthquake or a violent attack. highlight the place this port town occupied in inter- J.D. Hawkins’s reading of a recently discovered regional exchanges with Cyprus and Egypt after the inscription in the temple of the Storm God in Aleppo LBA collapse and its function as a hub during the (Syria) is discussed by Diederik J.W. Meijer (pp. 257- EIA. By reassessing the Report of Wenamun, which 262), concentrating on two rulers, both named refers to Dor’s inhabitants as Ṯjeker/Skl, the authors Taita, with the ethnicons Palistin and Walistin.22 argue that this is a geographical term referring to Concerning the question of the potential connection the Carmel coast region (as a coterminous of EIA between the northern polity of ‘Palistin’ and the ‘Phoenicians’) However, the Wenamun account Philistines of the southern Levant, Meijer stresses should be used cautiously: it’s more a work of the difficulty of recognizing ‘what is Philistine’, literature than an historical document.29 They also developing his point on ethnicity and material argue that ‘the confluence of evidence culture.23 After considering the textual and material (transformation from commercial town to evidence, he concludes that Philistine presence in administrative centre, the virtual end of overseas the Amuq region is ‘archaeologically invisible’ (p. contacts and the ‘Israelisation’ of the ceramic 261). The claim, by the author, that the Peleset were repertoire)’ around the mid-9th century BC ‘is best already known from the records of Ramesses II and explained by a takeover of the Carmel and Sharon Merneptah (p. 258) is erroneous since it is only regions by the Northern Israelite Kingdom’ (p. 293). during the reign of Ramesses III that they were This would also explain, for the cities of the southern mentioned, as well as in the Onomasticon of Amenope.24 Lebanon, the rise of a ‘Phoenician thalassocracy’. Meijer’s paper has in the meantime been superseded Teresa Bürge (pp. 299-327) highlights the high by more recent discussions.25 Francisco J. Nuñez (pp. degree of continuity from the Late Bronze to Iron 263-283), co-director of the excavations at Tyre, Age at Tell Abu el-Kharaz in the Central Jordan provides a critical analysis of available data on the Valley, despite an occupational lacuna between 1300 Northern and Central Levant. His critical approach and 1100 BC. Her study focuses on a large storage is particularly instructive, highlighting the compound constructed against the city wall that importance currently given to stratigraphic facts dates to phase IX (c. 1100 BC) and consists of 21 and the presence of foreign elements in local rooms.30 Her ceramic analysis shows the coexistence

21 Georgiou 2012. 26 Steiner and Killebrew 2014:497-594. 22 Contra Adams and Cohen 2013:662, n. 19. 27 E.g. for the Papyrus Harris I, see Grandet 1994. 23 See also Maeir and Hitchcock this volume. 28 For a similar approach concerning the southern Levant, see 24 Adams and Cohen 2013:662-664. Millek this volume. 25 He neglects the majority of recent literature on the topic. Also, 29 Cf. the cautionary position of Adams and Cohen 2013:661, n. 16. see Janeway 2017 focusing on Tell Tayinat. 30 These are the first results of her unpublished PhD dissertation

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of both local traditions and innovations that appear Ekron, Ashkelon and Ashdod36 is said to derive to have an Aegean and Cypriote connection. Some from Cyprus and in particular from Enkomi. Other of the radical changes in cooking and dietary habits motifs, as the double-stemmed spirals, however, as well as in the use of foreign-type loom-weights have an East Aegean/West Anatolian origin, while a are interpreted as suggestive of a limited migration mainland Greek origin is attributed to the antithetic of Eastern Mediterranean individuals (perhaps the spiral. A special Cretan connection is highlighted offspring of original Sea Peoples or Philistines) to by several motifs such as the floating semi-circles, the Jezreel Valley. The section finishes with an thread chevrons, birds with almond body, etc. Some attempt to propose a new historical reconstruction shapes too like the basin (‘kalathos’), the tray and for the area north of Ekron during the LBA/EIA the shallow angular bowl that are found in Philistine transition by Wolfgang Zwickel (pp. 329-352). sites are said to derive from respectively Anatolia, the Despite some factual errors (as the reference to Aegean or Cyprus. All this evidence combined makes Papyrus Harris 500 [BM 10600] on p. 333 instead of her suggest an East Aegean/West Anatolian origin of Papyrus Harris I [BM 9999]),31 bibliographical 32 at least some of the migrating groups. NAA analysis, omissions (such as E. Morris’ study) and outdated moreover, showed a clear connection between some information on Tell Keilah33 (referred to as ‘Kegila’, 34 of the Cypriot harbours as that at Kition – Hala Sultan a site under excavation since 2014), there are some Tekke and the Levant, suggestive either for trade or interesting suggestions. The destruction of the for population movements. Philipp W. Stockhammer Egyptian fortress and administrative centre at Jaffa (pp. 379-388) focuses on shallow open bowls and c. 1150 BC put an end to the Egyptian hegemony Simple Style stirrup jars to argue that different over the southern Levant and provided the actors used Aegean-pottery shapes for diverse opportunity, Zwickel argues, for the Sea Peoples to practices during the late 13th and early 12th century construct the Pentapolis of the Philistine BC in the Southern Levant. The Philistine feasting confederacy in the coastal region. Gezer, Kegila and dishes of Aegean type should be understood as the Beth-Shemesh, located in the Western Highlands, product of transcultural entanglement, in others remained independent Canaanite city-states until words ‘the translation of Canaanite practices into the at least the late 11th century BC before joining the stylistic vocabulary of Aegean-type pottery’ (p. 384). Judahite kingdom. His reconstruction of the Stockhammer claims that these different groups of historical developments is heavily dependent on actors had complex relationships with the Aegean Biblical sources (stressed explicitly on p. 343) and and Cyprus, but remain misunderstood beyond the should be handled with the necessary caution. use of common expressions as ‘Sea Peoples’ and Finally, Zwickel argues that the coastal region ‘Philistines’ in scholarship. In an important paper between Ekron and Tell Qasile was occupied by a Sea that highlights the role played by Italian military Peoples group, between the Philistine Pentapolis (in innovations in the technological development of the south) and the Tjekker at Dor (in the north). Aegean’ weaponry, the origin of some bronze objects Following the written (Biblical) tradition, he argues such the Naue II swords is discussed by Mathias that this group founded new cities. Reviving the Mehofer and Reinhard Jung (pp. 389-400). They see hypothesis of a linguistic parallel between the Sea them as belonging to a metallurgical koinè (so-called Peoples’ group of the Dananu/Denyen and the biblical ‘Urnfield bronzes’) that existed during the later 13th Danites, he adds some fresh support to the old and 12th century BC. Using XRF and lead isotope theory which maintained a Cilician origin for this 35 analyses, they were able to demonstrate a northern group. Italian origin of some of the bronzes found in the The last section, ‘Material Studies’, offers a series of Aegean alongside the local production by Aegean fresh analyses on pottery, metal and other objects, smiths of Italian type bronzes with locally available either imported or locally-produced during this copper (from Cyprus) during the LH IIIC period. period. Hence, with her well known expertise, Gert Jan van Wijngaarden (pp. 401-412) finally Penelope A. Mountjoy (pp. 355-378) offers her uses ivory objects as an example to reconsider the view about the Sea People phenomenon from a presence of exotica in Mediterranean archaeological ceramic perspective. A number of motifs (like the contexts. He argues that the change of international quirks, loops, tassels) on Philistine pottery from contacts at the end of the LBA was accompanied by a significant shift in the value system and the social practices related to the consumption of exotica. (Bürge 2016). 31 Whereas exotica were considered agents of a distant Cf. annotated edition of Grandet 1994. 32 Morris 2005. world during the LBA, this notion no longer applies 33 Cf. Na’aman 2010. 34 Cf. Blétry et al. 2018. 35 Contra: e.g. Grandet 2017:184-185. 36 For a detailed study, see now: Mountjoy 2018.

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afterwards. While in Italy finished ivory objects were and G. Lehmann (eds) The Philistines and Other originally imported, they are now made locally from ‘Sea Peoples’ in Text and Archaeology (Archaeology imported raw materials. On the Greek mainland, and Biblical Studies 15): 645-664. Atlanta: Society one notices an obvious decrease of imports and of Biblical Literature. locally-produced ivory objects after the fall of the Bats, M. 2017. In principio fu l’acculturazione: Parcours Mycenaean palaces. All exotica in the LH IIIC Aegean et modèles pour penser l’interculturalité, in A. are antiques and their age seems to have become the Alessio et al.(eds) Ibridazione ed integrazione in primary characteristic for their social role. However, Magna Grecia: forme, modelli, dinamiche: 55-71. these developments in Italy and the Aegean are both Taranto: Istituto per la Storia e l’Archeologia seen as the result of a same mechanism: a shift in the della Magna Grecia. social role of exotic artefacts. Blétry, S. et al. 2018. Tell Keila, résultats de quatre années de recherches. Syria 95: 213-243. Despite a few shortcomings in some of the individual Bürge, T. 2016. An Early Iron Age Compound at Tell Abu papers, the volume offers plenty of new thoughts al-Kharaz, Jordan Valley: Tradition, Innovation, and perspectives on the Sea Peoples phenomenon, and Intercultural Relations in the Eastern both with regional/specialised analyses and with Mediterranean around 1100 BC. Unpublished PhD comprehensive overviews. It is somewhat to be dissertation, University of Vienna. regretted that Manfred Bietak, although present at Driessen, J. (ed) 2018. An Archaeology of Forced Migration. the workshop, did not contribute a paper on Egypt. Crisis-induced mobility and the Collapse of the 13th c. A specific chapter on the historiography of Sea BC Eastern Mediterranean (Aegis 15). Louvain-la- Peoples research would also have been welcome in Neuve: Presses universitaires de Louvain. addition to the extensive introduction by Burge & Fischer, as well as a discussion on the North Sinai.37 Eder, B. and R Jung 2015. ‘Unus pro ómnibus, omnes The absence of an index of toponyms and ethnonyms pro uno’: The Mycenaean Palace System, in (a recurrent problem of the CCEM collection) would J. Weilhartner and F. Ruppenstein (eds) Tradition also have improved the user-friendliness of the and Innovation in the Mycenaean Palatial Polities volume. However, the importance given to data (Mykenische Studien 34): 113-140. Vienna: provided by recent excavations in combination Austrian Academy of Sciences Press. with new analyses of older excavation material and Emanuel, J.P. 2014. The Sea Peoples, Egypt, and the archives is undoubtedly the strongest point of this Aegean: Transference of Maritime Technology collection of papers. All in all, they considerably in the Late Bronze – Early Iron Transition (LH improve our understanding of the ‘Sea Peoples’ IIB-C). Aegean Studies 1: 21-56. phenomenon, beyond the textual evidence. There Faust, A. 2018. Pigs in Space (and Time). Pork is a final reason why this volume should not lack Consumption and Identity Negotiations in the from libraries dealing with the LBA/EIA transition Late Bronze and Iron Ages of Ancient Israel. Near in the Mediterranean world and that is its relevance Eastern Archaeology 81/4: 276-299. for present-day history. At the time of writing these Feldman, M. et al. 2019. Ancient DNA sheds light on few paragraphs, the world has been in the grip of the genetic origins of early Iron Age Philistines. a pandemic outbreak (Covid-19) with an impact on Science Advances 5:7 (DOI: 10.1126/sciadv.aax0061). society unprecedented since WWII. Warfare, climate Fischer, P.M. 2019. The occupational history of the change, migratory flows and related political crises Bronze Age Harbour City of Hala Sultan Tekke, are all happening within a ‘temps long’ that is just Cyprus. Ägypten und Levante 29: 189-230. as complex and dramatically similar to the collapse Gander, M. 2010. Die geographischen Beziehungen der of the flourishing ancient civilizations in the 12th Lukka-Länder. Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag century BC and, consequently, gives us much to Winter. think about for the coming decades. Georgiou, A. 2012. Pyla-Kokkinokremos, Maa- Palaeokastro and the Settlement Histories of Louis Dautais Cyprus in the twelfth century BC. Unpublished Université catholique de Louvain & PhD dissertation, University of Oxford. Université Paul-Valéry Montpellier 3 Grandet, P. 1994. Le Papyrus Harris I (Bibliothèque [email protected] d’Études 109: 1-2). Le Caire: Institut français d’archéologie orientale. Adams, M.J. and M.E. Cohen 2013. Appendix: The ‘Sea Grandet, P. 2017. Les peuples de la Mer, in C. Buchet Peoples’ in Primary Sources, in A.E. Killebrew et al. (eds) The Sea in History – The Ancient World: 175-186. Suffolk: Boydell & Brewer. 37 Cf. Hoffmeier 2018 about the Sea Peoples’ battle against Hodos, T. 2015. Lycia and Classical Archaeology: Ramesses III. the changing nature of archaeology in Turkey,

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in C. Antonaccio and D. Haggis (eds) Classical Steiner, M.L. and A.E. Killebrew (eds) 2014.The Oxford archaeology in context: theory and practice in Handbook of the Archaeology of the Levant (c. 8000- excavation in the Greek world: 87-118. Berlin: De 332). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gruyter. White, R. 1991. The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, Hoffmeier, J.K. 2018. A Possible Location in and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815. Northwest Sinai for the Sea and Land Battles Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. between the Sea Peoples and Ramesses III. Yasur-Landau, A. 2010. The Philistines and Aegean Bulletin of the American Schools of Orient Research Migration at the End of the Late Bronze Age. 380: 1-25. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Horden, P. and N. Purcell 2000. The Corrupting Sea. A Zurbach, J. 2019. Chapitre III: Le monde mycénien Study of Mediterranean History. Oxford: Blackwell (1450-1180), in B. Le Guen (dir.), Naissance de la Publishers. Grèce: de Minos à Solon (3200 à 510 avant notre ère): 123-179. Paris: Bel Janeway, B. 2017. Sea Peoples of the Northern Levant? Aegean-Style Pottery from Early Iron Age Tell Tayinat (Studies in the Archaeology and History of the Levant 7). Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns. Kelder, J.M. 2010. The Kingdom of Mycenae: A Great Vyron Antoniadis. Knossos and the Near Kingdom in the Late Bronze Age Aegean. Bethesda: East: A Contextual Approach to Imports CDL Press. and Imitations in Early Iron Age Tombs. Kreimerman, I. 2017. A Typology for Destruction Pp. xii + 170, with b/w ills and col. plates. Layers: The Late Bronze Age Southern Levant as 2017. Oxford: Archaeopress. ISBN 978- a Case Study, in T. Cunningham and J. Driessen 1-78491-640-4, paperback £30. (eds): Crisis to Collapse: The Archaeology of Social Breakdown (Aegis 11): 173-203. Louvain-la-Neuve: Barbara Bohen. Kratos and Krater: Presses Universitaires de Louvain. Reconstructing an Athenian Protohistory. Millek, J.M. 2019. Exchange, Destruction, and a Pp. xvi + 250, with b/w ills and one col. Transitioning Society: Interregional Exchange in the plate. 2017. Oxford: Archaeopress. ISBN Southern Levant from the Late Bronze Age to the 978-1-78491-622-0, paperback £40. Iron I (Ressourcenkulturen 9). Tübingen: Tübingen University Press. Xenia Charalambidou and Catherine Morris, E.F. 2005. The architecture of imperialism. Morgan (eds). Interpreting the Seventh Military bases and the evolution of foreign policy in Century BC: Tradition and Innovation. Egypt’s New Kingdom (Probleme der Ägyptologie 22). Leiden: Brill. Pp. viii + 460, with col. and b/w ills. 2017. Mountjoy, P.A. 2018. Decorated Pottery in Cyprus and Oxford: Archaeopress. ISBN 978-1- Philistia in the 12th Century BC: Cypriot IIIC and 78491-572-8, paperback £75. Philistine IIIC (Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean 36). Vienna: Verlag der The Aegean and Mediterranean world between Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. 1000 and 600 BCE (the Early Iron Age and the Na’aman, N. 2010. David’s Sojourn in Keilah in the earliest part of the Archaic period) continues Light of the Amarna Letters. Vetus Testamentum to attract considerable scholarly attention. And 60: 87-97. for good reason. The period between 1000 and Niesiołowski-Spanò, L. and M. Węcowski (eds) 2018. 600 BCE is the formative period in Greek history, Change, Continuity, and Connectivity. North-Eastern where those institutions we most firmly associate Mediterranean at the turn of the Bronze Age and in with Greek culture (the sanctuary, the polis, the the early Iron Age (Philippika 118). Wiesbaden: alphabet and the literature that resulted from it) Harrassowitz Verlag. took their definitive form. It is also a period where Öniz, H. 2019. Antalya-Kumluca Bronze Age investigation has to be undertaken primarily by Shipwreck 2019 studies – first analyses. Palestine archaeologists. As all these books testify, the volume Exploration Quarterly 151/3-4: 172-183. of relevant archaeological material increases Rougé (de), E. 1867. Extraits d’un mémoire sur les exponentially every year, as does the sophistication attaques dirigées contre l’Égypte par les peuples of archaeological methods and theories. This does de la Méditerranée vers le XIVe s. av. n.-è. Revue not quite mean that archaeologists can ignore Archéologique 16: 35-45. texts. What to us now appear to be ‘texts’ however

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– in particular the works of Hesiod, Archilochus influential German classical archaeologist of the and Homer – were, in the first instance, oral poems. first half of the twentieth century. This fact may in When, how and where their works became ‘texts’ part explain the idiosyncrasy of her approach. remains contested, since epic has its distant origins in the Bronze Age; ‘Homer’ is relevant to all periods Bohen’s material focus is on kraters; a focus which from the Late Helladic through to the Late Archaic creates a considerable overlap with earlier volumes (and so to no period in particular). in the Kerameikos series (e.g. Kübler 1954), whose dense and distinctive German prose cannot easily The three books under review (all published by be forgotten. Her argument (but see Luke 1994) is Archaeopress) make valuable contributions to this that kraters – a term used to describe large bowls growing body of archaeological literature; each has employed to mix wine and water used in the later distinct approaches to the problem of how best to symposium – relate to kratos – that is, to power. The use texts. And, while there may be a unity of interest kraters in question are much larger – much more in this period, there is no unity in their approach. monumental – than later symposium kraters, and their purpose seems principally to be funerary; In many ways Antoniadis’ book is the most to mark (largely male) graves, and to make visible straightforward (partly because there are no the ‘power’ of the dead. Bohen provides a complete texts to speak of). It is a monograph, based on his catalogue of all known Early to Late Geometric Barcelona PhD dissertation, on the role played kraters from these excavations, with discussion by imports in Early Iron Age Knossos, a period of comparanda from the neighbouring Dipylon which ends just before 600 BCE. The importance cemetery. The catalogue of 312 krater fragments of imports for Knossos – and in particular the role is in itself a major contribution to our knowledge played by ‘Oriental’ metalwork for the development of Early Iron Age Athens. Hitherto the extreme of Knossos’ most idiosyncratic style of painted rarity of this shape from contemporary tombs in pottery, the ‘Orientalising’ Protogeometric B – has the Agora (Papadopoulos 2017: 822-8) could have remained a mainstay of debate since the publication been explained away by the vagaries of survival. of Brock’s Fortetsa (Brock 1957). Antoniadis’ is a But the sheer number of krater fragments from the contextual study, looking at how the objects are Kerameikos precludes this kind of interpretation. used in their principally mortuary context as well as We must allow for longstanding differences in their wider cultural impact, and the light they shed practice between distinct ‘burying groups’ (sensu on the wider Mediterranean world of the ninth to Morris 1987) within Early Iron Age Athens; I freely seventh centuries BC. His focus is not principally on admit that I may have inadvertently exaggerated the impact of imported metalwork as of imported (Whitley 1991) the uniformity of Athenian burial (Cypriot and Phoenician) painted pottery, which practices from Early to Middle Geometric times (and mainly take the form of lekythoi (flasks for perfumed so, equally, exaggerated the changes towards more olive oil). He provides a full descriptive catalogue localized expressions of identity and status at the and tries to work out which class of persons received very end of the 8th century BCE). Bohen, therefore, the ‘originals’ and which the local copies. That has legitimate grounds for taking issue with many flasks for perfumed oil were closely associated with of the claims of the ‘social archaeology’ of the 1980s a certain kind of ‘performative masculinity’ in other and early 1990s. But she also (equally inadvertently) parts of the Greek world, notably Corinth (Shanks provides evidence in support of some of these 1999) in the seventh century BCE does not, however, social interpretations. For what becomes absolutely form part of his argument. clear in her illustration of these kraters is that the majority are decorated with circular motifs in their The other monograph, by Barbara Bohen, is one of metopal panels, and the majority of these in turn the strangest books I have come across in many a year. have the ‘cross-in-circle’ motif we also find on the Bohen, though an American, comes to the field of largest of the belly-handled amphoras (often used Geometric pottery (that is ninth- to eighth-century to contain the ashes of important women). Bohen painted pottery) from a very different academic argues – again with some reason – that these tradition to the ‘contextual’ approach practised by similarities can in part be explained by their being Antoniadis. Her (New York University) thesis was on the products of the same workshops (though this Geometric pyxides from the Kerameikos cemetery would not, in itself, explain why this motif is quite so in Athens (Bohen 1988). She was a student of Gunter popular in ‘rich’ graves). Here, her groupings make a Kopcke, who (like the principal author of most of useful contribution to the archaeology of the period the Kerameikos volumes, Karl Kübler) was in turn and underscore the continuing centrality of the a student of Ernst Buschor, the excavator of Samos, study of the Kerameikos cemetery for any general friend of Martin Heidegger and perhaps the most understanding of Early Iron Age Greece.

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The strangeness of her work does not then lie in ‘colonization’) have been extensively studied, the these substantive contributions to the archaeology period itself has not. The next two papers focus of the period (which are considerable), but in her on Crete (whose ‘crisis in archaeological history’ approach to chronology and to literary sources. occurs in the sixth not the seventh century). With chronology she takes issue with Coldstream Kotsonas’ paper is partly historiographic, partly (1968), whose scheme has been the bedrock of most empirical and discusses Crete’s fluctuating role analyses of the archaeology of ninth- and eighth- in wider metanarratives about the Orientalizing century Greece, partly on the basis of ‘king lists’ and the ‘birth of Greek art’. The next paper, by which are known only from very late sources (i.e. Kokkourou-Alevras, focuses precisely on this point, Pausanias and the author of the Athenaion Politeia, arguing that the earliest Greek limestone sculpture the Aristotelian ‘Constitution of Athens). These begins in Crete. The iconography of Cycladic relief sources are used without any recourse to source pithoi is the subject of Simantoni-Bournia’s paper, criticism (such as P.J. Rhodes’ [1981] indispensable and sculpture at Delphi – in bronze and stone – of commentary). The king list is presented as an Aurigny’s. undisputed historical fact, and the possibility of its being invented to suit later purposes is not If ‘Orientalizing’ art is one of the perennial explored. Nor is the term basileus itself explored. obsessions of the scholarship of this period then so In Homer and Hesiod one could argue that a better is trade, especially when that trade entails luxury translation than ‘king’ of this term might be ‘lord’ goods. This is the theme of the next five papers. or ‘chief’, as the ‘kings’ seem to have very limited Vacek takes another look at that quintessential power; the implications of this are not explored. So, ‘port of trade’, Al Mina; Bourogiannis examines while her alternative chronology might have some Cypriot imports in Rhodes; Webb re-examines the merit, the extraordinary claim that periods can be ‘Egyptianness’ of faience; and Theodoropoulou linked to a succession of kings obscures her more takes another look at purple dye and other marine substantive points. luxuries. Gros provides an ironic coda on luxuries – his subject is cooking wares. The last book under review is an edited volume whose focus is the Greek-speaking Mediterranean The next two papers have diametrically opposed in the 7th century BC. It thus overlaps considerably approaches to the painted pottery of the Eastern with an earlier volume edited by Roland Étienne Aegean. Paspalas presents a micro-study on one (Étienne 2010). Étienne’s volume concentrated on Orientalizing vase from J.M. Cook’s excavation in key themes and questions, such as the role of the Old Smyrna, Kerschner presents an overview of Near East and the ‘Orientalising’ and the impact East Greek pottery production. The latter subject and spread of alphabetic scripts; articles were has been revolutionized through the use of neutron commissioned from relevant experts, the intention activation analysis (see Villing and Mommsen 2017); being to provide a conspectus of both the major pots which we have traditionally viewed as ‘Rhodian’ themes and the major regions of the Mediterranean (from ‘Nestor’s cup’ in Pithekoussai [here figure 32.1 world at this time. Charalambidou and Morgan’s p.375] to the Euphorbos plate now in the British aims seem more empirical if also more diffuse: Museum) may actually have been manufactured in ‘to make readily accessible the material record as Kos. currently understood and to consider how it may contribute to broader critiques and new directions The next three papers deal with the central Aegean. in research’ (p.1). The editors mention Osborne’s Charalambidou returns to Euboea and the Euboean ‘crisis in archaeological history’ (1989), that is the gulf. This region is the gift which gives on giving apparent under-representation of material in some as far as new material is concerned, and it is quite regions (Attica, the Argolid) during this time. The a struggle to keep up. Zapheiropoulou provides arrangement of papers is broadly by region, the a focused study on painted pottery from Paros; authors comprising both junior and senior scholars Koutsoumpou an overview of work on Kythnos. (with perhaps an over-representation of retired Mazarakis Ainian (on architecture in general) and members of the Greek archaeological service). As Frederiksen (on fortifications) interrupt the stately a consequence the range of approaches is at times progress of regional studies with something more bewilderingly diverse. synthetic. Regionalism, however, is no less evident in these studies than it is in many of the other We start with historiography, and a conspectus of papers, and some of the general themes of these two his earlier conspectus from Étienne. He points out papers crop up in the next two, whose focus is the that, while the processes that manifest themselves Corinthian gulf. With her customary thoroughness, most clearly in this period (e.g. the Orientalizing, Morgan takes another look at early cult buildings –

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not solely temples, though they are included here This volume is then a conspectus, but a series of – in and around Corinth, and Gadolou provides views – micro-studies jostle with more focused another bulletin on the precocious development overviews of topics and regions. For the most part of temple architecture in Achaia. Sanctuaries – the emphasis is either on the earlier part or the specifically the sanctuaries of Apollo Ismenios and very end of the period – the seventh century as a Herakles at Thebes – are also the focus of the next ‘Sub-Geometric’ continuation of the eighth, or as two papers by Aravantinos and Kalliga. It is the the precursor of the more sophisticated world of sanctuary of Herakles that provides us with our the sixth. The central part of the seventh century cover image, one of Nessos abducting Deianeira. – the period whose dearth of material provoked the original ‘crisis in archaeological history’ barely And so eventually (with the next three papers) we gets a look in. Nor, apart from the two epigraphical reach Attica, the traditional ‘centre’ of most studies papers, do texts to any great extent. These of Early Iron Age and Archaic Greece. That we come deficiencies are however very much remedied in to this region so late is, I think, an attempt to de- the final paper by Crielaard. His focus is on the link centre Athens, to treat it as just another region between lyric poetry (Archilochus, Sappho) and how among many others. Palaiokrassa-Kopitsa provides young women – korai – are represented in visual a further study of the sanctuary of Artemis at culture. He makes a strong case for the role of belts Mounichia, now part of the Piraeus. Both D’Onofrio as (symbolically if not functionally) ‘chastity belts’, and Alexandridou return to the problem of ‘heroic’ something that must lead to a thorough reappraisal or ‘elite’ burials in the Kerameikos and at Vari. of many of the images considered in earlier papers to be simply ‘art’. The extension of Greek settlement in the Central and Western Mediterranean – something that used With the exception of the papers by Étienne, to be called ‘colonisation’ (but see Osborne 1998) – is Crielaard, Mazarakis Ainian and Frederiksen the another major development of the seventh century. approach is empirical, the coverage regional. Not all regions of the Greek-speaking Mediterranean are D’Acunto provides a full synthetic overview of covered. Charalambidou and Morgan’s perspectives ‘Greece’s second colony’ (after Pithekoussai), Kyme are from Euboea and the Corinthia respectively, (or Cumae) in Campania. Jacobsen, Saxkjaer and and this may in part explain the Aegean and West Mittica look at the earliest evidence from Sybaris, Mediterranean bias of many of the papers. The Black a city conveniently destroyed before the end of the Sea, Naukratis and North Africa are not covered Archaic period which has only recently been re- at all, though Cyprus sometimes has a supporting located. Shepherd and Lentini both look at Sicily, role as a kind of deus ex machina. Traditional themes the former an overview, the latter another micro- in the study of this period, such as the gradual study (a pairing that occurs more than once in this emergence of images we can link to known myths volume). (such as Herakles and Nessos) are delicately alluded to without being discussed with the thoroughness Up to this point the move between regions had that we now know they merit. Issues both some geographical logic. Though the next shift methodological (such as the role of petrography is more abrupt – to Greek Macedonia – the theme and chemical analysis in the study of pottery, a of ‘colonization’ continues. Moschonissioti theme of Gros’, Kerschner’s and Charalambidou’s summarizes recent finds from Mende in the papers) and theoretical (such as the interpretation Chalkidiki. Tzifopoulos, Bessios and Kotsonas of mortuary remains) are touched upon in various provide an overview of the (largely late 8th century) papers, but not systematically addressed in the inscribed cups from Methoni. This deposit, which volume as a whole. And the major historical has striking parallels to the finds from the sanctuary interest in this period – the process we might call of Apollo at Eretria, has rekindled two debates; ‘Mediteraneanization’ (Morris 2003), that is the one about the ‘Greekness’ of early Macedonia process by which the Mediterranean world as a and another of the date of the introduction of the whole becomes completely connected during this alphabet. The latter is the subject of Alan Johnston’s century and then (most remarkably) stays that piece, which treats the issue as being a largely way until the fall of the Roman Empire – is not empirical one, and one that is principally about really debated. That is not to say that the individual letter forms. This topic remains severely under- contributions are not, in themselves, of great value: theorized in that it continues to be treated as the the volume does give a very good impression of the province of philologists and epigraphers, who still ‘state of the art’ in purely evidential terms. But it seem to regard the ‘recovery’ of literacy as both does not really discuss the fundamental debates inevitable and natural. that the study of this period necessarily entails.

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For the most part Archaeopress has done these Shanks, M. 1999. Art and the Early Greek State: An authors proud. The quality of illustrations (often in Interpretive Archaeology. Cambridge: Cambridge colour) and production in the Charalambidou and University Press. Morgan volume is particularly high. These high Villing, A. and Mommsen, H. 2017. Rhodes and Kos: standards are also evident in the other two volumes. East Dorian pottery production of the Archaic Archaeopress, however, do not provide editorial period. Annual of the British School at Athens 112: support – a lack particularly noticeable in the volume 99-154. by Antoniadis (where there are just too many typos). Whitley, J. 1991. Style and Society in Dark Age Greece. These are nonetheless affordable books, both for Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. academic libraries and for specialists in the field. Their cumulative arguments and reappraisals are very much worth taking on board and demonstrate the continuing vitality of a field that addresses one of the most significant formative periods in history to be found anywhere in the world.

James Whitley Cardiff University [email protected]

Bohen, B. 1988. Kerameikos: Die geometrischen Pyxiden (Kerameikos: Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen XIII). Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter. Brock, J.K. 1957. Fortetsa: Early Greek Tombs near Knossos (British School at Athens Supplementary Volume II). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Coldstream, J.N. 1968. Greek Geometric Pottery. London: Methuen. Étienne, R. (ed.) 2010. La Mediteranée au VIIe Siècle avant J.C.: Essais d’Analyses Archéologiques. (Travaux de la Maison René-Ginouvès 7). Paris: De Boccard. Kübler, K. 1954. Kerameikos: Die Nekropole des 10. Bis 8. Jahrhunderts (Kerameikos: Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen V). Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Luke, J. 1994. The krater, kratos and the polis. Greece and Rome 41: 23-32. Morris, I. 1987. Burial and Ancient Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Morris, I. 2003. Mediterraneanization. Mediterranean Historical Review 18: 30-55. Osborne, R. 1989. A crisis in archaeological history? The seventh century BC in Attica. Annual of the British School at Athens 84: 297-322. Osborne, R. 1998. Early Greek colonization? The nature of Greek settlement in the West. In N. Fisher and H. Van Wees (eds) Archaic Greece: New Approaches and New Evidence, 251-69. Swansea: Classical Press of Wales. Papadopoulos, J.K. and Smithson, E.L. 2017. The Early Iron Age: The Cemeteries (The Athenian Agora XXXVI). Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens. Rhodes, P.J. 1981. A Commentary on the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia. Oxford: Clarendon.

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Archaic to Hellenistic very importantly point out that all the pottery excavated was kept, weighed and counted, making quantification and statistical analysis a realistic Ian McPhee and Elizabeth G. Pemberton. prospect. Throughout this chapter important observations are made that illuminate the nature Late Classical Pottery from Ancient of ceramic production and consumption at Corinth Corinth, Drain 1971-1 in the Forum during the latter part of the 4th century BC. We Southwest. Corinth VII.6. pp. 400, 80 ills, learn, for example, that relatively few tableware 4- plates, 18 charts. 2012. Princeton NJ: imports are identified amongst the ceramic American School of Classical Studies material of drain 1971-1. McPhee & Pemberton also at Athens. ISBN 978-0-87661-076-3, convincingly show that the material attested in hardcover $150. the drain was deposited at one particular moment in time and most likely came in majority from a building in the immediate vicinity. They argue that Volume VII.6, late Classical Pottery from Corinth, the ceramic material reflects communal dining is another fine addition to the American School and activities associated with the symposium, at Athens Corinth Excavation series. McPhee and potentially in a cultic context. Pemberton present in this volume the ceramic The next section of chapter 1 addresses specifically material (plus other artefacts) associated with the deposit date. It is argued by the authors that Drain 1971-1 excavated in the southwestern area the material was deposited between 325-300 BC, of Corinth’s Roman forum. The material attested the mostly likely date being around 310 BC. In the in this deposit has been dated to the latter part of discussion of the chronological significance of the the 4th century BC and is expertly presented by the attested ceramics they convincingly show that authors. Corinth VII.6, therefore, further enhances most pottery predates the 3rd century BC, the our understanding of ceramic developments at latest version of certain shapes chronologically Corinth during the late Classical/early Hellenistic falling within the 4th quarter of the 4th century BC. period, a timeframe of great geo-political change, However, this brings me neatly to what according not necessarily reflected as McPhee & Pemberton to the reviewer is one of the difficulties of the book. assert in the use of ceramic utensils by Corinth’s The chronology discussed in chapter 1 focusses inhabitants. exclusively on the date of deposition of the ceramic Corinth VII.6 is composed of 3 chapters, eleven material in question, which is both clear and pottery catalogues, 8 appendices, figures and convincing. However, in order to get a better sense plates. Chapter 1 provides a general introduction, of the dating of the pottery itself, the reader needs discussing the nature and specific context of Drain to proactively trail through the various pottery 1971-1 and providing the argument for its dating. categories. With regard to the Attic skyphos, for Chapter 2 focusses on the various pottery fabrics example, it can be appreciated, from the discussion and decoration attested. Chapter 3 serves as an in the catalogue section dealing with vessels for the introduction to the eleven pottery catalogues, consumption of liquids, that in drain 1971-1 an Attic the real meat of the book. The eleven catalogues skyphos with a parallel at Athens dated 350-340 BC present in turn the various functional categories is attested. Other skyphoi have parallels dated to of ceramic vessels attested, from shapes used for 330-320 BC and a small skyphos is comparable to an transport and storage to vessels used for the service Athenian example dated to 325-300 BC. The echinus and consumption of food. Miscellaneous shapes and bowl can serve as another example: the attested earlier and later pottery attested in Drain 1971-1 representatives of this shape are amongst the drain are also discussed. The volume closes with a series material dated to 340-300 BC. This range in dating, of appendices incorporating, for example, reports clearly late 4th century as demonstrated throughout on attested coins and neutron activation analysis. the book, begs the question, however, as to why the As is usual with publications of this nature, the authors label the ceramic material attested as solely book is lavishly illustrated with line drawings and late Classical. Although the character and nature photographs of the ceramics in question. of the pottery is indeed very much late Classical, in terms of their period of use, it appears that there One of the most interesting chapters of this volume, is significant overlap with the early years of the especially for the more general reader, is chapter Hellenistic period. It is important, according to the 1, general introduction. It is in this chapter that reviewer, to recognise this, as it clearly illustrates the authors introduce the archaeological context the continuity evident (and perhaps to be expected) focussed on in this work, drain 1971-1. They in the early years of the Greek world after Alexander.

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McPhee & Pemberton do indeed illustrate this incorporated in this work are exemplary. Corinth when they discuss the impact of Macedonian VII.6 indeed expertly succeeds in presenting and domination on the Corinthian ceramic corpus, for discussing in detail the ceramic material of an which there is very little evidence. The point can be archaeological context deposited in the latter part made more explicit, however: we are dealing here of the 4th century BC. The work is a treasure trove with a ceramic corpus late Classical in nature and for ceramicists working in the field and significantly character, but chronologically straddling the late advances our understanding not only of the shapes Classical/earliest years of the Hellenistic period. represented in the catalogue but more importantly the nature and character of a fairly homogenous As indicated earlier, the real meat of this volume assemblage datable within the second half of the is in its series of pottery catalogues. A helpful fourth century BC. Where the book is somewhat introduction (Chapter 3) sets out how the ceramic lacking, is in its accessibility to the more general material is organised. The decision to organize reader. No overview section detailing the nature the pottery by function is a sensible one, enabling and character of the material and its implications a clearer overview of how the catalogued vessels for eating and drinking at late Classical/early were most likely used and were related, in terms Hellenistic Corinth is apparent. Instead, this of use, to other shapes. Interestingly the authors information is buried within the various pottery mention here that, with a few exceptions, no catalogues and therefore, more difficult to access by dates are assigned to individual shapes. They a non-specialist audience. opted to focus on the discussion of the deposit as a whole, which they argue contains pottery mostly Overall, however, the positives significantly belonging to the second half of the 4th century BC. outweigh the negatives. Late Classical Pottery from This is, indeed, a valid approach, but as indicated Ancient Corinth, Drain 1971-1 in the Forum Southwest earlier raises the question as to why the material is a vital contribution to the field of Classical and in question is labelled as late Classical and its Hellenistic ceramics, providing important new occurrence, potentially, during the earliest years of information on the nature and character of late the Hellenistic period not explicitly highlighted. Classical/early Hellenistic pottery production and consumption at ancient Corinth. It reinforces once The catalogues themselves expertly discuss the again the apparent disconnect between geo-political various shapes in question, focussing specifically changes and ceramic production and consumption on the shape development visible within the drain by showing us how an assemblage deposited around material and where relevant its chronological 310 BC is still decidedly late Classical in nature and associations. The series of catalogues appears character. primarily intended for the specialist reader, although the more general reader can take much Mark van der Enden away from the brief summarizing paragraphs tucked Leicester University away in the individual shape discussions. With [email protected] regard to the saucer, for example, we learn that its introduction, simultaneous to that of the echinus bowl, signifies a change in dining habits. Sadly, it is left up to the reader to find such attempts at wider Carol L. Lawton. The Athenian Agora interpretation of the ceramic material presented amongst the various shape discussions. There is XXXVIII: Votive Reliefs. pp. 248, with 12 no one chapter/section devoted to contextualizing col. ills, 3 col. and b/w plans, 60 plates. the pottery presented. It would have been helpful ISBN: 978-0-87661-238-5, hardcover to have included a more detailed discussion as to £130. how this deposit relates to contexts of similar date elsewhere and how it fits into the wider narrative of Corinthian pottery production and consumption This beautiful volume is more than up to the during the late Classical/early Hellenistic period high standard of Agora sculpture publications, (although in their defence, the authors highlight first set by Evelyn Harrison’s study of Roman the lack of comparable deposits at Corinth for the portraits (Agora v.1, 1953), which appeared late Classical/early Hellenistic period). some 66 years ago. This, the latest volume In sum, there is a tremendous amount of information to appear in the Agora series, is the fourth and detail encapsulated in this volume. The long list devoted to sculpture, following Harrison’s on of individual pottery catalogues and appendices Archaic and Archaistic Sculpture (v.11, 1965)

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and that on Funerary Sculpture (v.35, 2013) by bibliography, concordance, and indices are Laura Grossman. The Classical and Hellenistic equally exhaustive and useful. This is, quite sculpture is currently under intensive study simply, a model publication. by Andrew Stewart, who has produced a series of stimulating articles in Hesperia on The study of sculpture from the Agora of free-standing and especially architectural Athens is no easy task, as already pointed out by sculpture, adding to our understanding of the Harrison in her 1965 volume (pp. v-vi). An area Hephaisteion and, currently, bringing lesser- of intensive public political, commercial, and known buildings like the Temple of Ares to religious activity beginning in the later Archaic life by identifying substantial portions of its period, and used previously as a cemetery sculptured adornment. from the Bronze Age onward, the Agora was expanded and reworked by Hellenistic princes Lawton presents here those marble reliefs from and Roman emperors. With its many centuries the Agora, mostly fragmentary and usually of post-antique usage as well, the Athenian highly fragmentary (six of the 224 catalogued Agora is the quintessential site of urban are more or less intact), that she has identified Classical archaeology. Specifically, for the study as having had a votive function. All fragments of sculpture, the resulting issue is that virtually are fully illustrated and twelve of the best- every piece has been found out of its original preserved and more important pieces are shown context, sometimes reworked into a later wall, in excellent colour plates. The Introduction more often deposited with fill or dumped in a provides a thorough yet succinct overview of the well. Moreover, a good deal of the sculpture was nature of the material and issues related to its discovered by the scholars themselves, poring study: excavation history and contexts, earlier through ‘marble piles’ assembled by the early literature on the corpus (limited), chronology, excavators. the objects of reverence for these reliefs and what is known of their shrines, the dedicators A related challenge, especially pertinent to the (only a dozen or so names are preserved and study of votive reliefs, is that the Agora is a only two appear in other sources), methods low-lying area flanked to the south and west by and materials of production, iconography, several hills of varying height and steepness. and function. The catalogue itself is arranged From southeast to west: Acropolis, Areopagus, by the subject matter and/or recipient of the Philopappos Hill, Pnyx, and the Hill of the relief, first gods and goddesses (Agathe Tyche Muses, and, immediate adjacent to the Agora to Zeus), and then heroes and heroines. The proper, Kolonos Agoraios. These hills, including latter include Herakles, less specifically named their slopes, housed numerous sanctuaries, heroes (e.g., Heros Iatros, Heros Strategos) and especially in caves, that were commonly generic figures like banqueting heroes (who used for the kind of private dedications account for about a quarter of the corpus) and treated here. It is clear that masses of objects rider heroes. Each section of the catalogue discovered within the extensive limits of the begins with its own introduction, surveying Agora explorations had, over the years, made not just the reliefs dedicated to the deity their way down from these cult places by in question, but exploring the evidence for various means. Moreover, the fact that joining the existence and location of the cult in and fragments from a single relief were found 300m around the Agora; this constitutes a major apart within the excavation further testifies to contribution of the volume, going beyond the extent of migration of material across the the documentation of the material per se. Agora itself. It is possible to plot the findspots There follows a treatment of reliefs that show of those pieces for which the data are known, (or preserve) only worshippers, anatomical and indeed the volume includes two excellent reliefs, and unfinished or illegible reliefs. plans that do just that. In fact, Lawton notes The catalogue entries themselves are both that there are several cases where reliefs detailed and thorough with full provenience, ostensibly related to a particular cult seem to dimensions, description, and bibliography. The cluster around an area where that deity or hero

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was likely to have been worshipped. She is also cults) or left unspecified by the imagery. When able to argue convincingly for several reliefs, inscriptions do provide this information, for based on the figures or, less often, inscriptions, cults that are less specific, health-related issues a plausible original location among the many occur most often as well, at least in the Agora cult areas surrounding the excavation area. corpus. A variant is the anatomical relief, of which there are many here, being the most As a result, this study, like the other studies explicit form of all, as it depicts exactly what of Agora sculptures, can rely far less on what ails the dedicator, if not exactly the ailment to we might consider traditional archaeological be alleviated. Presumably the god will know. evidence than might be true at a different kind of site. To be sure, whatever use of such What document reliefs and votive reliefs do evidence may be pertinent and useful is fully share, however, is an important role in the study applied here, but the study primarily depends of sculptural production in Classical Athens. on on 1) an extraordinary talent for looking Document reliefs have been especially looked at sculpture, nearly always fragments and in at as a means to pin down the chronology most cases relatively small fragments; 2) an of stylistic sequencing. Since those with encyclopaedic knowledge of the styles, carving preserved decrees are datable, they promise techniques, and subject matter of Greek to provide fixed points for the particular style sculpture, and, when relevant, 3) a strong of the figures illustrated. Votive reliefs are less familiarity with the subjects and methods of useful in this regard, but the juxtaposition epigraphical study. of image and inscription, when such occurs, can provide complementary evidence. More Prof. Lawton is well-known for her work significant, for the study of sculpture generally, on document reliefs;1 indeed, she is the is the relationship of certain figures found on acknowledged expert on these works, and the the reliefs to purported statuary types. Several skills she developed in her exemplary research figures on these reliefs are seen to recur on on them are strongly applicable to this rather other Classical reliefs and/or among Roman different category of sculpture. Although series and can strengthen the argument for a produced at roughly the same time (late 5th to Classical prototype, either in statuary or relief. early 3rd century BC; votives go on a bit longer) Examples include figures of Athena (cat. nos. the two types of monument are different in 32, 34, 37), Demeter and Kore (5th century:44, obvious ways. The document (sometimes 45; 4th century: 49, 50), and processions of termed ‘decree’) reliefs were publicly erected Charites (archaistic: 38; 41, a figure from and generally accompany official decrees of the highly problematic ‘Graces of Socrates’). the state, whereas votive reliefs are concerned Minimally, the identification of the figures on with cult, most often as private dedications. works surely datable to the Classical period The images on document reliefs are often or shortly thereafter contributes significantly metaphorical; treaties between poleis are an to sorting out, among ‘Neo-Attic’ types, what especially common theme and paired images is Greek and what may be late Hellenistic or of their respective patron deities generally Roman. One might further note, however, that stand for the cities themselves. Votive reliefs in both categories of relief there is considerable most often show deities, usually in groups, as variation among figures of a given type, so it is recipients of worship, just as often with the likely that artists, as is usually the case, were worshippers themselves absent as present. working as much from a mental corpus of Just what the worshipper anticipated in return images (‘This is what Athena looks like’) more for his/her/their dedication is sometimes than copying a particular prototype in order to implicit in the nature of the cult (e.g. healing preserve its existence for posterity, as we often seem to assume.

1 Esp. Attic Document Reliefs: Art and Politics in Ancient Athens. Mark Fullerton Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995. Also, pertinent to the volume The Ohio State University under review: ‘Four Document Reliefs from the Athenian Agora,’ Hesperia 64 (1995) 121-130. [email protected]

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Bernard Holtzmann. La sculpture de offers both an exceptionally early example of such Thasos. Corpus des reliefs II: Reliefs à a scene (which vies with an example from Paros, thème héroïque. Volume I: Texte, Volume significantly, to be the very earliest such scene), II: Planches. pp. 221, 84 plates. Athens: and a uniquely long and rich series of such scenes, École française d’Athènes (Études extending over some 175 examples and eight Thasiennes 25). ISBN 978-2-86958-311-5, centuries. Changes over time in the iconography paperback €74. can therefore be closely observed (for all that the main external check on dating is the style of accompanying inscriptions, when present), and the This volume has all the virtues of a traditional play between local factors and the impact of the scholarly catalogue writ large. It also has the wider world can be traced with some confidence. substantial drawbacks of the same genre. No one will read these volumes without profit. First, the virtues. Many years in the making, in Holtzmann’s experience and sharp eye repeatedly significant part because of the sheer difficulty of draws attention to the significance of details that accessing the material in the museum at Thasos, this might otherwise pass unnoticed, and his ability to is as complete a collection of the relevant Thasian draw apt and instructive parallels with material material as can be achieved. Works known only from elsewhere in the Greek world is admirable. from description or sketches and works of which But at this point the drawbacks of the genre and photographs exist, but where the stone itself has the approach cut in. Because this is a publication of disappeared, are all included. Each work is carefully Thasian sculptures, not a single object not believed traced to its modern provenance, and the plausible to come from Thasos is illustrated. Indeed, the ‘text’ relationship between that provenance and where volume has no illustrations at all. The volume is it was set up in antiquity is discussed. Each work is usable only for those with access to a good classical carefully described, and then discussed in individual archaeology library. commentaries which pick out the peculiar features of each relief and consider the grounds on which This narrow conception of what a catalogue is one might reckon the piece votive or funerary and extends more generally. The reliefs illustrated on which one would offer a date. All of this is done here are at no point set within the wider history with a certain lightness of touch, indeed charm, of sculpture on Thasos. This is no doubt in part and sometimes wit. And for each piece where this is because this is just part of the definitive publication possible there is, in the Plates volume, a photograph of the sculpture, but the absence of full publication of high quality, reproduced at a size adequate for only makes it more necessary to situate what we detailed observation. have here against the wider history of Thasian sculpture, which no scholar knows better than The reliefs included take two forms. There are Holtzmann. Further, the decision to break down scenes of horsemen, on the one hand, most of them the reliefs not only between distinct iconographic scenes of a horseman hunting; and there are scenes types, but according to the presence in the imagery of symposion, on the other. Rather wonderfully, of particular details and according to whether a single piece, illustrated appropriately on the what is preserved is fragmentary or not, privileges cover, combines a horseman with a reclining diner. iconography above all else, and means that only if Preceded by an introduction, devoted to what they cut up the plates volume and re-order it can we know about heroes and their iconography readers old-fashioned enough to be interested in and what we know about heroes on Thasos, in style, or concerned with chronological distribution particular, the two catalogues of material are for other reasons, get more than a general each followed by a commentary, making sense of impression of change over time. each corpus as a whole. These commentaries are particularly devoted to tracing the iconography of If there is no interest in the history of Thasian the reliefs in question, and both are important for sculpture here, there is similarly no interest in our understanding of Greek sculpture more widely. Thasian history. The question of what sort of a The discussion of the representation of horsemen society it might be that supported this continuous is important because this motif acquires a general and heavy demand for heroic/funerary banquet importance in Macedonia and Thrace that it does scenes does not figure. Holtzmann’s story in general not achieve in southern Greece, and the question is that reliefs that start as formally ‘heroic’, that is of how exactly those northern interests play out is attached to hero cult, become ‘banalized’ for general not straightforward. The discussion of the heroic/ funerary use, but only the most fleeting attempt funerary banquets is important because Thasos is made to play this out against what we know of

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Thasian cult practice (and we are given no account between 1967 and 1969. Barletta herself has at all of funerary practice). So too, although a thoroughly studied all finds and architectural parts significant proportion of these reliefs have remains that were kept in the National Museum at Athens, in of inscriptions, some of which go beyond simple the former excavation depot at Sounion, now in the names (one extends to 16 lines), Holtzmann has no museum at Lavrion, and on the spot. Unfortunately interest in these inscriptions (bar the possibility several objects from the former excavation depot of dating on their basis), either in themselves or at Sounion as well as from the site of the sanctuary in their relationship to the reliefs. The reliefs here itself had meanwhile vanished (p. 12). For the have become essentially detached from everything illustrations and maps, Barletta could lean on the else. archives of the ASCSA, the Agora Excavations, and her own drawings and photos. Many finds are for Reading the work of a fine scholar is always a the first time here published in usable illustrations. pleasure, but in this case the pleasure is distinctly For a publication that draws so heavily on former qualified by the many missed opportunities. material from different archives as well as on own Robin Osborne data, it would have been appropriate to quote the University of Cambridge date and authorship of every plan or photo in [email protected] their legends. Regarding the votive relief of the so- called Stephanophoros (p. 23f., fig. 16) of 470/60 BC, regrettably the convincing explanation by Th. Schäfer2 has been omitted.

Barbara A. Barletta. The Sanctuary of The oval enclosure to the Northwest of the sanctuary Athena at Sounion. pp. 360, with col. remains enigmatic, especially considering the and b/w ills. 2018. Princeton: American disposition of the two temples in relation to it, if the enclosure should indeed be earlier than these and School of Classical Studies at Athens the rectangular temenos wall as Barletta holds. If (Ancient Art and Architecture in Context this was the earliest feature on the spot, then why 4). ISBN: 978-0-87661-967-4, hardcover did the builders choose a slope with a gradient of £65. more than 10% instead of the rather flat hilltop? After repeated autopsy, I hold this oval enclosure to be a Late Roman or Early Byzantine sheepfold The extensive and lavishly illustrated book or mandra being constructed from the stones by Barletta is partly based on an unpublished of the rectangular temenos wall. Such mandra manuscript by H.A. Thompson, the former director are frequently found in South Attica, generally of the Agora Excavations, and of W.B. Dinsmoor preferring slopes instead of flat sites.3 Jr., the architect of the excavation. It was first editorially revised by M. McAllister and finally In Ch. 2 (pp. 54–84) Barletta discusses the so-called Barletta assumed the task to publish it after her own ‘Small Temple’ in the sanctuary of Athena, which was intensive studies of the sanctuary and its remains. excavated by V. Staïs, who dated it to the 6th cent. Because of her untimely death, she did not see the BC and interpreted as a predecessor of the classical final publication which was provided meticulously temple. Thompson and Dinsmoor hold instead by D. Scahill. that it was contemporary with it and suggested that it was the heroon of Phrontis, the helmsman After a general introduction (pp. 2–13) dealing with of Odysseus (Hom. Od. 3,278–285), who was killed the topography and an overall history of research at by Apollon at Sounion. The arguments in favour Sounion, Barletta starts her treatise with a detailed of his cult at Sounion, which is nowhere attested, research history of the sanctuary of Athena (Ch. 1, are meagre. Because of the inexistent foundations pp. 14–52), which began more than one hundred of the two stylobates in front of the temple and years ago with the excavations by V. Staïs. The its very shallow foundations in general it has to discovery of many architectural elements of the be assumed that the columns and the entablature temple of Athena being one of the ‘itinerant temples were made from wood, while the walls of the naos 1 of Attica’ on the Athenian Agora stimulated the most probably consisted of mudbrick. Barletta, vivid interest of the American excavators, who undertook their own investigations at Sounion 2 Th. Schäfer, Dikella, Terma und Tettix. Zur Palästritenstele von Sunion, MDAI(A) 111, 1996, pp. 109–140. 1 H.L. Thompson 1962 Itinerant Temples of Attica, Abstract of 3 H. Lohmann, Atene. Forschungen zur Siedlungs- und Paper read at General Meeting, 1962, AJA 66, p. 200; Agora XIV, Wirtschaftsstruktur des klassischen Attika (Köln – Wien 1993) pp. 160-168. 254–260.

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on the base of the roof elements ascribed to this The temple does not only display an unusual temple, advocates a date of ca. 500 BC and follows plan, its order – the Ionic order – is untypical for Staïs’ interpretation. The convincing arguments of Attica at this early date too. Compared to the later H.R. Goette,4 which point to a date after 480 BC, are buildings on the Acropolis using the Ionic order, the rejected by Barletta on insufficient grounds (p. 23). appearance of the temple at Sounion seems rather modest. Using the evidence from a much broader With Ch. 3 (pp. 86–160), Barletta turns to the temple geographical area (p. 163 fig. 175) than available to of Athena itself, which represents one of the earliest former scholars, and from excavations of much later examples of Ionic architecture in Attica. Together date than those at Sounion, Barletta discusses fully with Ch. 4, which is devoted to the parallels of the any available parallel for the plan of the temple, temple and Ch. 5 which treats its afterlife, these its main features, and its architectural elements. three chapters form the core of her study. The existence of a (painted?) frieze, postulated by The temple of Athena was completely dismantled Thompson and Dinsmoor, although no fragments down to the euthynteria, which is still in situ, already have survived, is also favoured by Barletta. Her in antiquity. While Staïs and Orlandos assumed two meticulous analysis ends up in the following phases of construction, Thompson and Dinsmoor conclusions: The Temple of Athena Sounias dates adopted only one. After having thoroughly to the 2nd quarter of the 5th cent. BC. It integrates discussed the foundations of the temple as well as ideas from different geographical regions and every single architectural element, which are fully architectural styles, especially from the Cycladic documented in excellent drawings and photos, Islands, but its architect has also been familiar with Barletta presents a convincing reconstruction of the developments in Western Greece, East Greece and building. It was constructed in one phase, displaying Chios. pseudodipteral colonnades only at two adjacent Ch. 5 (pp. 220–252) treats the afterlife of the temple. sites with 10 unfluted columns at the eastern and 12 The precise date of its dislocation to the Athenian at the southern side (in contrast to the 13 proposed Agora as well as its secondary use – Roman Market, by Orlandos). Based on the evidence available no Southeast Temple or Southwest Temple – are cogent explanation for this unique plan can be discussed. In a third instance elements of the temple given. The krepis consisted of a single step, which were used in the post-Herulian wall. The idea that constituted the stylobate. The unfluted columns the temple of Athena was destroyed during the raids rose over disk-shaped bases devoid of decoration of Philip V in 200 BC, as Barletta holds (p. 220), is and lacking a torus. The ionic capitals were of the contradicted by the drastic account of Livy (31,26,1– torus-type and richly painted. The entablature was 13). It is suggested that nothing of the temple of the Cycladic- or Island-Ionic type with a (now would have been left that might have allowed for completely lost) frieze over a two fascia architrave. its reuse on the Agora. However, in the context of A pitched roof with marble roof tiles probably these raids no site is mentioned in Southern Attica, of Parian origin, was placed symmetrically over which by then was already largely deserted.5 The the building, with its ridge supported by the two main theatre of war in 200 BC comprised Eleusis, southern interior columns. It had pediments at the the Peiraeus and Athens itself.6 Sounion was most east and west with raking geisa, but it is uncertain, probably finally abandoned after the slave revolts moreover unlikely, that they continued onto the of 134 and ca. 104 BC.7 This date fits perfectly with flanks. Citing Vitr. De Arch. 4,8,4 who compares the the reuse of some of the columns of the temple of temple of Athena at Sounion to other transversely Athena in the Roman Market (p. 224) during the 1st oriented temples with the entrance in the middle cent. BC. of the longer side, previous scholars have assumed a second entrance in the south wall of the naos. A long and copious sub-chapter is devoted to the Although the position of the altar on the southern reuse of earlier material in antiquity (pp. 235–249), side of the temple is clearly in favour of this, the especially to the reuse of architectural elements in question might safely be answered only by means of Athenian buildings. The topic is then extended to new excavations. the reuse of Roman-Period sculpture (pp. 239f.) and

Ch. 4, The Temple of Athena in Context (pp. 162– 218), is devoted to its classification within the 5 B. 220; for the desolation of South Attica see also Lohmann history and development of ancient architecture. supra note 3 pp. 248. 294; H. Lohmann, Ein neuer Befund zum Chremonideïschen Krieg: Das sog. Atene Fort im Charaka-Tal (Attika), Boreas 19, 1996, pp. 5–68. 6 For more detail see Chr. Habicht, Athen: Die Geschichte der Stadt 4 H. R. Goette, Ό ἀξιόλογος δήµος Σουνίων. Landeskundliche Studien in hellenistischer Zeit (München 1995) pp. 197–221. in Südost-Attika (Rhaden i.W. 2000) p. 36. 7 Habicht supra note 6, pp. 262. 293.

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architecture (pp. 240–242) thereby providing many of key trends and observations visible in the data. new and thought-provoking insights. Part II encompasses the core part of the book and discusses in turn household ware, vessels for oil Ch. 6, Conclusions (pp. 254–259), gives an exhaustive and unguents, and finally cooking ware. Part III is summary of the results of the study, followed formed by the pottery catalogue and part IV the by a detailed catalogue (pp. 261–293) listing all deposit summaries. A series of appendices rounds architectural objects that can be attributed to the of the book. sanctuary of Athena at Sounion, thereby providing a most valuable base for any future study of it. Part I is subdivided into 3 chapters. It is the most interpretative section of the book and required The brilliantly written and lavishly illustrated reading for all those interested in the Hellenistic book of Barletta goes far beyond a collection, pottery of Athens. Chapter 1 sets out the aims of the documentation and presentation of all relevant study, the type of material considered and discusses archaeological objects from the sanctuary. Special the limitations of the data under review (e.g. the regard is paid to the temple of Athena Sounias fact that a large proportion of the plain ware concerning its date, style, reconstruction and pottery has been discarded). A key aim of Rotroff afterlife, which are discussed thoroughly and was to identify the various plain ware fabrics and in full detail. The width and depth of the study forms and establish a chronological range for their are impressive. It presents, therefore, the most occurrence at the Agora. complete and comprehensive publication of the sanctuary, thereby not limiting itself to questions of In Chapter 2, Rotroff focusses on the fabrics she architectural history and to the study of the Ionic has identified in the material under review. Helpful order, especially to its implementation in Attica in tables list the fabrics identified together with the Early Classical period, to which it contributes associated ceramic shapes. Each fabric is discussed considerably. The present publication of the in turn and accompanied by an illustration of Sanctuary of Athena at Sounion remains a precious the plain ware shapes attested in this ware. This legacy of the much regretted author. visual overview is very helpful for the reader in considering the relationship between the various Hans Lohmann shapes and fabrics. At the end of this chapter is Bochum University included a large table which lists all the fabrics [email protected] identified and includes a line drawing for each of the shapes identified. It instantly provides an overview of which shapes occur in which fabric and as such helpfully summarizes the preceding information. Susan I. Rotroff. The Athenian Agora Chapter 3, the last chapter of part I, is titled XXXIII: Hellenistic Pottery, the Plain descriptive overview and conclusions. It focuses in Wares. pp. 480, with 98 ills and 90 plates. turn on decoration, potting techniques, function, 2006. Princeton NJ: American School of relationship between local and imported material Classical Studies at Athens. ISBN 978-0- and finally general observations. This chapter, of 87661-233-0, hardback $150. interest to both the specialist and general reader, aptly summarizes all the key trends visible within the material. Of particular interest is the section Rotroff’s Hellenistic Pottery, the Plain Wares is one of on the provenance of the plain ware. We learn, e.g., the key Hellenistic Pottery publications available that one third of the cooking ware and a quarter of to specialists in the field. The publication, by now the house ware was imported. more than a decade old, is still a shining example of the ideal pottery publication. It combines a The final section of this chapter draws everything rigorous, exhaustive and authoritative presentation together; outlining that despite similarities in shape and discussion of ceramic data with substantial with vessels recovered at other sites the Athenian contextual analysis. The lavishly illustrated volume assemblage yields few external parallels and is joins its sister volumes, Agora XXIX and XXII, in distinct in nature and character. Very importantly, providing a complete picture of the Hellenistic Rotroff ends this chapter with a warning to survey period pottery attested at the Athenian Agora. archaeologists. Substantial Roman influence on the Attic plain ware repertoire is visible only during the The volume is composed of four parts. Part I third decade of the 1st century CE. Rotroff warns, provides a general introduction and a summary therefore, that archaeologists heavily reliant upon

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ceramics for construction of their chronological H. Reinder Reinders et al. The City of New frameworks need to be mindful that the ‘periodicity Halos and its Southeast Gate. pp. 205, that emerges from the ceramic record may not with col. ills. 2014. Groningen: Barkhuis coincide with that of the historical one.’ Wise words (Groningen Archaeological Studies Vol. indeed! 27). ISBN 978-9-49143-168-5, hardcover €70. Part II of the book, beginning with chapter 4, is devoted to the shape studies. Rotroff rigorously examines each shape identified in the material The existence of openings in the city wall under consideration. She discusses its chronology determines the very essence of the city: gates are and makes observations about the possible function both the weakest and the strongest spots of a town, of the vessels in question. Each shape entry follows and they form the connection with the outside a similar format and provides at a glance key world, affecting the character of the inner space. In information like dating and comparanda elsewhere. this volume, the description itself of the city of New What is very helpful also is that each shape is Halos, the examination of its urban layout and its illustrated by a representative line drawing. One, surroundings, moves towards, and at the same time therefore, does not have to go back and forth to culminates in, the detailed description of one of its the pottery drawings at the end of the book to get gates, the Southeast Gate, systematically excavated a sense of what a particular shape looked like. Bar charts outlining the frequency of occurrence of the during the period 1995-2006. various shapes are also a helpful addition to this Gates, as H. R. Reinders, the main author of this chapter. volume, correctly states (p.12), are not only part of It cannot be emphasised enough what a visually the circuit wall and the defence system, but they also pleasing book this is. The illustrations, tables give access to the city and relate to the circulation and bar charts really enhance the contents of the lines within the built-up area. It is therefore an book and its accessibility to the reader. The shape interesting idea to describe the city, while keeping studies, for example, are followed by a graphic the walls and its gates as a common thread. and visual summary of the vessels discussed and Following this thread, we can trace the biography of their chronological range, very helpful indeed for the city itself, explicated through its archaeological specialists working in the field and something which remains rather than explicitly narrated. more publications of ceramics should consider if New Halos is located ‘in a narrow strip of level practicable. ground between the foot of the Othris mountains In sum, Rotroff’s Hellenistic Pottery, the Plain Wares and a salt marsh along the shore of the Pagasitic is another excellent publication from one of the Gulf’, straddling the passage between the Almiros greats in the field. The book not only focusses and Sourpi plains (p.15). The town was protected by on presentation of the ceramic material but also natural barriers on three sides and it was founded presents a significant amount of contextualisation around 300BC as a new foundation of the Classical and discussion. Like its predecessor Agora XXIX and city of Halos, located in the backswamp located despite the primarily local/regional character of northeast of New Halos, on an old beach ridge the Athenian material, the book is surely already near the present shoreline (p.14, fig.1.2), at the handbook for pottery specialists working on site of Plataniotiki Magoula (recent excavations Hellenistic Greece and beyond. on the site are being carried out by the University of Amsterdam and the local Ephorate – Stissi et Mark van der Enden al. 2015 and 2018). As described by the author, the University of Leicester walled town of New Halos comprised a lower town [email protected] in a plain and an upper town between two walls running uphill, with a battery at the apex (p.42). The city was abandoned around 265 BC, due to an earthquake. New Halos belongs therefore to the new foundations of the Hellenistic period which can be found over the whole Greek area, along with the structured expansion of existing cities.

The long term landscape research and archaeological surface survey carried out by Dutch research teams in collaboration with the locate

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ephorate offers the ideal framework for the analysis constitute an introduction to the history and the of the city in its landscape settings, and would allow landscape of New Halos. for a meaningful reconstruction of the settlement history of the chora centered on Classical Halos first, Chapter 1 ‘presents the available evidence about and then New Halos, gravitating around the Sourpi the historical development of Halos in the Classical and Almiros plains (Efsthatiou et al. 1991; Stissi et al. and Hellenistic periods and the question of who 2015). In this respect, a map with the surveyed areas founded and designed the city’, the latter referring would have contributed to the clarity of the survey to New Halos. Historical sources and archaeological results involved in the analysis. evidence are examined, in this chapter and throughout the book, in order to discern the matter The settlement history of the area, marked by the concerning the founder of the city. The attribution shifting of the main nucleated settlement, can be of the foundation of New Halos to Demetrios followed in the first chapters of the volume and can Poliorketes, proposed by the author of the volume, be summarised as such: 1) up to 346 BC: the main is based on a coin hoard found during the excavation nucleated settlement of the area is Classical Halos, a of the Southeast Gate in 1995, on adjusted dies, and small town of ca. 11ha, with about 2000 inhabitants, on the character of the city’s architecture defined located at the site of Plataniotiki Magoula. The town as ‘imponierarchitektur’ (imposing architecture), was taken by Parmenios in 346 BC. 2) from 346 up to which can be linked to Demetrios’ gigantomania 302 BC ca.: in this interim period the former citizens (p.18). It can be linked to the missing mention of of Halos presumably lived in the countryside in the city in Diodoros Sikoulos’ account of Demetrios’ hamlets and small villages. A small group possibly campaign (before 302 BC) counting against the continued to live among the ruins of the old city other potential founder Kassandros, Demetrios’ (p.15) and in the vicinity of the destroyed town rival. The author seems particularly keen to prove (p.21). The author mentions the fortified hill of Demetrios Poliorketes as the founder of the city in Kastraki as a possible place where the inhabitants 302 B.C. by synoikismos (p.18), before his departure of the destroyed Halos would have settled, but from Thessaly to Asia Minor, although others this sounds less probable as the archaeological would prefer Kassandros as New Halos’ founder data seem to point to a cult place at Kastraki site (Stefanidou-Tiveriou 1998) and would move the or rather a large rural site (p.21). Once again, the foundation date to the year 310 BC. There is a lack nature of the Kastraki hill finds would have been of discussion, even if only summarized since the clear if the survey grid had been plotted and some focus is on the city itself, on the regional context of periods maps had been displayed. 3) from 302 BC ca. Phthiotis, but the author has dealt with it in detail up to 265 BC: less than 50 years later, around 300 BC, in his other works and here he inserts only a few the city of New Halos was founded (p.15). New Halos notes. was destroyed by an earthquake around 265 BC (the chronology is based on the coin finds from the Chapter 2 ‘presents an overview of the geology and excavated houses). 4) from 265 up to 220 BC or later: geomorphology of the area, followed by a description in the late Hellenistic period the South East Gate of and analysis of the layout of the city’, in the authors’ the city wall was turned into a large farmstead and words. The results of the geomorphological work other structures were erected against the city wall, carried out within the wider archaeological project as the excavations carried out by Reinders and his on the area are well summarised here. On the other team have demonstrated. 5) Afterwards, the large hand, the inner city layout is not systematically fortified site at Vrinena (dated to the Hellenistic- analysed in the chapter, despite the neat pictures Roman period – p.23-25) could have served as the included in it, nor it is in the volume, but can be main centre of habitation in the ER period, as the inferred reading through the pages of the 1st and ceramic survey carried out at the site in 2012 seems the 2nd chapter, as well as of the 3rd (gates and to attest, but inhabitants of the area could have circulation lines). Interest is devoted here to the even returned to the site of Classical Halos, where fortification and its setting over the morphology of Late Hellenistic layers have been excavated (p.23). the terrain. The city has a walled lower town, joined to a walled upper town culminating in a small keep. The volume is structured in seven chapters, neatly The city wall was fortified with 120 towers. Several summarized one by one in the seven extensive gates gave access to the different parts of the city. chapter abstracts included in the book (pp.131-139). The lower town was a residential space, which To the main subjects of the work, the city and the housed ca. 9000 inhabitants; it had a regular plan, Southeast Gate, are devoted chapters 3 to 7 (with structured in unusually elongated housing blocks, only chapter 3 devoted to the city itself and its defined by Avenues (plataiai) and Streets (stenopoi). inner layout), while the first ones (chapter 1 to 2) The upper town, in contrast, was occupied by public

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buildings. According to the author, the new city interest is the reasoning on the planning schedule was designed and built by Demetrios Poliorketes’ of the new city, for which the authors believe that military engineers and craftsmen with the help the city wall was built earlier than the houses, since (and this would be a very interesting information in the transportation of the building material for the terms of settlement shifting a within a chora) of the supposed 1400 houses through the narrow gates is former inhabitants of Classical Halos who still lived hardly feasible. in the former city territory. Chapter 6, devoted to the dating evidence for the Chapter 3 gives an overview of the gates of the city Southeast Gate, is quite interesting and offers circuit and the communication lines within the city insights on the brief history of the city. Coin finds and with the outside world. The description of the from houses in the lower town and from the gate are gates had already led the author (since the 90s) to examined thoroughly. reason about the access points from the outside and Chapter 7 concerns the development of artillery the internal circulation within the city. This interest towers and includes comparisons with other urban explains the early need of a systematic excavation circuits and city gates in the Greek mainland. I may of the Southeast Gate, which was started already in point out here that the layout of the Gate is very 1995. A larger number of comparisons with Greek similar to a city gate found and excavated recently cities newly founded or re-planned in the Hellenistic in the Thessalian city of Skotoussa (see La Torre et period would have been appreciated here, even in a al. 2017 and more recent research still unpublished). summarized version of previous work of the author and his team on the subject. A wider reference to The appendices to the main text, written by several the comparative framework including other Greek authors, are particularly rich, and complete the cities newly founded, re-planned or enlarged in the book with a neatly structured documentation. Hellenistic period would have enriched the entire work, especially considering the fact that the author In conclusion, it can be pointed out that in New Halos and his team had dealt with the subject in previous from a methodological point of view the research works on the city of New Halos. on the city layout (although not discussed explicitly by the author unfortunately) is mainly related to Chapter 4 gives an overview of the excavation the information coming from the excavated areas campaigns on the Southeast Gate, eight in total, (1976 saw the first excavation of a series of houses from 1995 up to 2006. Damage to the archaeological in the lower town – pp.39-43; in 1980 the excavation deposits, before and after the excavation, are of the Sanctuary of Demeter and Persephone in thoroughly examined. The excavation method is the upper town – pp.38-39) and to topographical discussed in detail, even in its failure or difficulties. research carried out on the fortification, which is A very interesting paragraph (4.4) concerns the site- also the main subject of the volume and is treated formation processes, and analyses exhaustively the accurately and extensively. Surface architectural history of the site of the Southeast Gate after the remains, such as the foundations of houses in the end of its use as a gate, read through the excavated built-up area, have been removed or destroyed by archaeological layers. After the abandonment of farmers, due to the intensive cultivation of the area, the city, the former surface in the Gate area was and a systematic ceramic survey of the city site is levelled and the gatehouse was converted into a not mentioned. Nevertheless, the volume can and farmstead; a series of buildings or workshops were must be included among the monograph studies built around the former gatehouse, which served on Greek cities that more and more use innovative for the processing and storage of agricultural research methods and technologies, involving produce. Later the farmstead was destroyed by artifact surface surveys, archaeological, aerial and a fire, according to the excavator who produces geophysical prospections, in order to narrate city archaeological evidence for it. biographies, with a special eye on their landscape and historical context (see Vermeulen et al. 2012 Chapter 5, jointly written by Chris Dickenson, and many more recent urban survey projects). Lana Radloff and H. Reinder Reinders is a detailed description and analysis of the layout of the Southeast Emeri Farinetti Gate and the building techniques employed. Roma Tre University Graphic and photographic documentation is wide [email protected] and highly informative, and the content is very well organized. The work on the individual limestone blocks of the wall sections and on the transportation techniques employed is very valuable. Of much

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Caliò L.M. 2012. Dalla polis alla città murata. Corinthian Hellenistic Pottery, which was published as L’immagine delle fortificazioni nella società the third volume in this series in 1975. ellenistica. Archeologia Classica 63: 169-221. Efstathiou, A., Malakasioti, Z., Reinders, H.R. 1990 James has extensive experience studying the (1991). Halos, archaeological field survey project. Hellenistic pottery of Corinth, starting as the topic of Preliminary report of the 1990 campaign. her Ph.D. dissertation awarded from the University Netherlands Institute in Athens Newsletter 3: 31-45. of Texas in 2010. Since 2004 she was part of the La Torre, G. et al. 2017. Il Progetto Skotoussa. excavation team in Panayia Field at Corinth, which Relazione preliminare sulle campagne 2014-15. yielded the main contexts used as the backbone Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene e delle of the book. From 2004 onwards, she also acted as Missioni Italiane in Oriente, 94, III,6: 141-182. the Field Director of the Corinth excavations. She Reinders, H.R. 1988. New Halos, a Hellenistic town in therefore has the relevant background experience Thessalia, Greece. Utrecht: HES Publishers. to complete such an ambitious undertaking as Reinders, H.R. and W. Prummel (eds) 2003. Housing reshaping the chronology of Hellenistic pottery at in New Halos, a Hellenistic town in Thessaly, Greece. Corinth. Lisse: Balkema Publishers. The book discusses the fine wares of Corinth, with a Stefanidou-Tiveriou, Th. 1998. Ανασκαφή Δίου. particular focus on the local Corinthian production. Η οχύρωση. Thessaloniki: Αριστοτέλειο Based on an integrated analysis of the local pottery Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης. and its accordance with external chronological Stissi V., Waagen J., Efstathiou D., Reinders R., evidence (coins, amphora stamps and imports) Rondiri V., Mamaloudi I., Stamelou E. 2015. in the Panayia Field contexts, James argues that Halos: preliminary report of the 2011-2013 field local production continued well beyond the 146 BC survey campaigns. Pharos 21(2): 63-84. destruction event, and stayed constant throughout Stissi, V., Heymans, E., Dijkstra, T., Reinders, R., the so-called ‘interim period’. The book thus covers Agnousiotis, D., Efstathiou, D., Kamphorst, S., the Hellenistic pottery assemblage from the late Mamaloudi, I., Rondiri, V, Van Rookhuijzen, J., fourth to early first century BC. Stamelou, E. 2015. Halos : Preliminary report of the 2013-2014 trial trenches at Magoula The book follows a traditional structure consisting Plataniotiki (2015). Pharos 21(2): 85-116. of eight expository chapters, which introduce Stissi V., Heymans, E., Dijkstra, T. in press. the scope and methodology of the research, Καταστροφή και επιβίωση: Αρχαιολογία describe the relevant contexts, detail the fabrics, και Ιστορία στη Μαγούλα Πλατανιώτικη, decoration, production organization and vessel ΑΧΑΙΟΦΘΙΩΤΙΚΑ Ε΄ – ΠΑΡΟΥΣΙΑΣΗ ΠΡΑΚΤΙΚΩΝ shapes, and discuss the chronological evolution of ΤΟΥ Ε΄ ΣΥΝΕΔΡΙΟΥ ΑΛΜΥΡΙΩΤΙΚΩΝ ΣΠΟΥΔΩΝ, the assemblage. These eight chapters are followed 2018, vol.1. by a catalogue, three appendices and a series of Vermeulen, F., Keay, S., Burgers, K.J., Corsi, C. (eds) illustrative material consisting of plans, figures and 2012. Urban Landscape Survey in Italy and the plates. Mediterranean. Oxford: Oxbow books. The first chapter relates the general historical background against which the material under discussion should be considered. It particularly focuses on the build-up to the so-called ‘146 Sarah James. Hellenistic Pottery: The dilemma’, referring to the destruction of Corinth Fine Wares. Corinth VII.7. pp. 360, with by the Romans under consul Mummius in 146 BC. 45 ills, 44 plates, 3 plans, 3 tables. It has been traditionally assumed that local ceramic 2018. Princeton NJ: American School of production ceased after the destruction of Corinth, Classical Studies at Athens. ISBN 978-0- and was not resumed until the foundation of the 87661-077-0, hardcover £150. Roman colony in 44 BC. This perceived hiatus forms the core issue of this first chapter. James discusses the limits of the previously established pottery The latest edition in the Corinth volumes, Hellenistic chronology of Corinth, highlighting in particular Pottery: The Fine Wares by Sarah James, is the seventh the lack of chronologically secure deposits. She instalment of the pottery volumes, initiated by moreover extensively shows how the a priori Saul Weinberg in 1943. It provides a much-needed assumption of a production hiatus inherently skews extension and revision of the chronology of the chronological interpretation of this pottery. She Hellenistic pottery posited in Roger Edwards’ book convincingly argues that the presence of imports

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securely dated to the interim period, in association say that ‘the results [of more sophisticated types with local pottery, strongly indicates that the idea of statistics] would only serve to reinforce existing of a production hiatus must be discarded. conclusions, not to modify them’. This I find a rather problematic statement. On the one hand, one could Even though great weight is allotted to the not know the results of such an analysis beforehand, presence of these imports in the argument for especially in the case of a ‘very rich and diverse data continued local production, these imports are not set’. It is often those unexpected patterns obtained included and described in detail. James herself during the exploration of our datasets which yield indeed notes that the current volume omits the the most rewarding results. On the other hand, even imports as these are covered in another publication if the main results would not have been modified, currently in preparation. Still, it would have been additional analyses should not be considered as very informative and would have strengthened the superfluous work with little added value. On the argument even more if imports had been included in contrary, the analysis would even add significant the catalogue as well. That being said, I understand weight to the arguments and conclusions presented that practical considerations might have made this in the volume. rather difficult. In general, the chapter does a good job in providing the necessary chronological and The third chapter details the primary deposits that political background while still being concise and to yielded the bulk of the material discussed in the the point. volume. The Panayia Field excavations yielded six major deposits (denoted as Deposits C, D, G, H, K The second chapter describes the methodology of and M) that contained large amounts of Hellenistic quantification used to establish the Panayia Field pottery, covering a wide range of shapes and chronology. James’ statement at the beginning of constituting a discrete chronological sequence. To the chapter that ‘an analytical method was chosen these six, 12 deposits from elsewhere in Corinth that is well suited for describing and summarizing were added, and together, these 18 deposits data derived from large amounts of pottery, namely formed the core of the Panayia Field chronology. quantification’ feels somewhat amusing given the Individual deposits in these contexts provide ubiquity of quantitative methods these days in discrete snapshots of 25-year periods. Additionally, archaeological research in general, and pottery 41 secondary deposits from all over Corinth were studies in particular. Still, her decision to use included as well. These are described in Appendix 1. frequency seriation based on the percentage by For each of the deposits – both the primary deposits weight of each shape in proportion to the overall discussed in chapter 3 and the secondary deposits functional category is a sensible one. It reduces described in Appendix 1 – a set of standardised the risk of overrepresenting thin-walled vessels information is given: the location, excavation date, as would be the case when using sherd count earlier publications, context date, total weight data, standardizes data to account for differences of pottery, coins and catalogued objects. For the in deposit size, and allows comparisons between primary deposits, drawings of a relevant selection different contexts. In addition to the relative of vessel shapes and pie charts with the distribution ordering by frequency seriation, all contexts were of the main fabrics (cooking, coarse and fine wares) given a depositional datebased on external evidence are given as well. from coins, amphora stamps and imports. The choice to focus on secure primary contexts as the In the fourth chapter, James discusses the foundation of the frequency seriation with large decoration, fabrics and production organization quantities of material, in addition to the external of the pottery included in the volume. As a whole, dating arguments, provides a strong base to build this chapter feels like the weak link compared to the chronological arguments. rest of the volume. All three aspects are described rather summarily, as can be directly gathered from James explicitly argues for the use of a simple the mere nine pages length of this chapter. Clearly, method as the best way to deal with the very rich the focus of this volume is on vessel shapes, which and diverse dataset of Hellenistic pottery at Corinth. are discussed far more extensively in subsequent She states that the usage of quantitative analyses for chapters. Discussion of the decoration covers ‘quantitative typologies’ would not have been well the standard plain-glazed pottery characteristic suited for the large amounts of data present in this for Hellenistic pottery, with some chronological study, and that more complex statistical analyses resolution given based on the quality and are only needed to generate meaningful patterns for application of the glaze. Leaving aside the plausible interpretation of comparatively smaller datasets. In temporal difference in full versus partial glazing, one of the footnotes (p.21, no. 12) she goes on to chronological assessments based on quality of slip

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is a doubtful strategy. While it is a prevalent practice component. The added value of the mass of data in much of Hellenistic pottery studies, too often, included in the volume is emphasized particularly in material specialists do not sufficiently take into the chronological trends displayed in the frequency account the impact of taphonomic processes and seriations of the shapes throughout these chapters. weathering in their assessments. To what extent A clear example is the clear chronological sequence this is the case here, however, is difficult to assess of preferences for various types of drinking vessels as considerations of taphonomy do not feature from the fourth to first centuries BC. The sequence strongly in the book. Other forms of decoration shows an initial decline of Classical shapes (e.g. the included are the typical stamps, miltos, and West one-handled cup and kotyle) and the quick rise Slope decoration. Each is discussed rather summarily of kantharoi in the third century BC, followed by along with its potential chronological implications. their decline in the second century BC, associated Especially for the changes in West Slope decoration with the emergence and rising popularity of the motifs, the chronological sequence proposed by mouldmade bowl. It is also interesting to note that James appears convincing. bowls and pouring vessels are rather conservative, their shapes stay stable throughout the Hellenistic Study of the fabrics is limited to macroscopic period, whereas drinking cups, plates and kraters descriptions of four distinct types of clay used in display far more rapid developments, especially the fine wares. Elemental descriptions of the fabrics during the third and second centuries BC. include colour and inclusions. Other elements such as hardness are not always given (only for fabrics C James logically follows for a large part the canonical and D) and even there not in a systematic manner. repertoire of Greek and Hellenistic vessel shapes, Regarding the inclusions, shape and colour are drawing in particular from the typology established listed, but no specific identification is given. While in Edwards’ earlier volume. James frequently conclusive identification of inclusions ideally draws points out the influence of Attic shapes in the local from petrographic analysis (and such analysis is repertoire, in addition to the many Attic imports available as mentioned by James herself on page found at Corinth. Earlier, I already raised the 72), it is also possible to macroscopically identify point that it would have been informative to see the main inclusion types. Unfortunately, this these imports discussed in more detail given their information is missing here even though it could importance for the local assemblage. James also have been a useful additional argument in the points out that the Corinthian assemblage of the assessment of the locality of production. late third and early second centuries BC became increasingly influenced by the Hellenistic koine, The discussion on production organization of noting in particular the presence of conical bowls, Hellenistic pottery at Corinth is fairly limited, in rolled-rim plates, plates with offset rims and bolster part owing to the lack of archaeological evidence kraters found elsewhere in the Mediterranean at for kilns or workshops from the Hellenistic period. that time. The presence or absence of a cultural, Still, the argument for a decentralized ceramic material and ideological koine is another topic that industry in Hellenistic times is rather superficial. is prevalent in Hellenistic studies. Yet, too often, That is not to say that the conclusion is wrong, but these studies do not properly define such a koine merely that the arguments drawn in to support nor do they properly problematize it by situating the conclusion carry little weight. For example, this perceived macro-level phenomenon in the James highlights a passage in Plato’s Republic as specificities of the local context. On the level of the main brunt of the argument for families as the material culture, one way to properly contextualize main social units behind production workshops in a material koine is by not only indicating those types antiquity. Again, there is good reason to assume that present in the assemblage, but also identifying the this conclusion is correct. However, not including at shapes that are notably absent, and linking these least some of the mass of other historical sources to their functional counterparts in the assemblage. and archaeological data available to support such an Combined, presence and absence give a better argument is regrettable. perspective on the choices made by people in the past that could potentially inform the participation In chapters five to seven, the main focus of the in wider patterns of social and cultural practices volume is finally coming to the fore. In these three related to the phenomenon of koine. chapters, extensive descriptions of the vessel shapes are given, respectively, for drinking vessels, serving Relatedly, James states that comparanda in vessel vessels and pouring vessels. With 75 pages of shapes were sought from a wider area covering: detailed descriptions, this part undoubtedly forms Attica, Aigina, Boiotia, Macedonia, Cyclades, Crete, the core of the book and comprises its strongest Asia Minor and the coastal islands, Cyprus and the

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Levant, the Peloponnese, central/northern Greece the imports of Corinth is published, these volumes and the eastern Adriatic coast. Such a wide range will contribute enormously to the establishment of is commendable, but it should be noted that these more reliable chronological sequences across the comparisons are interspersed throughout the Peloponnese and the wider Hellenistic world. volume. There has been no clear effort to present a coherent overview of the situation of Corinthian Dries Daems pottery within the wider Mediterranean world, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven which would have lent more credence to the [email protected] argument of participation in a Hellenistic koine.

The final chapter brings together chronological arguments made in earlier chapters to present a D. Graham J. Shipley, The Early concise chronological evolution of the Corinthian Hellenistic Peloponnese: Politics, Hellenistic fine ware assemblage. The chapter can be Economies, and Networks 338-197 BC. read as the conclusions of the volume and presents a useful short overview of the main chronological pp. xxxii+355, 1 ill., 9 maps, 7 tables. patterns. 2018. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 2018978-0-521-87369-7, The catalogue presents a systematic overview hardback $120. of mostly complete vessels, in the main from the Panayia Field deposits. Each catalogue entry includes previous bibliography, dimensions The ‘decline’ of the polis in the late Classical and (diameter and height), fabric, shape description, early Hellenistic periods numbers among the and context date. The only remark regarding this stock elements of historical narratives of ancient part is that the choice to give all measurements in Greece. In the conventional rendition baked into meters but up to three decimal places seems rather old textbook descriptions of Greek civilization, odd in the context of vessels which are mostly small the aftermath of the Peloponnesian War marked in dimension. the end of a golden age as city-states devolved into a downward cycle of power play, hegemonic The first appendix provides additional information contest, and warfare that ended only with the on the secondary contexts included in the study, conquests of Philip II and Alexander. The polis following the same standards as the primary thereafter lost its autonomy, political directive, contexts in chapter three. Appendix 2 contains and ideological essence. As one popular textbook a matrix of similarity coefficients used to refine of western civilization put it recently: ‘With the the relative position of contexts in the frequency advent of Macedonian control, once-independent seriation. The results of this analysis are described poleis became subject cities whose proud political only very summarily. It would have been more traditions were no longer relevant.’1 This picture interesting to see these types of analyses included of decline, decay, and irrelevance remains common in the main body of the argument presented in the today despite a range of recent scholarship volume. Finally, the third appendix consists of a reappraising the early Hellenistic period in Greece. table with concordances between the dates of vessel shapes in Edwards’ Corinth VII.3 and the Panayia The Early Hellenistic Peloponnese: Politics, Economies, Field chronology. This provides a useful overview of and Networks 338-197 BC (hereafter TEHP) is an the results of the study, and will surely turn out to important and compelling historical revision of be one of the most consulted pages of the volume. this common picture of decline. The heart of the book is an analysis of continuity and change in the To conclude, James’ study on the fine wares social and political conditions and interactions of of Corinth is a monumental work which will Peloponnesian poleis under Macedonian dominance undoubtedly become one of the seminal volumes over the ‘long third century’ (338-197 BC). Shipley in Hellenistic pottery studies. It provides a much- approaches the problem through a synthetic survey needed update of the pottery chronology of an of the development of dozens of city-states in the important centre in antiquity. The unequivocal core of the Greek peninsula, examining a variety of focus on vessel shape at the expense of detailed evidence that includes literature, inscriptions, coins, fabric analysis, as well as the lack of detailed study of the imports, are regrettable, but are only minor 1 Cole, J. and Symes, C. 2020. Western Civilizations: Their History & faults in light of the merits of the volume. Once Their Culture: 130. Twentieth edition. Volume A. New York, W.W. the follow-up work with a more detailed study of Norton & Company: New York, 2020.

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and diverse material culture. By taking different dynasts sought (and failed) to control; delegation ‘passes’ through the source material and examining through patronage (the preference) or force (when the subject from the various angles of political necessary) were opposing strategies that kings agency, external control, economy and material adopted at times to promote stability. Following conditions, elite identity, and networks, the author a decade-by-decade narrative presentation of makes a convincing case that Macedonian control political action and conflict, the author concludes was usually light and that the polis remained ‘the that the control of the Peloponnesian poleis was a primary agent’ of its own history (p. 288). constant problem for Macedonians throughout the third century, which was complicated further Shipley organizes the work into an introduction and by the persistence of Sparta as a viable power and four substantial chapters, each of which hammers the eventual development of federations. The end away at the notion of stagnation and decline. point is important: the picture of endemic conflict The introduction (‘The Acropolis of Greece’, pp. itself demonstrates that ‘individual poleis retained 1-28) lays out the problem, reviews scholarship, a considerable degree of ‘agency’, of practical discusses sources, and outlines parameters. Shipley freedom to act as they chose’ (89). draws attention to the absence of good synthetic work for the social and economic history of the Chapter 3 (‘Power and Politics’) considers the early Hellenistic Peloponnese as a unit, reflecting question of political control at ground level—the especially the nature of written sources (which individual poleis—from the perspective (again) of portray the peninsula in obscurity and decline) and literary sources and, occasionally, inscriptions. outdated assumptions of modern scholars about the Shipley’s interest in this chapter surrounds the demise of the polis. The introduction also delineates question of the nature of Macedonian power and the historical geography of the Peloponnese in its effects on political constitutions, power, and terms of nine main culture regions into which poleis interactions. Important to the discussion is a view of were often grouped in antiquity: Argolis, Korinthia, the polis as a citizen society dominated by particular Sikyonia, Achaea, Eleia, Triphylia, Arkadia, elite parties. Whether the constitution of a city-state Messenia, and Lakonia. The author notes the absence was oligarchic or democratic, Shipley argues that of sharp topographic divisions between them stasis remained the essential element of political life and underscores that poleis were more connected and elite-run political parties the primary agents than they were divided through interdependent of change. The Macedonian installation of ‘tyrants’ economies, travel, and social ties—a point that will (or ‘governors’) and garrisons in the third century, be taken up again in a later discussion of networks for example, only occurred through the support of and interactions (Ch. 5). particular aristocratic factions within individual cities. Likewise, the rule of kings in the Peloponnese Chapter Two (‘Warfare and Control’, pp. 29-91) was more pragmatic than oppressive because considers the question of how Macedonian power authority could be delegated to local elites with a affected the Peloponnese. Shipley’s aim here is to view to maintaining power and peace. The advent create a new overarching narrative of the principal of Macedonian rule in Greece brought changes, patterns of polis interactions from immediately after but elite competition and group rivalry remained the Peloponnesian War to the end of Macedonian essential elements of Greek political life. Rereading control (197 BC). Archaeologists will be disappointed old evidence through this lens, Shipley concludes by the near absence of material culture in this that even political division shows the continuing presentation (archaeology is largely discussed in a vitality of the polis. later chapter) and the scarce attention to topography (considered at length in other chapters). The text, A fourth chapter on ‘Economies and Landscapes’ rather, comprises a traditional historical narrative (pp. 159-242) turns finally to material evidence based on a rereading of literary sources such as to evaluate the economic effects of Macedonian Xenophon, Polybius, Diodorus, and Plutarch and the rule and the conditions of life in the Peloponnese modern scholars who have read them (especially in the third century. The treatment of material W.W. Tarn). The constant run of names, dates, and culture as a consequence of political rule, and the actors feels at times overwhelming and tiresome, but cursory evaluation of local contexts, make the the review is valuable for subsequent chapters, and discussion seem undeveloped, but the overall effect the picture and patterns that Shipley outlines are is compelling. The author looks summarily at new significant: the destabilization of a dominant power building foundations, rural survey data, epigraphy, (Sparta) in the early fourth century and the decline pottery, coins, and small finds to make a broad of hegemony led to a condition of multipolar power, (albeit coarse) argument for widespread continuity. conflict, and violent warfare that Macedonian He recognizes that the constant wars and conflict—

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outlined in detail in the previous two chapters— view of Greek poleis allows him to incorporate the must have been detrimental to local communities historical trajectories and interactions of notably (how could they not be?), but emphasizes that such smaller communities like Halieis and Phleious effects were generally localized, occasional, and that typically receive less attention in historical short-term, and were balanced by interventions narrative than the big guns at Argos, Sparta, that stimulated civic economies through building Corinth, and Sikyon. His working assumption of projects and the injection of capital through continuity from late Classical times (unless there payments to soldiers and garrisons. If anything, is good evidence otherwise) also solves a problem Shipley suggests, widespread building activity and of the lack of sources for the third century and commercial activity indicate strong economies provides an even wider chronological catchment and the presence of elite involved in trade and and context for reading the Hellenistic period. production. The author concludes that material culture ‘tends to disprove claims of widespread The book also has much to offer scholars whose impoverishment’ (p. 244) and highlights continuity work intersects with the Greek polis, the Hellenistic and even improvement. That conclusion seems period, or the Peloponnese. The text is packed full of justified despite shortcomings in the author’s interesting discussions about political interactions treatment of the evidence, a point to which we will and the physical character of the regions of the return below. Peloponnese. Shipley provides both original analysis and state-of-the-field overviews of evidence for one- A final chapter (‘Region, Network, and Polis’, pp. man rule (‘tyrants’) under the Macedonian dynasts, 243-293) considers the reasons for continuity the meaning of stasis in the early Hellenistic era, the and even modest improvement of the polis in the implications of coin production and monetization Hellenistic Peloponnese by thinking through issues for understanding the economy, and the nature of of space, geography, and regional interactions. The regions and networks of poleis in the Peloponnese, author reiterates a point noted in earlier chapters, among others. Any archaeologist who carries namely, that Macedonian kings had limited out fieldwork in southern Greece will benefit ambitions in their dominance of the Peloponnese, from dropping into the book in different places. I seeking neither tribute nor conscription, but appreciated the thought-provoking discussion on mainly geopolitical security against Seleucid and region, network, and polis (Ch. 5) which considers Ptolemaic powers (systematic control was difficult, the regions and territories of the Peloponnese in any case, in light of the realities of topography from a range of vantage points that connect with and distance, even when garrisons were stationed issues of interest to archaeologists: the nature and at Corinth). Given the constraints and limited aims definition of a region, topographic boundaries of Macedon’s monarchs, the important question is and connectivity, interdependent economies, and how elite identities were forged and how change regional and local identities. One notable section is a occurred. The author considers the question from discussion of connectivity and routes that imagines several spatial frames—the broad culture regions the structure of communication and travel that (noted above), intra-regional and inter-regional must have facilitated flows of information, people, interaction, and polis-to-polis exchange—and and resources within and between territories concludes that the fundamental unit of change (pp. 271-282). Whether or not these have left 2 remained individual city-states rather than distinct archaeological signatures, Shipley rightly federations or broad regions which were, after all, emphasizes the relationship between a dynamic ‘still agglomerations of separate poleis’ (268). The network of communication and travel and broader polis, in this view, remained the agent of its own historical contingencies and geopolitical factors. making at least until the direct involvement of Connectivity and remoteness are contingent and Rome in 197 BC. fluid.

There is so much to appreciate in this study. Material culture forms an important and valuable Well-written and clearly presented, the author’s component of the overall argument of TEHP as overarching argument for the continuity of the outlined earlier, but one cannot escape the feeling polis in the Hellenistic Peloponnese is persuasive that it plays a supportive and secondary role and important. Synthesizing political conditions at when set aside the evidence of ancient literature. the level of an entire peninsula that encompasses Archaeological evidence is absent in the second as many as 132 separate poleis offers a unique and significant contribution to a body of scholarship 2 ‘Archaeological evidence is not yet in hand in sufficient characterized more commonly by studies of quantity to allow us to reconstruct networks of routes in detail’ individual regions and city-states. Shipley’s broad (p. 272).

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chapter, which is designed to frame the study by commercial networks throughout the Peloponnese, presenting ‘a new, comprehensive narrative for but some elements of Shipley’s story need the Peloponnese’ (p. 87). Nor does it play much of adjustment in light of ceramic studies.4 The ever- a role in the third chapter on power and the polis. growing body of archaeological evidence, which is When material culture is fully introduced in the selectively summarized in this chapter, will surely fourth chapter, it serves as a base denominator for confirm the author’s positive view of economic measuring the economic effect of Macedonian rule intensity but invites more study to finetune the rather than as a factor or force that itself shapes those picture. interactions. The value of archaeology, in short, lies in its empirical support—its confirmation—of a TEHP is solidly produced with few errors or stylistic narrative established from literary sources, rather infelicities. The nine detailed maps at the start than as a component that might shape an integrated are well-produced and useful, but a map key or narrative. The compartmentalization of material more consistent font style would have helped evidence to a single chapter may be justified for to differentiate regions, poleis, sanctuaries and its heuristic simplicity, but its effect is to separate landforms (is there significance to the place names bodies of evidence that might be read together to in italics and bold?). Maps could be better connected create a more original synthetic narrative. TEHP with the text so that the reader can follow along to is more a history that makes use of archaeological locate the named sites and landforms. evidence than an integrated archaeological study The density of the text and total absence of figures that builds from the ground up. and images may make the book unsuitable for most Shipley’s review of archaeological evidence shows undergraduate courses, but the work is a must consistent awareness of underlying archaeological read for graduate students of ancient history and source problems but is necessarily cursory as author all who teach regularly on the history of the polis and reader are constantly on the move through or engage in fieldwork in the Peloponnese. The great swaths of bodies of evidence in the interest of optimistic picture of the continuing vitality of full synthesis. The reader will need to consider the this ancient institution—built on a large corpus of details on a case by case basis. Shipley’s treatment of more specialized regional studies—offers a forceful rural survey (pp. 183-199), for example, summarizes correction to lingering pictures of the city-state interpretations of scholarship surrounding seven in decline and neglect after Philip’s conquest. Let intensive field surveys (supplemented with us hope that this work generates sharper, more consideration of other kinds of survey) against sensitive accounts of the late Classical and early a sharp discussion of the meaning of terms like Hellenistic Peloponnese, grounded in different ‘decline’ and ‘upturn’ and the problems of estimating kinds of evidence, and encourages us to spotlight population growth from pottery. The author rightly the nuances and complexities of continuity and emphasizes the variety of rural conditions evident change in whatever periods of Greek history are still between regions and within regions that suggest burdened by narratives of decline. continuity of settlement in Hellenistic era, but some 3 David Pettegrew details warrant a revisit. The discussion of patterns Messiah University, USA of epigraphic evidence—an apparent uptick in the [email protected] third century—is all too brief (pp. 199-201) and, as Shipley notes, invites further questions about preservation and dates. An encyclopaedic overview James, S.A. 2018. Corinth 7.7. Hellenistic Pottery: The of the abundant evidence for built landscapes Fine Wares. Princeton NJ: American School of and building projects of late Classical and early Classical Studies at Athens. (See review, this Hellenistic date (pp. 201-215) surely demonstrate volume). the ‘evidence of many undertakings’ (p. 212) even Pettegrew, D.K. 2016. The Isthmus of Corinth: Crossroads though our confidence in the exact chronology of of the Mediterranean World: 102-112. Ann Arbor buildings must be dependent on the character of MI: University of Michigan. the underlying investigations. A section on material culture, especially pottery (pp. 215-24), supports the view that elites were tied to production and 4 A picture of a drop of imports in the Korinthia and Sikyonia (p. 218) and of ‘declining interaction in parts of the northern 3 Cf. Shipley’s observation (p. 188) that in the eastern Korinthia Peloponnese’ (221) must now be revised to take into account new ‘we cannot see any effects of the destruction of Corinth in 146 in ceramic studies from these regions that point to a much wider the wider chōra’ with a more measured view of continuity and involvement in international trade from the mid-third century. change in Pettegrew 2016. See, for example, James 2018.

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Kyle Erickson, The Early Seleukids, their the historical context(s). Here I am not referring Gods and their Coins. pp. xiv + 189, 46 simply to events and dates, but to the sort of ills. 2018. London: Routledge. ISBN 978- overview that takes into account general trends 0-41579-376-6, hardcover £96 and developments. Matters like the loss or gain of provinces, or the effect of relations with outside powers on the politics within the kingdom, for This book examines the coinage of rulers of the example. What does it mean to say (p. 163), ‘The Seleucid kingdom down to the reign of Antiochus production of this coinage did occur during a IV, with particular reference to the deployment on period of considerable turmoil in the empire’? We coins of images of divinities that were designed to cannot assess that without more information. And symbolise and support Seleucid authority, which in were there other ‘periods of turmoil’ that may its turn required the repeated re–creation of Seleucid have affected coinage in some way? From time to legitimacy. Crucial questions throughout are: why time, the need for specific historical information is was a specific coin type chosen? And, why did the recognised, for example p. 130, on relations with the coin iconography develop and change along the Ptolemaic dynasty, but the resulting account is still lines it did? An introductory chapter covers some somewhat opaque. of the historical background to Seleucid rule, and introduces (some of) the way(s) in which the images On numismatic matters, the account of minting on coins can provide insights into the nature of that techniques and especially die–studies (p. 15) is not rule – in particular by the creation of a Seleucid particularly relevant to the concerns and themes of identity and ideology that was based not only on the book. What is needed at some point is a general military success, but also on the support of the gods, survey of the mints of the empire, illustrated with in particular Zeus and Apollo. A key conclusion is maps: their location (changing over time?); their that some of the images can be interpreted in a relative importance at different times and places, ‘polyvalent context’ (p. 9), that is, they could have to judge from output; the nature of that output communicated different meanings depending on the in terms of precious metal and/or bronze. There different locales and religious traditions in which is the occasional reference to such matters, e.g. they were used. From this point of view an important on p. 126, ‘Seleukos IV appears to have continued aim of the book is a better understanding of the ways reforming the number and location of Seleukid in which the Seleucid kings related to their native mints’; on p. 167, ‘the reduction of the total number populations. Thus, in Chapter 2 the role of the image of Seleucid mints and the growing importance of of the archer god Apollo sitting on the omphalos Antioch…’,and on the same page, a contrast is made is assessed in terms of its potential significance in between Antiochius III (‘upwards of 30 separate different areas of the empire: Asia Minor, the Syrian mints’) and Antiochus IV (‘only a few mints’); under tetrapolis, Babylonia, and Iran. the latter king two mints provided ‘the bulk of the coinage for the entire empire’. It would have been How firmly based are such conclusions? Are readers helpful to bring together these and other separate given the sort of information that could best guide observations in order to bring into clearer focus the their judgement? Potential problem areas are impact of such changes in mint organisation on the recognised in the Introduction, where there are questions at hand – the significance of the images some useful sections on the early history of the chosen for the coinages that were produced. Seleucid dynasty and modern interpretations of its nature, on the use of the term ‘propaganda’ to The problems arising from coin circulation together describe what is going on in the coin imagery, on the form another area requiring a more in–depth look. control over, and choice of, images to put on coins, Throughout, there are references to the potential on the ‘two–tier’ monetary system, on the sources users of the coins: ‘elites, military and merchant in general, and on coinage in particular (die–studies classes’ (p. 9), ‘the needs of the population’ (p. 12), are singled out for attention). But even so, a lot is ‘their [high–value coins’] broad circulation’ (p. 13), demanded of the reader. Even more could have been ‘potential audience, likely Macedonian soldiers’ done to shape a numismatically–based discussion (p. 30), ‘the audience for the coins was a mix of his convincingly for a wider public, and to ensure that [Seleucus’] military and the population near the the material is offered in a form that is not only mints’ (p. 45), and more vaguely ‘a wider audience, user–friendly but also informs and supports the comprising all coin users within the empire’ (p. arguments presented in the book. 41). In note 7 of Chapter 1, we are told ‘There is considerable difficulty in identifying end users’. More – and more focused – information could have That is true, but it would be useful to confront the been provided on several points, beginning with question in a concentrated way, rather than in hints

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scattered throughout the book. To the references Roman to Late Roman already cited others can be added that suggest further reasons for coining. For example, we are told that such–and–such an issue was made before a war, Enora Le Quéré, Les Cyclades and was ‘a special edition coinage for the festival’ sous l’Empire romain: Histoire d’un (p. 164), or that another issue (of gold staters) ‘had a commemorative purpose’ and the coins ‘were renaissance. pp. 456, b/w ills. 2015. intended for broad circulation within the empire’(p. Rennes: Presses Universitaires de 67). Elsewhere it is suggested that gold coinage in Rennes (Collection: Histoire). ISBN 978- general was used ‘for very large transactions or for 2-7535-4045-3, paperback €23. interstate trade, primarily with India’ (p. 13).There is much food for further thought here, and again, rather than referring to these points piecemeal, This is the fourth book dedicated to the Cyclades it would have been better to tackle the questions during the Roman period, after P. Nigdelis’ raised in a dedicated section in the Introduction. Πολίτευμα και Κοινωνία των Κυκλάδων κατά την Ελληνιστική και Αυτοκρατορική Περίοδο, Finally, I am all too well aware of the problems Thessaloniki (University of Thessaloniki) 1990, L. involved in illustrating numismatic discussions. Mendoni’s and S. Zoumbaki’s Roman Names in the Coins are small objects, and decisions on a particular Cyclades. Part I, Athens (National Hellenic Research problem frequently depend on the interpretation Foundation) 2008, and S. Raptopoulos’, Κυκλάδες of details, such as whether or not a particular Νήσοι: Συμβολή στην Οικονομική τους Ιστορία individual is or is not wearing trousers or sandals. κατά την Ελληνιστική και Αυτοκρατορική Εποχή, Clarity is particularly important – as is also the Tripolis (Archaeological Institute of Peloponnesian number- of images chosen. It is difficult for a reader Studies) 2014. Le Quéré’s book essentially updates to compare an illustrated image with one that is not. that of Nigdelis. Mendoni’s and Zoumbaki’s study All that said, the book will certainly be informative is a catalogue of Roman names, while Raptopoulos’ to those who are relatively unfamiliar with the work has clearly a more archaeological perspective. handling of numismatic evidence, and of the In this book, Le Quéré basically challenges the view Seleucid evidence in particular. It fills a gap by of decline that the ancient authors attest (e.g., providing valuable insights into the nature and Cicero, Ad Familiares, 4.5.4; Strabo 10.5.4), and argues development of the iconography on Seleucid coins that after a period of crisis in the 1st century BC, the that are not readily available elsewhere, together Cycladic islands experienced a ‘renaissance’- as the with much of the information that will enable many striking subtitle of the book informs us at the outset. of the questions raised to be pursued further. This central idea is built with mastery. Indeed, this Keith Rutter is a well written study which leaves to the reader Edinburgh University the impression that the author controlled her tools, [email protected] which, admittedly, were many: literary sources, inscriptions, coins, material culture and other archaeological data; not all of them though have been exploited to the same level, and not all of them have been equally successful in their use.

The book is divided in four parts and 16 chapters. In the first part the author presents the political and administrative framework of the islands during the Roman period. She also analyses in detail the fiscal and monetary system, as well as the introduction of the imperial cult in the Cyclades. In the second part she discusses building activity in the Cycladic cities. The author focuses on monumentality, trying to identify cases of new erections or restorations, and she does not care too much about matters of urban development and layout. What she is mostly interested in, is to challenge the notion of ruins, to shed light on the socioeconomic aspect of building activity (highlighting thus the phenomenon of

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evergetism), as well as to identify signs of (the ill- active. The economy and society have been defined concepts of) acculturation or romanisation transformed in the way Le Quéré illuminatingly in the construction of the period. The third part described: privatization and ‘oligarchisation’ of the book is dedicated to the social aspect of the basically occurred. But in these times the Cyclades Cyclades. After a helpful outline on demography, became a marginal part of the Mediterranean and the author examines the social structure of the did not enjoy the prosperity of the earlier periods communities, focusing (inevitably) on the elites. She (see Mendoni’s and Zoumbaki’s introduction in also discusses the phenomenon of the Italians and their 2008 book). It is perhaps telling that athletic other newcomers living or having business in the and artistic festivals are lacking in the Cyclades Cyclades, and her analysis on the ‘oligarchisation’ during the Roman period, as Le Quéré attests (272). that the islands underwent in the Roman era is In fact, the author admits that while in Hellenistic equally detailed. Finally, the last part of the book times every island had at least one theatre, in the focuses on the economy. Only two islands, however, Roman period the available data indicate that only are sufficiently examined, namely Paros and Melos, Melos, Thera and Naxos renovated them (160-161). supplemented by some comments on Amorgos Not surprisingly, these islands were among those (basically on its glass workshops), and a general that indeed thrived, but it would be risky to think discussion on the ports and anchorages. that this applied to all of the islands; the Cyclades were not a homogeneous unit. The book is complemented by three appendices: the first includes a selection of inscriptions (both ancient It is true that the archaeological evidence is not text and translations are provided), the second sufficient to permit a full understanding of what catalogues the Cycladic coin emissions, and the third happened in these islands during the Roman period. presents stemmata of some elite families. Eleven Most of the ancient cities are unexcavated, while black-and-white plates are also inserted in the book: several others lie below the modern towns. Equally two general maps of the islands under discussion, meager is the evidence for the countryside, with the and depictions of the coins that the islands struck. exception of the intensively surveyed islands (i.e., In the main text the figures are very few, but there Melos, Keos), where the situation is relatively better. is an abundance of aggregated tables, concerning In the absence of sufficient data, absolute terms several themes (e.g., catalogues of the imperial like ‘renaissance’ would be better avoided. The 2nd priests, lists of the statues dedicated to the emperors, century AD undoubtedly was a period of recovery catalogue of the Roman citizens, catalogues of the for the whole of Greece, but the available evidence coins that the islands struck from the 1st to the 3rd cannot support such bold characterisations. The centuries CE). Strikingly lacking are maps and plans epigraphic data might attest a certain recovery, but of the cities under discussion (just the plan of the most of all they manifest the level of privatisation agora of Thera is presented in p. 145 fig. 3). This is that the Cyclades experienced in the Roman period. indicative of the little attention that has been paid In the last section of the book, Le Quéré bases her to this matter. Clearly, the author has primarily discussion on the economy of Paros on the marble relied on inscriptions for her interpretations, which, quarries of the island, which were intensively admittedly, she used in an exemplary manner. exploited by the Romans. In this period though, the quarries were under imperial control, so the However, the matter is not exhausted here, emperor basically took profit of them. Based on especially when one wants to compile an overall that, the author reasonably wonders if the marble synthesis. Le Quéré does not touch at all on the exploitation permits us to speak of ‘economic changes in the settlement patterns that the islands prosperity of Paros, or of economic prosperity of underwent from Hellenistic to Roman times. She Rome in Paros’ (291-292). Similarly, I wonder if leaves uncommented, for example, the fact that the characterisation that the author presented from the four cities that Keos had in Classical- in this book permits us to speak of a ‘renaissance’ early Hellenistic times, only two remained in the of the Cyclades during the Roman period, or of a Roman period. The same phenomenon occurred ‘renaissance’ of the elites in the Cyclades during the in Mykonos. What were the demographic and Roman period. economic implications of these developments? The author dedicates just three pages (173-175) for the Michalis Karambinis discussion of the urban development of the Cyclades National Hellenic Research Foundation from the 2nd century BCE to the 6th century CE. Institute of Historical Research [email protected] The Cycladic cities continued, of course, to exist in the Roman period, and their institutions remained

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Hjalmar Torp. La rotonde palatine concentric circular borders of gold stars on a à Thessalonique: Architecture et blue ground, garlands with grapes, pomegranates mosaïques. 2 Vols. pp. 568, 192 col. and other fruits on a gold ground, and a rainbow, and b/w ills and plates. 2018. Athens: held by angels alongside a nimbed phoenix. Their Éditions Kapon. ISBN: 978-618-5209-37- quality is of the very highest level (technically and 7, hardcover €86. aesthetically), perhaps unsurpassed. This makes the loss of the decoration of most of the central dome figures all the more painful. The great American satirist, Tom Lehrer, once said The greatest problem with the monument is the (in relative youth) ‘when Mozart was my age, he’d question of dating (although there is no certainty been dead two years’. When Hjalmar Torp began to on the iconography of its mosaic decoration, write about the Rotunda (or Church of St George) in its meanings, patronage, artists or even their Thessaloniki, this reviewer hadn’t been born for 8 provenance). Although the standing figures in the years… Torp’s first contribution to the study of this drum are provided with tituli giving their names, no remarkable and enigmatic building was published in dedicatory inscription survives to steer us towards 1954. It was the beginning of a string of discussions. placing the questions of patronage and chronology. If anyone knows this monument really well, it is The building itself was certainly once part of a the great – now 95-year-old – doyen of Norwegian Tetrarchic complex of the early fourth century, early Christian archaeology. What he has published perhaps originally planned to be an imperial here is a beautifully produced and lovingly written mausoleum for the pagan emperor Galerius summa of a lifetime’s work, with publications (reigned 305-311), who was resident in Thessaloniki spanning French, Norwegian and English over 65 although he was not ultimately buried there, that years – a period that included significant events in was later adapted to use as a church, with some the lifetime of the building itself, such as the damage expansion. The fraught issue is the date of the of the earthquake of 1978 and the painstaking mosaics, notably of the surviving drum mosaics restorations thereafter. The book is commanding, (which need not certainly be of the same campaign comprehensive and fundamental, and the addition or date as those, mainly lost, of the dome). These of a brief typology of the portraits of the saints by must have been set up in the period after the pagan the distinguished art historian Bente Kiilerich is building was converted to being a church, either welcome (pp. 187-93). at the point of Christian re-dedication or at some stage afterwards, although we have no clear steer The monument itself is one of the great enigmas for when such things might have happened. They that stand in the way of an easy and simple history are very expensive products using gold and thus of Byzantine art. Like the Trier ivory for instance indicate a wealthy (and hence it is often inferred, (which has been compellingly dated between imperial) patron. The mosaics as a whole are very the fifth and the ninth centuries – with radically extensive – occupying an area of just under 1,500 different meanings depending on the option taken) square meters. the Rotunda’s decoration offers a wide range of options on its dating but no easy answers. The Torp has always championed the earliest possible building has many problems – not least the loss date – in the later fourth century with completion of so many of the great mosaics of its dome (but by 400 at the latest, identifying the patron with fortunately the survival of the spectacular examples the emperor Theodosius I (379-395, esp. pp. 445- around the drum). The drum mosaics show one 84). Over the last century many scholars have of the finest visions of fantastic architecture in looked later – to the fifth or even the sixth century. Byzantine art, with birds (like the canon tables of This reviewer would not necessarily be averse to early Gospels), peopled with 16 standing males in the sixth – thinking of Justinianic parallels for splendid dress (saints, perhaps, or patrons) in the the figures and the Umayyad trajectory for the Orant posture: their chief rival for architectural architecture (the Damascus mosque is often argued mosaics anywhere in late antiquity are the great to have been decorated by Byzantine or Byzantine- seventh century examples in the courtyard of the trained artists). There is of course no documentary Umayyad mosque in Damascus. The lower dome, proof, just the usual fantasy architecture of stylistic whose decoration is almost entirely destroyed, supposition and comparison with relatively few appears to have held a band of many figures surviving extant parallels, all dependent on that (apostles, prophets, elders?) perhaps before the least subjective of all criteria of judgment, the divine throne, while the centre (again largely lost) art-historical eye. All empirical evidence (such as seems to have portrayed a standing Christ inside there is) is inconclusive. The problem with Torp’s

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book is arguably that he knows the building and Medieval to Postmedieval its many scholarly arguments too well. His summa is a consistent diatribe against his many opponents and a long apologetic for his chosen solution. Dimitros E. Psarros. Το Αϊβαλί και η His adduction of relevant Theodosian parallels [Ayvalik and Aiolis (although really there are no comparable mosaics) Μικρασιατική Αιολίδα is excellent, but of course there are no parallels of Asia Minor]. pp. 627, with b/w and col. given for alternative explanations (some of them ills, 1 map in bag pocket. 2017. Athens: by no means less plausible) – turning the book Cultural Foundation of the National Bank into a plea for a position, rather than an objective of Greece (MIET). ISBN 978-960-250-687- summary of uncertain options. The problem here is 5, hardback € 85. that the fissile and messy uncertainty of so much of what we know about early Christian art is seen as something that needs cleaning up with positivist art- This is a particular book, written by a refugee of historical solutions so that a clear trajectory (for the second generation from Aivalik, who dedicated his monument in its own right and for the whole field, life to the history of his homeland (he has studied once one has placed the monument in its correct Aivalik from 1969 till his death in 2008). An electrical place) can be given. Arguably, with some exceptions engineer and architect by profession, a ‘‘technician’ about which we know more (such as Justinian’s St and not an academic or a professional writer’, as Sophia in Constantinople), this is the wrong kind Psarros himself states (579), the author prepared of story to tell: what is the point of clearing up the a book free of the scientific constraints that mess if you sort it out by putting the bits in all the sometimes academic writings possess. Although his wrong boxes? We need to embrace the mess of our focus was on topography, settlement evolution and evidence in its totality and to tell our stories with architecture, the author was not afraid to enter into full empirical genuflection to how little we know. the field of history, and the information he includes What the Rotunda’s mosaic decoration offers are from his numerous oral interviews enlivens the the sad remains of a stunning and exceptional places the author describes. In fact, reading, or dome programme plus the spectacular survival of a better, wandering through the book, one has the unique circle of drum images of extraordinarily high feeling that he meets Fotis Kontoglou’s ‘heroes’ of quality of execution and design, whose import, date his Το Αϊβαλί η πατρίδα μου (Athens 1962).1 and meanings remain singularly inaccessible, if we want precision, but whose broad significance and Psarros died before completing the book (with the placement with the long development of Christian exception of the texts), and that entailed research religious art between the late fourth century and into his archive for the full documentation of the seventh are huge and unassailable. illustrations, maps, topographical sketches and captions by the editorial team of the Cultural Jaś Elsner Foundation of the National Bank of Greece, Corpus Christi College Oxford, UK who managed to offer to the public a wonderful [email protected] edition.

The topic of the book is the town of Aivalik (Kydoniai), the adjacent Moschonisia (Cunda islands) and Genitsarochori (Küҫükköy) in Aiolis in western Asia Minor. From 1773, this area – inhabited by ca. 30-40.000 souls, was granted special privileges by the Ottomansenjoyed total autonomy and economically exploded, reaching its peak in the early 20th century. Since the 18th century the whole area of the gulf of Adramytion, as well as the island of Lesbos, was dedicated to monoculture of the olive, which was very fruitful for the inhabitants of the aforementioned areas. By contrast though to

1 Fotis Kontoglou was born in 1895 in Aivalik and was one of the leading painters and intellectuals of 20th century Greece, master of Yiannis Tsarouchis and Nikos Eggonopoulos, founder of the Neo-Byzantine-style of painting, and winner of the Academy of Athens Prize for his book Ekphrasis on Orthodox Iconography.

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the Lesbians, who took total control of this powerful include a variety of historical, archaeological, or source of wealth after the tanzimat reform of the even folkloric information. Some, for example, are Ottoman Empire in the mid-19th century, in the dedicated to the protestant missionaries visiting area of Aivalik this happened a century earlier, Aivali, to the architecture of the Academy of due to the aforementioned privileges. Moreover, Kydoniai, or to the building techniques in the area with the exception of the Ottoman officials, the of Aiolis. I highlight the appendix that gathers the area lacked of Muslim inhabitants, resulting in the demographic evidence for Aivali, Moschonisi and creation of purely Greek orthodox settlements that Genitsarochori from 1600 till 1922, accompanied not only followed the intellectual movements of the by illuminating graphs. period - especially the creation of Greek nationalism - but also played a significant role in these trends. The volume includes ca. 800 photographs, maps, The Academy of Kydoniai, founded in 1803, was, topographical and architectural sketches and together with the Evangelical School of Smyrna, tables, taken, collected or executed by the author among the primary educational Greek institutions. during his numerous visits to the area. Some of the Among the teachers affiliated to it were significant photos (especially those of the early 20th century) personalities of the Modern Greek Enlightment, are invaluable as they present monuments that are such as Theophilos Kairis and Veniamin Lesvios. lost today. Moreover, the maps and drawings that In fact, it is legitimate to say that this modern accompany the textual wandering through the city-state, as Arnold Toynbee put it,2 together with three settlements, help the reader to navigate and Smyrna and the eastern Aegean islands was the actually make this ‘tour’ very enjoyable. core of a ‘second early modern Greece’ that ran in parallel to the ‘other one’ that constituted the first A significant element of the book is the typological Greek State. All these came to an end with the Greek analysis of the houses and churches (basilicas) in military expedition in Asia Minor in 1919-1922 and the area. The author identifies some particular the disastrous results - for the Greeks. characteristics that permit him to classify them as of a local type. The discussion includes comparisons The book consists of ten chapters and 21 appendices. to the very similar basilicas of Mytilene, and as such, After the first introductory parts, chapters 5 and 6 the volume contains essentially a comprehensive attempt a long-term discussion from the medieval investigation of the church architecture of the period to 1922, including the development of the northeastern Aegean. settlements and the typology of the buildings in the study area. Comparisons to the adjacent areas and What is lacking in the book, however, is a deeper mainly to Lesbos help the reader to comprehend historical investigation regarding especially the the general historical and economic circumstances, 16th-18th centuries, as well as the consideration as well as the architectural trends of the north- of the Ottoman archives, something that was eastern Aegean during this time span. Chapters 6 beyond the possibilities of the author. Despite to 8 are dedicated to the three main settlements these weaknesses, Psarros made an optimal use of of the area under examination: Aivali, Moschonisi the sources at his disposal and created a very good and Genitsarochori. After a brief historical background for further historical analyses. Actually, introduction, the author presents analytically the one could argue that he did the difficult job, namely development of the settlements from the 16th- the fieldwork documentation that permitted a 18th century till the early 20th century. The author wonderful visual presentation of Aivalik; and follows a parish per parish discussion, which is this is the major advantage of the book. In fact, correct, given that this was the general way every while in recent years historical research has made neighbourhood was named and organized in the significant progress in the study of towns during the Ottoman Empire. After the presentation of the Ottoman period (I am referring here to the area of architecture of the church, the author provides modern Greece), and individual monuments appear a description of the main secular buildings and a in numerous architectural studies (thankfully not very detailed topographical discussion, as well as only churches but also mosques and other Ottoman information regarding the use, economy, society monuments), synthetic publications that visualize and demography of every neighbourhood. Chapter the urban development of the towns are very few. 10 is dedicated to the countryside of the area. It discusses the monasteries, chapels, as well as Psarros’ book is an ideal work that illuminates a the surrounding islets. Finally the 21 appendices barely known, but very important area, that delves not only into the local historical and economic 2 A. Toynbee, A Study of History, v. 2, London: Oxford University conditions, but also into the dynamic intellectual Press, note in p. 40. trends and their material expressions that took

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place in the Aegean during the early modern era. Multiperiod This book will be useful to every scholar of Hellenic studies.

Michalis Karambinis Giorgos Vavouranakis, Konstantinos National Hellenic Research Foundation Kopanias and Chrysanthos Institute of Historical Research Kanellopoulos (eds). Popular Religion [email protected] and Ritual in Prehistoric and Ancient Greece and the Eastern Mediterranean. pp. xviii + 170, with col. and b/w ills. 2018. Oxford: Archaeopress. ISBN 978- 1-78969-045-3, paperback £32.

Popular religion falls under the wider field of popular culture, and has only recently been recognised as an independent subject for historical investigation.1 This volume concerns popular religion and ritual in prehistoric and ancient Greece and the eastern Mediterranean, and is the result of a conference held in December 2012 at the National Kapodistrian University of Athens.

In the introductory chapter, Vavouranakis (pp. vii-xiii) offers a brief historiography of the theme, outlining also the content of the volume. This is a significant contribution introducing the theoretical and methodological issues around the subject. As the author manifests, popular religion refers to the aspects of religion and ritual, beliefs and practices shared by a large group of people, and usually by the lower tiers of society, but there is a lack of developed theoretical frameworks in Mediterranean archaeology for understanding its material expression. A clear boundary between ‘official’ or ‘institutionalised’ and ‘popular’ religion should be avoided. I also share the view that binary oppositions are not helpful when studying the Humanities. Thus, the term ‘popular religion’ may include traditional and changing beliefs and ritual practices of all social classes that relate to a world beyond the straightforwardly pragmatic, as well as personal, private, domestic, folk religion, and ‘magic’; in other words, popular religion existed both independently of official (usually state-sponsored) religion and in symbiosis with it.2 Ordinary people usually follow official cult, but, at the same time, they tend to produce their own versions of it, other types of ritual activity, or even their own systems of belief and practice, maintaining them outside of elite control. Thus, building on a Marxist perspective, popular religion may have a twin contradictory role: the securing of social subordination and at the same time the potential for comforting people,

1 Briggs 2011. 2 Baines and Waraksa 2017.

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allowing them to overcome everyday struggles and cemented through ideology, or as places where the empowering them for social action. two above interpretations are merged at different timescales. The author first presents briefly the Vavouranakis (pp. 1-10) is dealing with the spread historiography of research on these sanctuaries, of popular ritual in early second millennium BC summarising the prevailing interpretations, Crete. Following a review of the evidence from peak diachronically. According to the author, the state sanctuaries, sacred caves, cemeteries, and public of both the preserved and the published evidence is gathering areas, he manifests how several of the not enough to base interpretations on chronological extant interpretations presented popular ritual patterning. Both a synchronic assessment of as an elite ideological instrument, disconnecting the character of assemblages and distribution elite and non-elite altogether. Western models patterns remain the basis of our interpretation concerning the relation between political authority and can find a better place in the debate which has and society have usually regarded commoners as been driven by topographic considerations and passive recipients of power, usually manifested statements about the chronological evolution of the via ritual and ideology. As the author suggests, the sanctuaries. Such an approach considering intra- concept that may prove helpful to the adequate site distribution of finds, performative aspects, understanding of the above contexts related participation and experience has been taken and to popular rituals is the ‘multitude’, rendering published by Peatfield and Morris in a number of a network of inclusion rather than exclusion, instances.3 By considering the symbolic resonances and being opposite to centralised authority. The that the elite images seek to build, the author is multitude may have incorporated the elites (as shifting the discussion back to the elites. By putting well as other types of social distinction) within a the emphasis on dialogues and competition, he network of societal regional integrations. attempts to resolve the dichotomies which connect Minoan peak sanctuaries with one group or another. Galoi (pp. 11-18) focuses on the ceramic evidence The answer may lie in the diversity of functions from Phaistos and its region during the Protopalatial that sanctuaries may have fulfilled, considering (early second millennium BC) period. The aim is to that not all the extra-urban ones had the same and analyse the relation between the palace of Phaistos unchanging function or functions. A comparative and the mortuary landscape in the Western Mesara approach which considers methodological analogies plain, concentrating on the ritual practices attested between Minoan Bronze Age and Cypriot Iron Age in the tholos tomb cemeteries of Kamilari and Ayia sanctuaries may be beneficial for the archaeologies Triada. The functional and stratigraphic analysis of both islands.4 of pottery suggests that ritual behaviours attested both at Kamilari and Ayia Triada in the Middle Privitera (pp. 29-37) explores the phenomenon of Minoan IB period may relate to more ‘popular rites’ inverting vases in Bronze Age Crete. The author, shared at the local level and contrasting distinctly before focusing on the historiography of research with the elite ceremonies of the communal areas behind this complex phenomenon, gives the in the Phaistos palace, performed by local and/or methodological background behind the distinction regional elites. From the Middle Minoan IIA period between religious and non-religious ritual. Then, changes are visible in both necropoleis: Ayia Triada he documents (also in the form of detailed tables) begins its decline as a funerary area and probably the findspots (in cemeteries, non-domestic and transforms into a cult place, while at Kamilari the domestic buildings), contexts and chronology of funerary area displays an increase in its use and ritually inverted vessels across the island, before reveals changes in material culture. It seems that proceeding to the question of function(s). From a the ‘popular rites’ performed at Kamilari gave way contextual perspective, the evolution of the ritual to new rituals imitating the forms of consumption (or most probably rituals) of inverting vases over performed at Phaistos by the palatial elites. time favours the suggestion of a gradual transfer of According to the author, we may regard these this practice from funerary to domestic spheres of changes in relation to socio-political developments life. This may relate to veneration rites in memory taking place throughout the Protopalatial period. of house ancestors.

Haysom (pp. 19-28) explores the presence and Platon (pp. 39-45) discusses a peculiar Minoan role of mass and elite in Minoan peak sanctuaries. clay vessel found in Zakros. The vessel features a Peak sanctuaries have traditionally been viewed as either rustic popular cult places frequented by pastoralists and farmers, as important nodes 3 Peatfield and Morris 2019, with references to previous work. within elite structures where power or control were 4 Cf. Papantoniou and Kyriakou 2018: 570-572; Papantoniou 2019, with references to previous work.

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series of miniature cupules on its upper body. The the distinction between popular and official cult excavation context reveals little about its meaning, is difficult to make, both in the case of open-air but its characteristics point towards its function as sanctuaries and in cult buildings. She is sceptical a ceremonial object, the form of which is defined by of the distinction between official and popular cult a religious symbolism: the boiling of water or food. and, as she suggests, we may better distinguish Based on later textual evidence, the author connects between formal or public and informal or private the Zakrian vessel with the chytroi used in the much rites. Formal or public rites took place during major later Anthesteria, an annual Athenian festival with public events and included elites and non-elites, a chthonic character related to the fertility of the while informal rites perhaps involved mainly family earth. Based on this comparison, he provisionally members and were restricted to the household or identifies it as a vessel used for the ritual preparation the funerary sphere of life. According to the author, of first fruits offerings into a sacred mash. The the existing evidence does not confirm that non- excavation context may suggest that the vessel elites did not make use of specific cult equipment; it was probably stored in a specific house of a town’s is possible that these items did not survive because quarter, to be used once during the year in a popular of the different (and less expensive and durable) festival of symbolic purification and invocation materials of which they were made. of the fertility of the earth. While I fully support the idea of varying levels of continuity (mainly Polychronakou Sgouritsa (pp. 63-71) aims at symbolic) in ritual practice and iconography, as the presenting and examining recent evidence that author himself notices, one should at the same time may support new theories and confirming earlier consider the risks of transporting religious beliefs ones concerning Mycenaean figurines. After citing and ceremonies of classical antiquity to the Bronze briefly the historiography of research on Helladic Age and vice versa. figurines, she examines the specific contexts in which they were found in Attica, Aegina and Keos. Sørensen, Friedrich, and Søholm (pp. 47-54) shift the According to the author, a few specific types, such as enquiry from Minoan Crete to the Cyclades, looking the triple groups which were discovered mostly in for modes of metamorphosis (transformation) and burial contexts, probably expressed local, extremely hybridity in the wall-paintings at Akrotiri of Thera. limited beliefs, and she tentatively connects them After an introduction to the theme, the authors to later groups of divine figures, such as the Fates, turn to the social dimension of religion and ritual the Graces and the Hours. She, however, remains and the concepts of metamorphosis and hybridity. cautious on our understanding of the meaning of Metamorphosis has no room for contradictions or Mycenaean figurines, especially as the same types binary oppositions, as it relates to the ways in which are usually found in many differing contexts, such new forms emerged continuously through osmosis. as burials, households, workshops, sanctuaries etc. According to the authors, metamorphosis entails A turn towards context remains imperative, but the a stage of hybridity related to heterogeneity and function of figurines as objects related primarily cultural encounter. Focusing on the iconography either to official, or to popular cults continues to related to the flora, fauna, the mythological creature remain in a frame of doubt. of the griffin, the element of water, the human sphere, and abstract representations, the chapter Salavoura (pp. 73-83) examines two Late Bronze Age attempts to show how transformation and cyclical sacred ‘high places’, i.e. Mount Lykaion in Arkadia renewal were important principles represented in and Mount Oros on Aegina. After presenting the the world of the Theran frescoes. These principles archaeological context and evidence from each site, are also evoked through religious feasts and rituals the author proceeds to a discussion on similarities expressing both elite and communal identities and and differences. As she suggests, in contrast to values. the Minoan peak sanctuaries we are not yet in a position to understand the existence or extent of Whittaker (pp. 55-61) is concerned with the cult on high peaks on the mainland. Even if so, the definition and identification of popular religion communal consumption of food and drink seems in mainland Greece during the Mycenaean period. to be a way through which people approached the After presenting briefly the historiography divine. In contrast to elitist palatial contexts, peak of research on the topic, she turns towards cults such those on Lykaion and Oros seem to have methodological issues related to the identification been of regional and much more spontaneous of popular cult in the archaeological record. The nature, expressing popular religion and communal deposition patterns of figurines, as well as other identities rather than the display of power, and archaeological evidence, play a significant role serving the needs of commoners in relation to in the discussion. As the author makes manifest controlling nature and its forces.

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Eliopoulos (pp. 85-95) attempts a reappraisal of Papanastasopoulou (pp. 105-111) studies popular the 12th and 11th centuries BC ‘Minoan Goddesses religion in ancient Judah during the 8th and 7th with Upraised Arms’ (MGUA). After providing a centuries BC, via the medium of terracotta figurines. theoretical framework on approaching ‘popular’ Popular religion in ancient monotheistic Israel is elements of religion, considering also Christianity regarded as heterodox or heretical. Focusing on and other living contemporary religions, he turns Judean Pillar Figurines (JPFs) the author attempts towards a historiography of research concerning the to examine their relation with popular religion. iconography, chronology and the meaning of MGUA. Following an examination of the typology of the Then, he turns to contexts, focusing in particular on JPFs, she examines their archaeological contexts a unique enthroned MGUA from Kephala Vasilikis. and date. There is a range of interpretations He argues that these figures represent elements regarding JPFs: they have been regarded as human of past palatial ritual practices of the Late Bronze females connected with fertility cults, as goddesses, Age that survived in a popularised form in the Early or as toys. Looking closely at contexts and textual Iron Age settlements. Discussing morphological evidence, the author favours the possibility of the issues of the Kephala Vasilikis MGUA, possible JPFs representing Asherah, a goddess worshiped reconstructions and context, the author proceeds in popular religion but not in the context of the to an elaborate analogy with popular religious kingdom’s monotheistic state cult. JPFs were used practices, particularly the cult of litanies (religious in domestic or private cults but, in the post-exile processions).5 In addition, he suggests that MGUA period, when Jews return from Babylon to Palestine, had a role in the early stages of the development the figurines are completely absent. This may relate of free-standing cult buildings in the Early Iron Age to the death of syncretistic religious practices and settlements on Crete. the prevalence of pure monotheism.

Leriou (pp. 97-104) attempts a reconsideration of Apostola (pp. 113-124) examines the representations ‘rural’ sanctuaries withinCypro-Archaic societies. of the demon-god Bes in Rhodes and Samos The objective of the chapter is the discussion during the 7th and 6th centuries BC, and their of the role of Cypro-Archaic sanctuaries in the influence on popular religious beliefs. After citing process of identity construction, maintenance the multiple connotations of the deity in ancient and demonstration. As the author emphasises in Egypt diachronically, the author moves to its her introductory section, she believes that Cypro- representations in Archaic Rhodes and Samos. She Archaic cult contexts have yet to be examined argues that Rhodes served as an ideal redistribution through this analytical lens. Thus, she proceeds to centre of this figure in the Mediterranean. Bes a discussion of research trends and omissions in seems to have been adopted in popular religion due relation to the study of Cypriot sacred landscapes. I to his magical powers, apotropaic functions, and his am in total agreement with the argument regarding relation to motherhood and infants. The funerary a tension in scholarship towards the identification connotations of the demon-god seem to have been of bipolar lenses of urban versus rural and folk less popular in the Aegean. The complex nature of or (popular) versus official, while in reality these commercial and cultural networks in the eastern categories overlap. Nevertheless, I believe that Mediterranean leave the identity of the owners and previous scholarship (published before the present dedicators of these figures open to discussion even volume, even if we may consider that this chapter if, most probably, according to the author, these may have been submitted much earlier than 2018) were Greek traders and mercenaries familiar with has also emphasised and addressed issues relating the religious concepts of Egypt. As indicated by the to the dichotomies between official and popular strong similarities between Bes figures and the ‘fat- cult and the homogeneity of material culture both bellied demons’ that emerged in the Aegean in the between the various polities and between the urban early 6th century BC, the first seem to have had an 6 and extra-urban space. Such homogeneous ritual impact on the latter who were incorporated in local practices throughout the island, as Leriou suggests, popular beliefs. ‘Fat bellied demons’ were found may point to uninterrupted ritual traditions both in sanctuaries of kourotropic deities and in from the Late Bronze Age, as manifested in ritual funerary contexts. architecture, iconography and cult. Lamont and Boundouraki (pp. 125-135) review the textual and material evidence on ritual cursing in Attica, with a focus on the rites that accompanied written binding spells. Then, they proceed with 5 Cf. Zeman-Wiśniewska 2015. 6 Cf. Papantoniou 2016; Papantoniou 2019 with references to the examination of a relatively new set consisting previous scholarship. of five Classical curse tablets found in situ during

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rescue excavations in 2003 in a cemetery of New was quite popular. The figurines seem to relate to Phaleron (greater Athens) and currently in Piraeus the cult of a female deity, probably Orthia, patron of Archaeological Museum. This area most probably Sparta and associated with wild nature, childbirth belonged to the deme of Xypete in antiquity. The and motherhood. authors transcribe one of the tablets, while the others are of very similar nature. The final part of The last chapter by Valavanis (pp. 165-168) is this chapter focuses on situating the private act concerned with popular religion and the beginnings of cursing alongside public rites in the deme of of the Olympic Games. I believe that this article brings Xypete. According to the authors, lead tablets and very well into discussion the importance of folklore binding should be viewed as dynamic processes and ethnographic analogies for studying past ritual within the networks of local communities and their activity. The author favours the interpretations that ritual landscapes. relate the establishment of Olympic Games with religious (magical or worshipping) pretexts, rather Chairetakis (pp. 137-142), focusing on a 4th century than with theories advocating a more pragmatic BC inscribed bowl from the island of Salamis, approach. As he argues, all religious manifestations discusses again cursing rituals. The archaeological started as simple expressions of popular practices contexts of the Salaminian bowl (a place associated before being incorporated into the auspices of with residential structures) may define the target authority structures. He draws on analogies from of the writers, i.e. an adjacent family. The author modern Greece and the broader Christian Orthodox connects this bowl to popular religion practices tradition, arguing that games in a religious context related to magic as part of household worship, constitute ritual activities and popular attempts to common in the broader area of Classical Athens. reinforce nature’s power in order to have a fruitful The reasons that forced one family to bind another and productive year. Since the foot race constitutes remain unknown, even if it is possible that they an essential part of the Olympic ritual, it should related to financial terms. have been part of the Games since their inception.

Spathi (pp. 143-155) attempts a comparative study I believe that the volume is a rather welcome and an interpretive approach to the cult use and addition to the study of Greek and eastern meaning of representations of masked figures of Mediterranean religion, emphasising how we the Classical period. The author first examines should start de-emphasising the institutionalised, such figurines from the cave sanctuary to the formal, faith-based aspect of religion and reflect a Nymphs at Lechova in Corinthia. After a typological broader focus on the plurality of popular religion. study and comparisons with masked figurines and If we wish to understand how ancient ritual may masks from other cult sites, she proceed towards have functioned in a holistic way, we need to focus an examination of literary sources on the use of on the concept of popular religion itself. As shown masks in cult rituals. Based on this comparative and in the acknowledgements of some authors, the holistic approach, the author concludes that these present volume should not be seen as the overdue figurines were used during initiation or maturation publication of the conference proceedings; this is rites involving music and dance. Such rituals were clearly a collection of peer-reviewed studies that important channels of communication and active can be used as a starting point for the discussion participation in Greek religion, forming thus a of issues of cross-cultural importance, and using significant aspect of social life in ancient Greece a variety of approaches and methodologies for (and beyond). the study of popular religion and ritual in ancient Mediterranean. Some more images in specific Koursoumis (pp. 157-164) detects the cult of a chapters may have been useful for the non- border sanctuary on the Messenian slopes of Mount specialists in specific regions and their material Taygetos, at the ancient kome of Kalamai in the culture, but this is not to detract the importance Peloponnese. He focuses on a group of 17 Classical and quality of the volume. and early Hellenistic terracotta’s currently in the Archaeological Museum of Messenia, depicting In conclusion, I would like to emphasise that in all females found in a cave. After presenting the parts of the world contemporary popular religion iconographic types, the author detects a cult at forms a continuum with both ancient religions and Kalamai, even if the exact location of the cave cannot folk cultures. The materiality of popular religion is be identified today. The location of the sanctuary in usually difficult to identify, as it can also be a very an extra-urban mountainous environment, at the personal spiritual matter and thus highly elusive intersection of the regional road network and in- and intangible. Archaeological approaches to the between different cities, suggest that this rural cult study of ancient Mediterranean (and European in

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general) religion have been highly influenced by the Mediterranean (Studies in Mediterranean western religious paradigms and Judaeo-Christian Archaeology 151): 3-21. Nicosia: Astrom Editions. monotheistic frameworks.7 Thus, we need to Papantoniou, G. and N. Kyriakou. 2018. Sacred reflect on how these approaches have usually landscapes and the territoriality of Iron Age framed and constrained our research questions, Cypriot polities: the applicability of GIS. American methodologies and interpretations. Meanwhile, the Journal of Archaeology 122: 541-577. study of past religiosity often tends to neglect the Peatfield, A.A.D. and C.E. Morris. 2019. Space, place human experience of the numinous (i.e. religion’s and performance on the peak sanctuary of embodied dimension). Exceptions can be found in Atsipadhes Korakias, Crete, in G. Papantoniou, C. phenomenological approaches (usually outside the E Morris and A.K. Vionis (eds) Unlocking Sacred discipline of Mediterranean archaeology), which Landscapes: Spatial Analysis of Ritual and Cult in have, however, tended to over-intellectualise the Mediterranean. (Studies in Mediterranean experience rather than truly explore embodiment. Archaeology 151): 189-200). Nicosia: Astrom A turn towards the archaeology of spiritualties Editions. acknowledges the importance of understanding Rountree, K, C.E. Morris and A.A.D. Peatfield (eds). sacred places for human communities in a holistic 2012. The Archaeology of Spiritualities. New York: way. This approach investigates embodiment Springer. and necessitates engaging with living religious Zeman-Wiśniewska, K. 2015. A portable goddess. On communities, whose expert knowledge, practices 8 performative and experiential aspects of figures and religious beliefs can assist scientific enquiry. and figurines, in S. Cappel, U. Günkel-Maschek Giorgos Papantoniou and D. Panagiotopoulos (eds) Minoan Archaeology Trinity College Dublin Perspectives for the 21st Century: 319-326. Louvain: [email protected] Presses Universitaires de Louvain.

Baines, J, and E.A.Waraksa. 2017. Popular religion (Volksreligion), in H. Roeder (ed.) Handbuch der Altägyptischen Religion. Leiden: Brill (pre- Guy D. R. Sanders, Jennifer Palinkas, print edition: https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/ Ioulia Tzonou-Herbst, with James uuid:846ba37f-e0a8-4f1f-a5bb-a731bf071924). Herbst. Ancient Corinth: Site Guide, 7th Briggs, R. 2011. Popular religion, in W. Doyle Edition. pp. 208, with col. plates. 2018. (ed.) The Oxford Handbook of Ancien Régime. Princeton NJ: The American School of Oxford: Oxford University Press (DOI: 10.1093/ Classical Studies at Athens. ISBN 978-0- oxfordhb/9780199291205.013.0018). 87661-661-1, hardcover $19.95. Fuchs, M. and J. Rüpke. 2015. Religious individualisation in historical perspective. Religion 45.3: 323-329 (DOI: 10.1080/0048721X.20 Since the beginning of the excavations in Ancient 15.1041795). Corinth by the American School of Classical Korte, A.-M. and L. van Liere. 2017. Contesting Studies at Athens in 1896, a multi-period, intricate religious identities: an introduction, in B. stratigraphy of the urban landscape of this site Becking, A.-M. Korte and L. van Liere (eds) has been unravelled. This century-long history of Contesting Religious Identities. Transformations, Disseminations and Mediations (Numen Book excavations in Ancient Corinth has been previously Series 156): 1-7. Leiden: Brill. disseminated by six editions of the site guide Papantoniou. G. 2016. Cypriot ritual and cult from published by the American School of Classical the Bronze to the Iron Age: a longue-durée Studies at Athens. Previous editions were curated approach. Journal of Greek Archaeology 1: 73-108. by the ASCSA director Rhys Carpenter in 1928 and Papantoniou, G. 2019. Unlocking sacred landscapes: in 1933; the scholar Charles Morgan in 1936; Oscar the applicability of a GIS approach to the Broneer in 1947 and 1951, whose 1951 edition was territorial formation of the Cypro-Archaic and revisited by Robert Scranton in 1954; and, finally, Cypro-Classical polities, in G. Papantoniou, C.E. Corinth director Henry Robinson in 1960. Morris and A.K. Vionis (eds) Unlocking Sacred The authors of this new 7th edition, therefore, Landscapes: Spatial Analysis of Ritual and Cult in have provided an up-to-date summary of the archaeological research carried out over the last 58 7 Korte and van Liere 2017: 2-3. years by the American School of Classical Studies 8 cf. Rountree, Morris and Peatfield 2012; Fuchs and Rüpke 2015. in Ancient Corinth, further set within the context

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of recent investigations carried out by the Greek to be to bring the reader on a first tour through the Archaeological Service in this area. This guide, profound transformations of the topography of which appears as a compact, handy book suitable for Ancient Corinth over the centuries with the support curious tourists and for professional archaeologists of seven different site plans, each of which is based alike, details a complex reading of the archaeological on scientific archaeological publications that are features of Ancient Corinth with comprehensible illustrated in the final pages of this guide. and concise language and supported by visual aids, including 178 coloured and black and white figures, The second chapter introduces the reader to the most of which have been pulled from the American long history of the American School excavations School Corinth Excavations Archives. Additionally, at Corinth, providing fascinating archival photos seven black and white archaeological plans are and reproductions of paintings portraying attached to this guide. On the back of this site guide, Ancient Corinth’s landscape in the 16th and 17th there is a coloured folded plan, the front side of centuries. Among those, worth noting are the which provides a map of the Forum Area with a list photos showing the landscape of Ancient Corinth of the 47 monuments described in the chapter on before the archaeological excavations began and this area. On the reverse, there is a modern map those showing the first years of the excavations of Corinth and its surroundings with the locations and the substantial excavation crews. Photos of the of all the sites presented in the fourth chapter temple of Apollo surrounded by the countryside, listed, along with indications of modern roads, immediately communicates to the reader an idea of topographical notes and points of interest. the tons of soil excavated during the first decades of the excavations, which created the artificial hill A main feature of this site guide is to focus one of excavation debris visible north of the Temple. substantial chapter on the major excavated area in The archival photos are also useful to illustrate the modern town of Ancient Corinth that primarily how the methodology of archaeological research corresponds to the fenced archaeological site area and the excavation procedures changed over the known as the Roman Forum. However, the guide century-long history of excavations at the site. In also introduces less popular destinations for casual 1896 research started with the goal of bringing back visitors. These sites are presented in a chapter to light the major monuments that characterized entitled ‘Outside the Forum’, which describes the ancient topography of Corinth. Between 1925 several sites surrounding Ancient Corinth, heading and the 1940s research transitioned to investigating north towards the sites located along the seashore typological and chronological questions. These of the Corinthian gulf and, moving inland, east as interests were further developed in major far as the Kenchrean Gate and west towards the publications, volumes that have established Corinth famous Potters’- Quarter. The visitor is guided to the as a reference site for archaeological research in south to discover the sacred space dedicated to the the Mediterranean world. Some examples of this sanctuary of Demeter and Kore and to the majestic phenomenon would be volume VIII from the Corinth fortifications of Acrocorinth. This chapter, leading series on Greek Inscriptions by Benjamin Dean Meritt the tourist outside the traditional path for a visit to in 1931, volume VIII.2 on Latin Inscriptions by Allen Ancient Corinth, encourages the visitor to discover Brown West (1931), volume VII.1 on The Geometric and and to enjoy a Mediterranean historic landscape. Orientalizing Pottery, by Saul S. Weinberg published in 1943 and the volume on Byzantine ceramics, by To set things in context, the first chapter of this site Charles Morgan in 1942. guide provides a synthesis of the history of Ancient Corinth. Each paragraph is dedicated to diverse Additionally, in chapter 2 the authors highlight how, periods, beginning from paragraph no. 1. entitled, since the 1960s, another important change in the ‘Prehistoric to Geometric periods (6500-700 BC)’, methodology of archaeological research adopted no. 2. is on the ‘Archaic Period (700-480 BC)’, no. by American scholars has been implemented, 3 is on ‘Classical and Hellenistic periods (480-146 which moved the research from monuments to BC)’, no. 4. is on ‘Roman and Late Antique Periods ‘people behind artefact’, to misquote Sir Mortimer (44 BC- 6th Century AD)’, and finally the last section Wheeler. Under the directorship of C. K Williams II, is on ‘Medieval to Modern Periods (7th century AD- the modern concept of archaeological excavations present)’. In these sections the major monuments was fully adopted into the Corinth excavation to that can be observed in the archaeological site are include a systematic documentation and analysis listed and are described in relation to the main of the archaeological stratification. The new historical events that determined their construction, methods applied, significantly impacted on our their use and their ultimate abandonment or current understanding of the urban landscape (pp. dismantlement. The goal of this first chapter appears 24-26). The development of these archaeological

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practices and recording strategies at Ancient archaeological record of each monument or area Corinth over the last six decades led to the current under discussion is described, explaining to the excavation methodologies and recording system, as visitor the remains that are currently preserved/ summarised in the Corinth Excavations Archaeological visible and providing historical, artistic, and Manual and more recently to the adoption in the architectural information on the area, as well as field of the digital app iDig.1 information on the interpretations of its intended use and any open questions. To make this description Furthermore, in this chapter the literature that comprehensible to non-specialists the authors have has been generated since the beginning of the included a glossary in the final section of this site American excavations at Corinth is described and is guide, with definitions and contexts for technical further augmented with a complete list of the main words. Finally, diverse pencil drawings pulled from publications concerning the excavations added the Corinth Excavations Archive, together with new at the end of the site guide (pp. 200-202). Finally, drawings, are included in this site guide, providing this chapter also lists the other main international reconstructions of the elevation of each monument, projects that investigate the Corinthian landscape, along with a plan to show the full planimetry of the providing a glimpse into the questions that have building under discussion. moved archaeological research throughout the long history of these American excavations. The reader Among the buildings included in this chapter, it is and researcher interested in the Corinth Excavations worth noting that visitors are introduced to the can find more information in the extensive archive single architectural complex still closed to the freely accessible online on ASCSA.net, an online public at the time of publication of the site guide archive mentioned on p. 7 in the foreword. This and of this review, the so-called ‘Frankish Area’ online archive includes objects and their records, (pp. 32-35). This complex is included based on its photos, drawings, plans and excavation diaries relevance in the context of Medieval archaeology since the beginning of the American excavations in and of public archaeology in Greece, both of which Corinth. most likely impacted on the decision to present this neighbourhood to the general public. The Frankish The third chapter of this site guide provides a complex becomes an extremely relevant example tour of the Forum area. This area encompasses the of a Medieval urban landscape, with a small church, fenced area of the archaeological site, to which the located in Unit 2, set in the context of a market street authors add a paragraph on the Odeion and one on area and in close proximity to a monastic complex. the Theatre, located northwest of the Forum area. Moreover, close to this large open plaza, there was The label ‘forum’ might be misleading since the a hostel and a pharmacy, from which some artefacts reader is guided not only through the vestiges of the are on display in the museum. The importance of Roman colony of Corinth. This chapter presents all this excavation, therefore, should be noted as an the major buildings and excavated features brought example of a Medieval neighbourhood, which can to light in an area that mainly corresponds to the shed light on everyday secular and religious life Roman Forum, but it highlights the major phases disseminated to the public through its restoration of occupation from prehistory to modern times as and musealization. The director emeritus of Corinth documented in the archaeological record. Excavations, C. K. Williams II, began excavations in this area in the late 1980s to investigate the Roman The visitor is conducted on a tour that does temenos of Temple E, located beyond the west not include a visit or description of the site’s end of the Roman Forum, in order to determine archaeological museum, since a future publication the chronology and architectural history of this will focus on the museum exhibitions. The tour complex.2 begins south of the museum, from the site of the However, the significance of the Frankish so-called Temple E. For each monument, directions architectural remains encountered during these of the route to follow are provided, along with excavations and the historic importance of the suggestions for the best viewpoint. At the end of each artefacts related to the Frankish domination in monument entry relevant academic bibliography is Corinth, led him to foresee the potential informative listed for the monument under examination. The nature of this intricate neighbourhood; therefore, Williams decided to focus the excavations in this area for several years. 3 Excavations were renewed 1 Sanders G. D. R., S. A. James, A. Carter Johnson, 2017. Corinth excavations: archaeological manual. Digital Press at the University of North Dakota. The digital app iDig was developed and field- tested by Bruce Hartzler at the Athenian Agora Excavations of 2 Williams and Zervos 1990. the ASCSA. More information is available at: http://idig.tips/. 3 Excavation reports on this area are: Williams and Zervos 1991, It was implemented in Corinth for the first time in the 2018 1992, 1993, 1994, 1996; Williams, C. K., L. M. Synder, E. Barnes, and excavation season under the directorship of Christopher Pfaff. O. H. Zervos, 1997, 1998.

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under Sanders’ directorship, who promoted the public (Monument n. 49, p. 129-133). A very short restoration of the complex. The excavation of this entry then follows on the articulated topography of area is a good example of the changed methodologies Acrocorinth, which is not explained in detail in this and research interests during the long history of the site guide, probably due to limitations in space and Corinth Excavations, as synthesised by the authors probably because a site guide on Acrocorinth itself in Chapter 2. would be necessary and it already exists.4 Instead the authors opted to provide an overview on the Following the description of the Frankish Area, history of the studies on Acrocorinth from 15th the tour then proceeds from the west side of the century descriptions composed by the antiquary museum, from the Fountain of Glauke to the Temple Cyriacus of Ancona to the excavations carried out of Apollo and the core of the Forum Area. The by the American School, the investigation of the structure of this chapter raises the debate on how so-called ‘Temple of Aphrodite’ and of the Upper to select and prioritise the sites and monuments to Fountain of Peirene. Also included is a timeline chart be included in a compact handbook site guide, as on the phases of construction and occupation of the selections will frame and define the image and Acrocorinth from the Hellenistic period to modern identity that is attributed to an archaeological site times (pp. 134-138). and in general to a whole landscape and cityscape. The structure of this site guide reveals that the Once back from Acrocorinth, the tour then aim of the authors is to try not to mislead the continues in a clockwise fashion, starting from reader by focusing on a specific history of Corinth the northwest area of Ancient Corinth, including or on a specific timeframe, or by prioritising some sites like the Potters’ Quarter, a famous ceramic topics of the archaeology of Corinth, like, for workshop in use from the 7th to the 4th century example, the history of Corinth as a Roman Colony, BC (Monument n. 52, pp. 139-142), the Gymnasium or Corinth depicted mainly as a destination for Area with a description of the so-called ‘Fountain Christian pilgrims for the paramount importance of the Lamps’ and the spina of the Roman Circus of Pauline devotion. The authors find a balance (Monument n. 56, pp. 146-149), the Asklepieion between synthesising the abundant academic and Lerna (Monument n. 57, pp. 150-153), and the bibliography published by the American School of unexcavated Amphitheatre (Monument n. 65, pp. Classical studies at Athens and guiding the visitor in 169-170), situated northeast of the Forum area. discovering an articulated palimpsest of the cultural Finally, on the Corinthian harbours, the Lechaion landscapes of Ancient Corinth. An illustrative case Basilica (Monument n. 68, pp. 172-174) and the would be the visit to the north region of the Forum Bronze Age settlement of Korakou, which probably area. Starting from the identification of a portion functioned as a harbour in this period (Monument of a 7th century BC road located on the northern n. 69, pp. 174-175), are described. edge of Temple Hill, the reader is guided to observe the overlying Byzantine church on the northeast Following the entry on Korakou the authors decided corner of this road, which was then intersected by to include a special section on the prehistory of an Ottoman house (Monuments nos: 7, 8, and 9 pp. Corinth, which is not abundantly represented in the 44-46). Like an archaeologist, the reader is guided to monumental archaeological record as visited by the disentangle the intricate sequences of phases, which reader in Corinth. It is, in fact, better documented have determined the current historic landscape of in the artefacts found during the long history of Ancient Corinth. excavations of deposits and graves in Corinth. Worth noting in this section is the discussion of the Middle The fourth chapter is entitled ‘Site tour: outside and Late Helladic phases of occupation of Corinth. the Forum’. This section provides all the necessary The scattered evidence preserved led scholars in primary information to discover the various historic the past to conclude on the insignificance of Corinth characteristics of Corinth’s landscape. This tour is during the Late Bronze Age. However, this analysis planned for more audacious and curious tourists brings together the current and most up-to-date who would like to go beyond the conventional two archaeological evidence supporting a continuously hour long site tour. As in the previous chapter, and densely inhabited Corinth throughout the before each site is described, directions and walking Bronze Age, from the coastal area to Acrocorinth, distance are provided. This tour does not provide that was also a central place of prosperous trade a fixed route, but starting from the slopes of (pp. 176-178).5 Acrocorinth, it brings the reader into a diachronic journey of Corinthian landscapes. In this chapter, the largest sanctuary in Greece after Eleusis, the 4 Koumoussi 2010. 5 Recent bibliography on this topic: Sanders et al. 2014, Tzonou- Demeter and Kore Sanctuary, is presented to the Herbst 2010, 2013, 2015, Tzonou and Morgan 2019.

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The tour outside the Forum ends with a walk Tzonou-Herbst, I. 2013. H παράκτια κορινθιακή to its northern Greek city walls (Monument n. πεδιάδα στη μυκηναϊκή περίοδο, in K. Kissas 70, pp. 179-180), which connected the city of and W. – D. Niemeier (eds) The Corinthia and the Corinth to the harbour. The authors suggest three Northeast Peloponnese: Topography and History from different possible routes to discover the Corinthian Prehistoric Times until the End of Antiquity (Athenaia countryside, archaeology and flora. Finally, this 4): 35–44. Athens: Hirmer Verlag GmbH. chapter ends with a paragraph on the Late Roman Tzonou-Herbst, I. 2015. ‘Αφνειός Κόρινθος’: city walls, with an indication of the two different Mycenaean Reality οr Homeric Fiction?, in A.-L. interpretations regarding their chronology and Shallin and I. Tournavitou (eds) Mycenaeans Up to extension (Monument n. 71, pp. 180-181). Date: The Archaeology of the NE Peloponnese. Current Concepts and New Directions: 249-263. Athens: This handy and informative site guide is a Swedish Institute at Athens. thoroughly valuable publication for visitors Williams, C.K. and O.H. Zervos 1990. Excavations trying to orient themselves within the multitude at Corinth, 1989. The Temenos of Temple E. of archaeological ruins in Ancient Corinth. In a Hesperia 59: 285-369. concise style, it provides the necessary information Williams, C.K. 1991. Corinth, 1990. Southeast Corner with a great range of iconographic support, to of Temenos E. Hesperia 60: 1-58. effectively synthesize academic research for a non- Williams, C.K. 1992. Frankish Corinth: 1991. Hesperia academic audience. This site guide is set in the 61: 133-191. context of an articulated program of dissemination Williams, C.K. 1993. Frankish Corinth: 1992. Hesperia of archaeological research, which includes the 62: 1-52. digitization of the Corinth Excavations Archive Williams, C.K. 1994. Frankish Corinth: 1993. Hesperia and museum education and outreach programs.6 63: 1-56. With an increased demand and interest by the Williams, C.K. 1996. Frankish Corinth: 1995. Hesperia general audience in understanding archaeological 65: 1-55. research, this guide, which has also been translated Williams, C.K., L.M. Synder, E. Barnes, and O.H. into Modern Greek, is an important mechanism for Zervos. 1997. Frankish Corinth: 1996. Hesperia 66: disseminating the results of a century of scientific 7-47. research carried out by the American School of Williams, C.K., L.M. Synder, E. Barnes, and O.H. Classical Studies at Athens in Corinth. Zervos 1998. Frankish Corinth: 1997. Hesperia 67: 223-281. Rossana Valente British School at Athens [email protected]

Koumoussi, A. 2010. The Acrocorinth. Athens: Ministry of Culture Archaeological Receipts Fund. Sanders, G.D.R., S.A. James, I. Tzonou-Herbst and J. Herbst 2014. The Panayia Field Excavations at Corinth. The Neolithic to Hellenistic Phases. Hesperia 83: 1-79. Tzonou, I. and C. Morgan 2019. The Corinthia, in I.S. Lemos and A. Kotsonas (eds) A Companion to the Archaeology of Early Greece and the Mediterranean: 719-741. Hoboken (NJ): Wiley-Blackwell. Tzonou-Herbst, I. 2010. Η πρώτη πόλη της Κορίνθου. Έρευνες στο Κοράκου 1915–2008, in T.A. Gritsopoulos, K.L. Kotsōnēs and I.K. Giannaropoulou (eds) Πρακτικά του Η΄Διεθνούς Συνεδρίου Πελοποννησιακών Σπουδών (Κόρινθος 26– 28 Σεπτεμβρίου 2008), Αφιέρωμα στην Αιωνία Κόρινθο: 47–56. Athens: Εταιρεία Πελοποννησιακών Σπουδών.

6 More information on Corinth’s digital resources, educational and outreach programs can be found at: https://www.ascsa.edu. gr/excavations/ancient-corinth.

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Historiography and Theory sensationalist book title and the lack of a broader historical context, he paints a relatively nuanced picture of the male dominated culture of academia Review Article – Margriet Haagsma: in North America in the mid-20th century which allowed very few pathways for women to make a Colliding Cultures and Fading Ideals: career. The author expected to expose Robinson as a Discrimination against women in early serial plagiarist, but concluded that – in reality - the 20th century Classical Archaeology picture is more complex. He describes Robinson as a typical excavation director of his time; a demanding personality, used to getting things done his way, Alan Kaiser. Archaeology, Sexism and sometimes taking credit for work carried out under Scandal. The long-suppressed story of his supervision, but also a fierce protector of his one woman’s discoveries and the man students. Though he himself was accused of being who stole credit for them. pp. 272 with an unexperienced archaeologist, he also possessed ills. 2015. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield. the ability to produce an immense body of ISBN 978-1-4422-7524-9, paperback $28. scholarship in a relatively short amount of time that was truly his. Kaiser ends his book with these two questions: why would David Robinson, an already Introduction established, powerful and prolific scholar, have felt the need to take credit for work that was not his? This well-researched and very readable book tells the On the other hand, why did Ellingson, whose work story of a young woman who started her professional was plagiarized, maintain a friendly relationship career in Classics and Classical archaeology in the late with Robinson over the years and only marginally 1920s when she enrolled as an undergraduate student referred to her work as genuinely her’s? in the Department of Classics at the University of 1 Both questions prove difficult to answer. Kaiser Alberta, where I currently teach. It charts how, after identifies an important mismatch between Mary obtaining her BA, Mary Ellingson (née Ross), was Ross-Ellingson’s expectations of career possibilities admitted as a graduate student in archaeology at for women and the changing realities of the Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, in academic world around her, a disparity that many 1931. There, she wrote an MA and PhD dissertations women must have experienced in the early 1930s on the terracotta industry in Olynthus, based on (p. 96). But he does not explain its background the excavations in which she participated in 1931 fully.2 This review intends to complement the under the guidance of the famous and distinguished author’s research by giving context to highlight David Moore Robinson, professor of archaeology and this disparity; the Department of Classics at the director of the Olynthus project. The author of this University of Alberta in the 1910s and 20s, where book, Alan Kaiser, professor in archaeology at the Ellingson spent an important formative period in University of Evansville where Mary Ross-Ellingson her life, was a stronghold of early feminist ideas taught for many years, became inspired to tell her and ideals. What do we know about Mary Ross- story by leafing through her bequest to the university Ellingson’s cultural background, persona and her after her death. It consisted of a scrapbook, which educational program that would explain the absence had been sitting on a shelf in his department and in of any action towards the injustice that befell her? which she reports her experiences during the 1931 And how can we extrapolate from this to gain more season at Olynthus in text and images. Based on this insight into the narrow boundaries within which treasure trove of photographs and letters to family, women manoeuvred the male dominated field of Kaiser discovered a long known but inconvenient Classical archaeology during this period and later? truth: that Mary Ross-Ellingson’s MA thesis and part of her PhD were published under Robinson’s name as Mary Ross-Ellingson volumes VII and XIV in the Olynthus series without giving credit to the real author. Helen Madeline Mary Ross was born on 21 September 1908 in Edmonton, Alberta.3 She was the Kaiser researches Mary Ross’s experiences and contextualizes them by analysing her career and those of her fellow students. Despite the rather 2 Kaiser 2015, 96. 3 Kaiser reports that the personal file of Mary Ross-Ellingson at the University of Evansville mentions that she was born in 1906. 1 The Department of Classics merged with the Department of Registration cards of Mary Ross from the years 1925-1930 in History in 1993. The new department was aptly named the the archives of the University of Alberta, written in Ellingson’s Department of History and Classics. own handwriting, consistently mention the date 21 September

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Figure 1. Mary Ross in Olynthus. Mary Ross Ellingson, Alex Schulz, George Mylonas, Gladys Davidson (left to right in foreground); J. Walter Graham (behind wall) and unidentified workmen having lunch in Room C of the House of the Comic Actor, at a depth of .80 cm. Published with the permission from the University of Evansville.

only daughter of Holland W. Ross and May (Lilly) In 1925, when she only just had turned 17, Mary Ross, née Dean. She had one younger brother named Ross enrolled as an undergraduate student in the John.4 Her grandparents on both sides were among Faculty of Arts and Sciences at the University of the first settlers in Edmonton; an obituary of her Alberta. She graduated in 1931 and was accepted grandfather John Ross, who passed away in 1929, as a graduate student at Johns Hopkins University, reports that the Ross family settled in Edmonton in Baltimore, Maryland where she would be supervised 1897.5 Of Scottish descent, John Ross was involved by professor David ‘Davy’ Moore Robinson. She in real estate, construction and cattle trade and his joined the excavations at Olynthus, which Robinson business was located at Namao Street in the centre directed, in the spring and summer of that same year. of town, north of the North Saskatchewan River. After finishing her MA in 1932, and before starting Her grandparents on mother’s side were of Scottish her PhD, Mary Ross moved back to Canada where and Irish descent; Edward Dean and his wife had she was hired by Mount Royal College in Calgary as founded a farm near Edmonton.6 Mary’s father took lecturer between 1932 and 1938. She moved back over the real estate business and the family must to Baltimore in 1939, finished her PhD and met have done well; in the 1920s they lived in a house and married her future husband Rudolph Conrad at 9907-106 street in between the new provincial Ellingson. The newlyweds moved to Evansville, legislature building and Jasper Avenue.7 Indiana, where Rudolph Ellingson had found a position, and by 1940, Mary Ross-Ellingson was hired 1908. (acc.nrs 21-01-22, 21-03-50, 23-31-51, 23-34-17, University by the University of Evansville, first as a temporary of Alberta Archives). Alberta census records from 1911, 1916 and adjunct professor and later as chair of Archaeology 1921 confirm her age (data retrieved from: https://www.bac-lac. gc.ca/eng/census/Pages/census.aspx, accessed 14 June 2018). at the Evansville Public Museum. Starting a family 4 Census records of 1911, 1916 and 1921, accessible at https:// interrupted her professional career in 1945, but by www.bac-lac.gc.ca/eng/census/Pages/census.aspx. 1960 she was hired under a contract and from 1963 5 The Daily Colonist, 7 May 1929. Accessed via www.archive.org 14 June 2018. onward as permanent faculty, making full professor, 8 6 This information comes from The Medicine Hat Daily News, 28 teaching mainly courses in Latin, retiring in 1973. July, 1939, announcing the engagement of Mary Ross to Rudolph Conrad Ellingson https://newspaperarchive.com/medicine-hat- news-jul-28-1939-p-4/ accessed 14 June 2018. 7 The address is mentioned on the registration cards of Mary Ross for the years 1925-1930. (For access nrs See note 3. Archives University of Alberta). 8 Kaiser 2015.

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Mary Ross-Ellingson passed away in 1993 bequeathing part of her estate, including her scrapbooks, photographs of the Olynthus excavation as well as letters, to the University of Evansville. She also left part of her estate to the University of Alberta. Correspondence from 1993-1995 between Mary Ross-Ellingson, her heir and our Classics caucus charts the establishment of the Mary Ross- Ellingson Graduate Scholarship.9 Mary Ross’s Edmonton

At the beginning of the 20th century, Edmonton was a ‘boom town’ in a young and thriving new ‘boom province’. Known as ‘Rupert’s Land’ from 1670 – 1870, the area that would become eventually Alberta was purchased by the Dominion of Canada in 1870 and incorporated in the North Western Territories in 1882 as a district named after Princess Louise Caroline Alberta, fourth daughter of Queen Victoria and Prince Albert, married to the then Governor General of Canada. It became a province in 1905. By then, treaties had been negotiated with the First Nations,10 two Metis uprisings had been dealt with, and a new railway network had been put in place, providing the opportunity for settlers from the east and elsewhere to try their luck at farming or in business at a place where the first permanent buildings was the Hudson’s Bay Company’s Fort Figure 2. The 1929 Registration card of Mary Ross at the Edmonton established in 1795. Long before Fort UofA, indicating the courses in archaeology she took with Edmonton was built, this area - located close to a William Hardy Alexander and Greek with Geneva Misener. territory with great opportunities for hunting and Published with permission from the University of Alberta trapping - had been in use for millennia as a location Archives. of contact and exchange by Indigenous peoples.11 Known as amiskwacîwâskahikan12 and Omahkoyis,13 the space was first incorporated as a town and in 1904 as the city of Edmonton, which was chosen as the capital of the new province in 1905.

9 The Mary Ross-Ellingson Graduate Scholarship was endowed The influx of people necessitated improvements by the late Mary Ross-Ellingson and her husband Rudolph C. in the province’s infrastructure through the Ellingson. The prize is awarded annually to an outstanding student in a graduate degree program in History and Classics construction of new amenities. The University whose research focus is in classical archaeology. I thank my of Alberta was created in Alberta’s new capital colleague Dr Jeremy Rossiter for providing me with the original in 1908 and land was bought south of the river in documentation. 10 The treaty that includes Edmonton is Treaty 6, signed between an area known as Strathcona for future university the Canadian government and the Plains and Wood Cree, the buildings. On 23 September 1908, the first forty Assiniboine and communities near Fort Pitt and Fort Carlton five students, among them seven women, enrolled in 1876. It allowed the native population the use of land, 14 agricultural and other resources, but not landownership, and were taught by five faculty members. Classics a contentious concept lost in translation. The misleading was offered from the onset, and its first professor, language, opportunistic attitudes and general disinterest of local Dr. William Hardy Alexander, better known as governments had profound consequences for the indigenous 15 heritage of the region and the living conditions of its peoples. ‘Doc Alik’, was a competent scholar and popular 11 The British settlers’ name for the Hudson’s Bay fort was instructor. He chaired the Department of Classics reportedly named after Edmonton, Middlesex, England, for 30 years and was one of Mary Ross’s instructors birthplace of two early employees of the Hudson’s Bay Company. Aubrey, M. K., (Ed.) 2004. Naming Edmonton. From Ada to Zoie. City from 1925-30. of Edmonton, Edmonton. 12 The Cree name for the area, meaning ‘Beaver Hill House’. https://www.edmonton.ca/programs_services/for_ 14 Schoeck, Ellen, 2006. I Was There: A Century of Alumni Stories communities/amiskwaciy-history-series.aspx, accessed 15 June about the University of Alberta, 1906–2006. University of Alberta 15 2019 Press 1906-2006. Edmonton, University of Alberta Press. 13 This is the Blackfoot name for the area, meaning ‘Great Lodge.’ 15 Schoeck 2006: 52.

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The University Act, signed in 1906, showed a Perhaps it was this change that made Mary Ross, remarkable sensitivity to the cause of women, as and her family, move away from ‘the old faith,’ and during that time women had no voting rights and embrace a more spiritual form of belief. We can were not even legally recognized as ‘persons’ yet. surmise that the rapidly gained popularity of the It stipulated that women should be admitted to the Christian Science Movement in North America at university on an equal basis as men. Various early the time was closely related to an upbeat spirit of faculty members, among which ‘Doc Alik,’ later novelty in newly settled urban areas. joined by Dr. Geneva Misener, professor in Classics and the first female professor at the University of Upon entering the University of Alberta in 1925, Alberta, enthusiastically pursued more dynamic Mary Ross was initially an honours student in the roles for women in society. True to the spirit of their Department of Modern Languages studying French young university, both Misener and Alexander were but switched to an honours degree in Classics in actively involved in the suffrage movement, the her second year. Her registration cards mention Equal Franchise League (EFL) in Edmonton, right the courses that she enrolled in: besides taking before the Great War.16 the mandatory science courses, she took French, Philosophy, Greek and Latin poetry and prose It was in this context of promise, opportunity, and Ancient History. In the last two years of her development, camaraderie and economic fortune BA, Mary Ross received specialized education in that Mary Ross was born and spent the first 25 years archaeology and in ‘Greek private life,’ directed of her life. reading courses specifically designed for her and taught by Alexander.18 Clearly this last course made Mary Ross’s years at the University of Alberta her familiar with the excavations at Olynthus which had started in 1928. Her University of Alberta registration cards identify Mary Ross as a member of the Christian The archives at the University of Alberta have Science movement, though, only once, her 1926 limited information on Mary Ross herself, as well registration card mentions ‘Methodist’ as her as Drs Alexander and Misener, whose archives may religious affiliation. With her Scottish ancestry, the have never been filed but we may assume that the Methodist connection may not surprise, but the latter two knew Mary Ross’s later supervisor, David First Church of Christ, Scientist, in Edmonton was Robinson. Geneva Misener had finished her PhD at a newcomer in the province’s myriad of religious the University of Chicago in 1903 and her time must backgrounds connected to incoming groups of have overlapped with that of Robinson, who finished settlers in the early 20th century. Founded in his PhD there in 1904. It is not clear how William H. 1905, the Edmonton branch still maintains strong Alexander knew Robinson, but the two must have affiliations with its mother church in Boston, where been acquainted for a longer time. Alexander must this spiritual movement was started by Mary Baker have been an important mentor to Mary Ross; not Eddy in the late 1800s. Baker Eddy advocated a only did Mary Ross secure a position as graduate more ‘primitive’ form of Christianity, which takes student at Johns Hopkins under Robinson at the God’s word literally as the appropriate medicine recommendation of Dr Alexander, he also wrote for body and soul. Rather than relying on modern to Robinson to ask him to endorse Mary Ross for a medications, the church encourages healing by position at Mount Royal College in Calgary, Alberta reciting bible scriptures, texts written by Baker in 1932.19 Eddy, and sharing personal stories related to the healing practices promoted by the Church in loosely During her years at the University of Alberta, Mary arranged liturgies. The manner of worship must Ross was a member of the Wauneita club, a society have starkly contrasted with the highly structured for female students. The seven first female students services of the first Methodist church in Edmonton, initially founded a society called Seven Independent which in 1925 amalgamated with the local unions Spinsters (S.I.S.) and vowed to never marry so that of two other denominations, Presbyterian and they could escape a predicted lifestyle and make a 20 Congregational, into the United Church of Canada.17 career. Its name was later changed to the Wauneitas,

16 Carter, S., 2016. Geneva Misener and W.H. Alexander: University 2019. of Alberta Classics Professors and Women’s Suffrage Activists, 18 As mentioned on the 1929 registration card of Mary Ross 1914 – 16 https://womensuffrage.org/?p=22770#_edn3 accessed (access nr 23-34-17r). 15 June 2019. I thank Professors Sarah Carter and M. Ann Hall 19 This is a letter owned by Barbara Peterson, the daughter of for generously providing research notes on Drs Alexander and Mary Ross-Ellingson, of which the University of Evansville has a Misener. copy as stated in Kaiser 2015: 108. 17 https://www.united-church.ca/community-faith/welcome- 20 This did not materialize as most members of the S.I.S. and united-church-canada/historical-timeline. Accessed 30 June Wauneita did marry and were effectively excluded from making

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Figure 3. Photo of one of Mary Ross’s professors, William Hardy Alexander (front row, left), on the occasion of Emmeline Pankhurst’s visit to Edmonton in 1916. Published with permission from the British Columbia Provincial Archives, Victoria.

which its members believed to be the Cree word he obtained a BA in 1899. He then moved to the for ‘kind-hearted, but.’21 All women admitted to the University of California at Berkeley, where he University of Alberta automatically became a member received an MA in 1900 and a PhD in 1906. As was through initiation and in its early years the society usual then, he held various positions while in his organized debates, musical performances, social PhD program and after his degree was awarded, gatherings and helped in providing aid during the he and his young wife Marion Kirby moved to the Great War.22 In the years between 1914 and 1916 the University of Western Ontario where he taught society held suffrage meetings, sometimes with Drs Latin for two years. In 1908, Alexander took up an Misener and Alexander as speakers.23 The Wauneita offer from Henry Marshall Tory, one of the founders club, Dr Misener’s position as advisor of women of the University of Alberta, and started his job as students, and both her and Dr Alexander’s past in one of the first four professors of the university.24 the suffrage movement must have played a formative role in Mary Ross’s education and it is worthwhile to From the moment of his arrival, Alexander was an look further into their careers, their outlook on life active contributor to the ideological foundations and the impact they had on their students. of the University of Alberta. In word and deeds, he strongly promoted access to the university for William Hardy Alexander everybody, regardless of their gender and religious orientation. He proposed the university’s motto: Born in Ottawa in 1878, William Hardy Alexander quaecumque vera and wrote the text for the UofA’s was educated at the University of Toronto where grace in Latin.25 Marion Kirby Alexander chose the UofA’s colours, Green and Gold. Alexander passionately advocated there should be a healthy a career. But this information does provide an impression of the separation between public institutions and religion, group dynamic, and the ideals promoted by these societies. 21 In reality, it is likely derived from the (Plains) Cree word which caused quite a stir in his early years at the ‘wanêyihtam,’ which means ‘h/she is at a loss,’ ‘h/she is confused, UofA. In reaction to the Edmonton Ministerial ‘his/her mind is blurred’. Source: http://www.creedictionary.com/ Associations’ proposal in April 1914, that the last search/index.php?q=wan%C3%AAyihtam&scope=1&cwr=35848, accessed December 2nd 2019. half hour in schools should be spent on Bible study, 22 The Wauneitas appropriated native rituals and attire, Alexander gave a lecture at the People’s Forum in perpetuating negative stereotypes of the indigenous population Edmonton denouncing this plan, advocating that of Alberta. This is all the more salient since at the same time the Canadian government forbade the performance of rituals by indigenous populations by the potlatch ban, and enforced 24 http://texts.cdlib.org/view?docId=hb0580022s&doc. a practice of removing young indigenous children from their view=frames&chunk.id=div00001&toc.depth=1&toc.id= Accessed homes and placing them in so-called residential schools. https:// December 2nd 2019. citymuseumedmonton.ca/2015/11/24/the-wauneita-society/ 25 The motto is based on a sentence in the letter of the apostle accessed 15 June 2019. Paul to the Philippians, 4, 8. In 1918, Alexander also wrote the 23 The Gateway, 1 March 1912, In the Bruce Peel Library, text of hymn dedicated to the alumni of the UofA: The Evergreen University of Alberta, http://peel.library.ualberta.ca/ and Gold’. It was to be sung on the melody of the Russian national newspapers/GAT/1912/03/01/19/Ar01900.html accessed 18 anthem. It has been abandoned in favour of the current Alberta June 2019. cheer.

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and freedom of speech certainly extended to his involvement in the suffrage movement and his broadminded ideas most certainly made their way to the UofA classrooms or to conversations he had with his students, likely including Mary Ross. Alexander remained at the UofA until 1939 when he accepted a position at Berkeley, returning to Edmonton to live with his son in 1958. William Hardy Alexander passed away in 1962. It is unknown whether he and his former student remained in contact over the years. Geneva Misener

Geneva Misener’s remarkable and distinguished career as a scholar, teacher and humanitarian began at Queen’s University in Kingston, where she graduated in 1899 with a BA and later MA in Classics, earning gold medals in Latin and Greek.29 She moved immediately to the University of Chicago where she wrote a dissertation on the particle γαρ, which she defended summa cum laude in 1903. Rockford College in Chicago hired her and with scholarships from the American Federation of University Women, she was able to travel Europe, including briefly joining an excavation with Wilhelm Dörpfeld, and to spend time in Berlin. Misener became Dean of the Kenwood Institute for Girls in 1909 and spent a year at the St. John’s Collegiate in Winnipeg in 1912.30 She Figure 4. Photo of professor Geneva Misener. Published with permission from the University of Alberta Archives. joined the UofA in 1913 as its first female professor, teaching Latin, Greek, ancient history and ancient art. Misener became the first advisor to Women the scriptures should be taught as ‘literature’ in Students and accepted the presidency of the Alberta schools rather than a prescriptive text promoting Women’s Association shortly after her arrival. She a correct moral pathway.26 Alexander saw himself was a member of the UofA senate during two of as a sceptic, while his colleague Frank Keeping Mary Ross’s undergraduate years (1926-28), was a described him as ‘a left-wing liberal in religion and co-founder of the Canadian Federation of University politics...and a very capable speaker.’27 He promoted Women and was appointed ladies’ representative on a critical view of religion and a very limited role of the executive committee of the Amateur Hockey the church in public education, a topic on which he Association of Alberta, where she established the liked to speak in his spiritual home, the Unitarian Misener Cup for female hockey teams.31 Towards Society in Edmonton, which he co-founded and in the end of her career, she became active in the which he was later ordained. forerunner of the New Democratic Party. Having made her home at 11013 90 Avenue in Edmonton, Many students attended the Unitarian gatherings Geneva Misener never married, but adopted two and a number of Alexander’s talks were published nieces and raised them on her own while taking care in a book specifically written for students, which came out in 1920.28 Alexander’s views on truth Students by a College Teacher. Boston, Richard Badger, The Gorham Press. 26 ‘University Professor makes Virulent Attack on Bible.’ The 29 Leonard, J. W., 1914-15. Woman’s Who’s who of America: A Edmonton Bulletin, 28 June 1914: 5. Alexander’s liberal views on Biographical Dictionary of Contemporary Women of the United the role of religion in educational settings must have stirred States and Canada. New York, American Commonwealth the feathers of the more conservative thinking population Company: 567. in Edmonton and reactions appeared of three ministers 30 Information assembled by Dr. M. Ann Hall for the Alberta’s politely disagreeing with Alexander. ‘City Ministers reply to Dr Women Memory Project http://awmp.athabascau.ca/ accessed 1 Alexander’s Criticisms’ The Edmonton Bulletin, 6 July 1914: 2. July 2019. 27 http://www.uce.ca/wp-content/uploads/UCEhistory.orig/ 31 The whereabouts of the cup are unknown. Leonard 1915: 567 history_%20MARSH_text.html accessed 30 June 2019. lists Misener’s hobbies as walking, golf, mountain climbing and 28 Alexander, W.H. 1920. College and religion, talks to College rowing.

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thereafter, professing that ‘the real emancipation came from the hands of people who made no claims upon religion, but merely worked by reason.’32 Maintaining contact with Alberta suffragists Emily Murphy and Nellie McClung, Alexander, his wife Marion, professor of English Edmund Broadus, his wife Eleanor and Geneva Misener, helped organize the first meeting promoting the emancipation of settler women in Edmonton on 27 October 1913.33

The Equal Franchise League became a fact on the evening of 5 February 1914 when a petition was signed with support of members of the young Edmonton Municipality. Alexander became its first president and Eleanor Broadus its first vice president. While the city of Edmonton was easy to convince, the members of the EFL faced an uphill battle dealing with Alberta’s provincial government and local activists. The latter’s main rationale was that voting should be limited to those who could read or write which should be dealt with first, as in their views allowing women the votes would increase the number of illiterate voters, an idea that had some support among the Calgary Local Council of Women.34 Armed with extensive statistics from Ontario and Alberta, it was speaker Geneva Misener who knocked down this reasoning ‘like nine pins’ pointing out that illiteracy was more prevalent among boys than girls. Turning the argument Figure 5.Photo of Mary Ross (lowest row, left) in the upside down she effectively stated that since ‘Chinook’ 1937-38 during her years as instructor at Mount Royal University in Calgary. Published with permission from ‘women mould citizens’ women should be allowed Mount Royal University Archives and Special Collections. to vote.35

The EFL aided in organizing a march to the Alberta legislature in on October 10th 1914 where a petition of her elderly mother too, a remarkable feat for a was presented and a request was made to meet with professional woman during that time. She remained Alberta’s Premier Albert Sifton.36 After pressure at the UofA until 1944 when she reluctantly retired. mounted, Sifton eventually agreed and promised She moved to British Columbia afterwards and in September 1915 that the Equal Suffrage Statuary passed away in 1961. Law Amendment would be proposed and enacted in From the 1910s to the 1930s, the Department of 1916, which indeed happened on April 19th of that 37 Classics had two strong and forward thinking year. personalities as their senior staff: professors William Hardy Alexander and Geneva Misener. Working 32 The Gateway, 1 March 1912. 33 together at the University of Alberta, they set out The Edmonton Capital, 17 October 1913: 12. It should be noted that the suffragists’ activities focused on settler women only. See to shape the young community of Edmonton into a note 37. stage of equal opportunity for a broad segment of 34 Norris, M., 1995. A Leaven of Ladies: A History of the Calgary its incoming and established population. Local Council of Women. Calgary Detselig Enterprises: 87. 35 The Edmonton Bulletin, 6 February 1914: 3. 36 Hall, D, 2004. Arthur L. Sifton. In Bradford J. Rennie (ed.) Alberta Geneva Misener, William Hardy Alexander Premiers of the Twentieth Century. Regina, Saskatchewan: Canadian and the Suffrage Movement in Edmonton Plains Research Centre, University of Regina: 35. The often cited story that Sifton first demanded to know whether the ladies had washed the luncheon dishes, otherwise he would not give them On 5 March 1912, Alexander spoke to the UofA’s his support, is probably not true. Wauneita society on the emancipation of women, 37 The legislation did not end the unequal treatment explaining to the audience the Latin root of disenfranchised groups in Alberta. It initially excluded women from political office and did not cover any form of legislation the word and dwelling upon the history of the for Alberta’s indigenous population, most of whom were only oppression of women in the ancient world and allowed to vote in federal elections from 1960 onwards. What is

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Just a few months later, the famous British political female students at both Olynthus and the American activist, Emmeline Pankhurst, visited Edmonton. A Institute of Classical Studies at Athens, such as picture with her, flanked by Nellie McClung, Emily Gladys Weinberg and Sarah Freeman. Stating that Murphy and other members of the Equal Franchise ‘all three women had a greater chance of becoming League, includes ‘Doc Alik’. Throughout their college professors than the members of the first university careers Alexander as well as Misener generation in their field’, a goal Robinson expected continued with their promotion of feminist causes. from his male and female students, he concludes The latter made headlines with presentations that none of them did so, at least not via the more on education for women, where she argued that direct career paths available to men. marriage and a career do not need to be mutually exclusive.38 In addition, she also was a strong If her pictures and letters are true indicators of her advocate for the principle of equal work, equal pay positive experiences at Olynthus and her work with for men and women39 and established a scholarship Robinson, Mary Ross should have felt inspired to for women students travelling abroad.40 carry on her work after her first year in Baltimore. Instead she wrote to her mother that she decided A student of both Misener and Alexander, the she would not spend her next year in the US but young Mary Ross must have been inspired by the would return to Canada.41 Was it the economic crisis progressive idea advocated at her Alma Mater, that that hit the world so hard in 1929 that was part of a career as an archaeologist for a woman was a real that decision? The crisis certainly had an impact on possibility. What made her decide to abandon that the number of women finishing a graduate degree plan, and return to Canada to become an instructor at post-secondary institutions as Kaiser points out in Classical languages, instead of spending time at and Canadian data support his observations.42 the American School of Classical Studies in Athens (ASCSA) or in Baltimore to work on her PhD? A policy of discouragement towards women found, unfortunately, an early audience in the ASCSA, the Colliding ideals; Edmonton, Olynthus, the intellectual home of most American scholars and ASCSA and the 1930s students working in Greece. Following the practice of the American Academy in Rome, the chairman of Kaiser had at his disposal a wonderful set of the managing committee, Edward Capps, proposed photographs and letters by Mary Ross that picture on 11 April 1931, that the school in Athens should and describe her experiences in Greece, especially establish a fixed ratio of fellowships between men during the excavation season of 1931 at Olynthus. and women, with men receiving far more fellowships Together they form an account brimming with than women. Capps argued that fellowships awarded contagious enthusiasm; Mary Ross loved the to women were a waste of resources since women excavation, got on very well with the Robinsons and could not get jobs anyway.43 It also did not help the rest of the team and displayed a keen interest that some members of the managing committee in village life at Myriophyto, the hamlet where the increasingly expressed concern about the ‘foreign’ team stayed. That enthusiasm translated into many status of ASCSA fellowship recipients, many of whom reports published in her native Alberta: ‘Edmonton were Canadians. In 1934, the managing committee girls finds interest in Archaeology; brilliant Classics passed a resolution that only students from student directs excavation in Modern Greece’ as contributing Canadian institutions were eligible local newspaper The Albertan wrote on 18 September for fellowships and in 1935 they banned Canadian 1931, for instance. applicants altogether.44 I have not been able to find out whether Mary Ross tried to obtain a fellowship, Kaiser does a good job in contextualizing Mary but it is not difficult to imagine the effect of these Ross’s experiences as a young student and gives detailed accounts of the careers of her fellow 41 Kaiser 2015: 108. 42 Kaiser 2015: 95. The Canadian data show the same tendency: more, the suffrage movement was no panacea; some proponents Degrees awarded by Canadian universities and colleges, by sex, Canada, of women’s suffrage, men and women, had questionable ideas selected years, 1831 to 1973. Retrieved from https://www150. about social engineering and the status of indigenous peoples statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11-516-x/sectionw/W504_512-eng.csv in Canada. (Devereux, C., Woman suffrage, eugenics, and eugenic Accessed 3 July 2019. feminism in Canada, (October 1st 2013), https://womensuffrage. 43 Vogeikoff-Brogan, N., 2013. The Modern Greek Exam, ‘Professor org/?p=22106, accessed 1 July 2019). Blank’s’ Method, and Other Stories from the 1930s. https:// 38 The Edmonton Bulletin, 15 April 1918: 6. nataliavogeikoff.com/2013/10/01/the-modern-greek-exam- 39 The Edmonton Bulletin, 27 August 1920: 1. See also Kinnaer, M., professor-blanks-method-and-other-stories-from-the-1930s/ 1991. Margaret McWilliams: An Interwar Feminist. Montreal & Accessed 3 July 2019. Kingston, McGill-Queen’s University Press: 76-77. 44 Vogeikoff-Brogan 2013. Canadians were banned from applying 40 The Globe, 28 August, 1920: 10. to fellowships at the ASCSA until the 1950s.

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proposed restrictive measures towards females and Mary Ross may not have viewed David Robinson foreigners on the ‘dignity and self-worth’ (see note as the main impediment towards her career path 42) of a young female student regarding her career that increasingly alienated women and foreigners. plans, especially since she came from a background Rather, she likely continued to regard the powerful, and working in an environment where women’s but also frequently embattled Robinson as an rights and career opportunities were so strongly important mentor who gave her the opportunity encouraged. to learn about a completely different world and to work on exciting new material.47 Robinson was Though Mary Ross’s move to Calgary to teach the not in favour of restricting the ASCSA fellowship Classical languages at Mount Royal University applications and was known for fiercely supporting was an excellent career choice, the teaching his students.48 I strongly suspect that, rather than responsibilities must have impeded the progress regarding Robinson as her ‘enemy’, Mary Ross may of her thesis and put her behind her male have sided with him in his complex relationship with counterparts in the chances to secure a research the ASCSA and she may have viewed that institution oriented position in her field. As Kaiser argues - and US academia in the 1930s in general - as a well, many educated women of the 1920s and 1930s multifarious network of academic relations that, as carved out alternative career paths to be able to a foreign female scholar of her time, was difficult to maintain involved in archaeology. Kaiser paints a navigate. detailed picture of the careers of Mary’s friends; Gladys Weinberg married a fellow archaeologist Mary Ross-Ellingson and the Robinsons remained allowing her to continue in the field, while Sara acquainted until David Robinson’s death, and Freeman continued to work as Robinson’s assistant. it is hard to fathom the complexities of their Unlike the ‘roaring twenties’, career opportunities relationship. The imagery on a Christmas card for women diminished throughout the thirties, Robinson sent to Ellingson in 1952, with whom he 49 a situation that continued well into the 1960s. corresponded frequently, may be telling. It displays Established female careers, like the one of Geneva a photo of a painted portrait of Robinson, produced Misener, were not affected, but new opportunities for the University of Mississippi, in which he sits, for women remained sparse and equal pay was far in robes, on a chair benevolently smiling toward from the minds of university administrators. In the beholder. On his lap, loosely held in his hands, fact, this renewed male hegemony in academia and rests Volume VII of Olynthus, the publication based normalizing gender norms in the interpretation of on Ellingson’s MA thesis, opened at the frontispiece the past was only acknowledged and challenged which depicts a watercolour of a terracotta found as part of the second feminist wave.45 University by Mary Ross-Ellingson herself in 1931. Kaiser likes employment practices improved thereafter, yet to read the choice of attribute, the portrait’s visual equal payment, which Geneva Misener so strongly vocabulary of intellectual power and distinction promoted back in the 1920s, is - in 2019 - still a combined with the fact that he sent this card to contentious issue.46 Ellingson at the time that Olynthus Vol. XIV was published, as a hidden apology. I rather believe that Mary Ross and David Robinson the portrait can be read as an acknowledgement and confirmation of the unequal nature of their The question remains why Mary Ross did not speak professional relationship, concealed to both of up or protest when Robinson appropriated her them by the social fabric and mores of the time, material and made himself the author of her work. but intended as a – misplaced - compliment from Robinson towards Ellingson. 45 These are just a few of the many references covering the topic: Conkey, M. and J. Spector, 1984. Archaeology and the Study of Gender, Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory 7, 1-38. Gero, 47 Mary Ross displays a completely different demeanour J., 1985. Sociopolitics and the Woman-at-Home Ideology. American compared to Wilhelmina Van Ingen, a promising graduate Antiquity 50 (2), 342-350. Brown, S., 1993. Feminist Research in student from the US who worked with Robinson, but badly fell Archaeology. What Does It Mean? Why Is It Taking So Long? In: out with him during the excavations at Olynthus in 1928. Van Nancy Sorkin Rabinowich, Amy Richler (eds) Feminist Theory and Ingen’s fiercely independent nature at her time in Olynthus the Classics. London & New York, Routledge: 239-271. Wylie, A., and her later scholarly career are described and summarized in: 2007. Doing Archaeology as a Feminist. Journal of Archaeological Dessy, R., nd. Exile from Olynthus, Women in Archaeology, Mentoring Method and Theory 14 (3): 209-216. and Networking in Greece, 1927-28. https://scholar.lib.vt.edu/ 46 In 2019, the University of Alberta’s union voted in favour of a faculty_archives/dessy/exile.pdf. Accessed 3 July 2019. contentious proposal that only allows a long term compensation 48 See the discussion on Professor ‘Blank’ by Natalia Vogeikoff- for female Full Professors to mitigate ‘damages to dignity and Brogan. And Barbara McManus’ comments. https:// self-worth.’ All other female faculty were only paid a limited nataliavogeikoff.com/2013/10/01/the-modern-greek-exam- one time sum. https://edmontonjournal.com/news/local-news/ professor-blanks-method-and-other-stories-from-the-1930s/ university-of-alberta-academic-staff-consider-pay-bump-only- Accessed January 15 2020. for-female-professors Accessed 12 April 2019. 49 Kaiser 2015: 165-166, fig. 6.1

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The journey towards publication Conclusion

It speaks volumes about the reluctance towards Having grown up in a privileged ‘settlers’ openness and self-reflection in the field of Classical environment with new inflowing ideas on religion, Archaeology in North America that Kaiser initially education and social order, Mary Ross must have encountered many difficulties in getting this book welcomed the golden opportunity to work with published. Publishing houses initially all rejected Robinson on the terracottas of Olynthus. Coming it, often based on negative reports of anonymous from Edmonton, Canada, where the effects of the reviewers. These reports implied, or even argued economic crises only just had become palpable, her explicitly, that some episodes in the history of initial experiences in the field were overwhelmingly Classical archaeology were so sensitive that they positive, but her professional perspectives did not best remain unwritten. The manuscript thus landed align with the increasingly restrictive measures on the shelf, gathering dust for years. towards foreign and female scholars in US and later also Canadian academia. It most certainly did not But the initially fruitless efforts towards publication help Mary Ross-Ellingson’s career that her own also reveal an even more disturbing reason for initial supervisor and mentor published a large part of negative attitudes towards sharing Ellingson’s story. her work, painstakingly assembled, analysed and In chapter 7, Kaiser is candid in his disclosure how written as an MA and PhD thesis, under his own the, sometimes, unassailable positions of power name. established by past male professors in the field span many decades and remain palpable long after they Robinson’s dual role as both supporter and consumer passed away. The author describes a confrontation of female scholarship should be embedded in with academics mentored in Robinson’s tradition a larger social framework of changing power and reports how they argued that he would relations in the 1930s, a time of economic decline ‘embarrass Classical Archaeology’ if he would accompanied by social and political entrenchment present a lecture on the topic of David Robinson’s that bears a striking resemblance to our current publication of Mary Ross-Ellingson’s work.50 day and age. Under economic pressure there is a cumulative tendency to reform social institutions, Contact with Mary Ross-Ellingson’s daughter such as institutions of learning, including work revived Kaiser’s project and the author needs to practices and workplace organization. These be commended for his perseverance in seeing his reforms are embedded in a network of power work eventually appear in print. Once a willing relations aimed at creating modes of control to publisher was finally found and the story came produce ‘disciplined’ individuals that will work in out, the positive reactions quickly outshone the line with a pattern of perceived ‘normality’.52 Work initial negative ones; the book has received many and study are therefore ‘disciplinary activities positive reviews. In these reviews, we read that that [have] processes built into [them] that aim many young colleagues adopt a more constructive at the maintenance of individual behaviours and attitude; one that requires a critical look at one’s attitudes.’53 own past education and position in the networks of knowledge and power in which so much scholarship Normalizing gender roles are a well-known part of is embedded.51 Stories like those of Mary Ross- such processes. The restrictions on fellowships for Ellingson need be taken to heart as they serve as women and foreigners at the ASCSA, for instance, reminders that our field has come a long way, but were justified with an economic argument in also that we need to continue to be aware that the a discourse that not only denied women and tides can turn quickly. foreigners to be part of such decisions, but which had the goal to put them in their place. Many other academic institutions in the US and Canada followed the same pattern of exclusion, indicated by the declining numbers of new female academic 50 Kaiser 2015: 184. employees in the 1930s and a decline in numbers 51 See the many reviews on the publishers website: https:// rowman.com/ISBN/9781442230033/Archaeology-Sexism- and-Scandal-The-Long-Suppressed-Story-of-One-Woman’s- Discoveries-and-the-Man-Who-Stole-Credit-for-Them, accessed 52 Foucault, M., 1978. The History of Sexuality Volume 1: An 16 June 2018. See also Natalia Vogeikoff-Brogan’s informative Introduction. New York: Pantheon Books. Foucault, M., 1995. blog with additional contextual information based on the archival Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York: Vintage material in the American School of Classical Studies in Athens, Books. Tales of Olynthus, spoken and unspoken https://nataliavogeikoff. 53 Guizzo, D., and W. Stronge, 2018. Keynes, Foucault and the com/2015/10/01/tales-of-olynthus-spoken-and-unspoken/ ‘Disciplinary Complex’: A Contribution to the Analysis of Work accessed 16 June 2018. (working paper). Autonomy (March 2nd 2018): 2-18.

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of female graduate students.54 The initial problems Foucault, M., 1978. The History of Sexuality Volume 1: Kaiser had with publishing this book because An Introduction. New York: Pantheon Books. ‘some stories can better be left unwritten’, can be Foucault, M., 1995. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of placed in a similar dynamic; power systems aimed the Prison. New York: Vintage Books. at maintaining the status quo and protecting the Gero, J., 1985. Sociopolitics and the Woman-at-Home reputation of institutions, tend to produce realities Ideology. American Antiquity 50 (2): 342-350. free of a burdensome past. Guizzo, D., and W. Stronge, 2018. Keynes, Foucault and the ‘Disciplinary Complex’: A Contribution Sharing microhistories such as those of Mary Ross- to the Analysis of Work (working paper). Ellingson, as Kaiser has done, help us to recognize Autonomy: 2-18. these processes. We live in economically volatile Hall, D., 2004. ‘Arthur L. Sifton.’ In: Rennie B.J. (ed.) times and in societies that are becoming increasingly Alberta Premiers of the Twentieth Century. Regina, socially and politically entrenched. To successfully Saskatchewan: Canadian Plains Research Center, continue to strive toward ‘decolonizing’ Classical University of Regina. archaeology, and create career pathways for all Kinnaer, M., 1991. Margaret McWilliams: An Interwar who wish to pursue a livelihood in Classics and Feminist. Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s archaeology regardless of gender, sexual orientation, University Press. skin colour and socio-cultural background, we need Leonard, J.W., 1914-15. Woman’s Who’s who of America: to be reminded, time and again, of those whose A Biographical Dictionary of Contemporary Women of careers were undermined or cut short, and why. the United States and Canada. New York: American Margriet J. Haagsma Commonwealth Company. University of Alberta McLeod, R., 2008, All True Things: a History of the [email protected] University of Alberta, 1908-2008. Edmonton: the University of Alberta Press. Norris, M., 1995. A Leaven of Ladies: A History of the Alexander, W.H., 1920. College and religion, talks Calgary Local Council of Women. Calgary, Detselig to College Students by a College Teacher. Boston, Enterprises. Richard Badger: The Gorham Press. Reyman, J.E., 1994. Gender and Class in Archaeology, Aubrey, M.K., (Ed.) 2004. Naming Edmonton. From Ada Then and Now. In: Nelson, M.C., S.M. Nelson, to Zoie. City of Edmonton, Edmonton. and A. Wylie (eds) Equity Issues for Women in Axelrod, P., Making a middle class: student life in English Archaeology: 83–90. Washington: Archaeology Canada during the thirties. Montreal and Kingston: Papers of the American Anthropological McGill and Queen’s University Press. Association. Brown, S., 1993. Feminist Research in Archaeology. Schoeck, E., 2006. I Was There: A Century of Alumni What Does It Mean? Why Is It Taking So Long? Stories about the University of Alberta, 1906– In: Sorkin Rabinowich, N., and A. Richler (eds) 2006. University of Alberta Press 1906-2006. Feminist Theory and the Classics: 239-271. London Edmonton: University of Alberta Press. & New York: Routledge. Vogeikoff-Brogan, N., 2013. The Modern Greek Carter, S., 2016. Geneva Misener and W.H. Alexander: Exam, ‘Professor Blank’s’ Method, and Other University of Alberta Classics Professors and Stories from the 1930s. https://nataliavogeikoff. Women’s Suffrage Activists, 1914 – 16 https:// com/2013/10/01/the-modern-greek-exam- womensuffrage.org/?p=22770#_edn3 professor-blanks-method-and-other-stories- Conkey, M. and J. Spector, 1984. Archaeology and from-the-1930s/ the Study of Gender, Advances in Archaeological Vogeikoff-Brogan, N., 2015. Tales of Olynthus, Method and Theory 7: 1-38. spoken and unspoken. https://nataliavogeikoff. Dessy, R., nd. Exile from Olynthus, Women in Archaeology, com/2015/10/01/tales-of-olynthus-spoken- Mentoring and Networking in Greece, 1927-28. and-unspoken/ https://scholar.lib.vt.edu/faculty_archives/ Wylie, A., 2007. Doing Archaeology as a Feminist. dessy/exile.pdf. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 14 (3): Devereux, C., 2013. Woman suffrage, eugenics, and 209-216. eugenic feminism in Canada, (October 1st 2013), https://womensuffrage.org/?p=22106,

54 https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11-516-x/sectionw/ W504_512-eng.csv, accessed July3, 2019. Axelrod, P., Making a middle class: student life in English Canada during the thirties. Montreal and Kingston, McGill and Queen’s University Press: 21.

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