EPISCOPAL CHURCHPEOPLE for a FRE! SOUTHERN Afrlca E 339 Lafayette Street, New York, N.Y

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

EPISCOPAL CHURCHPEOPLE for a FRE! SOUTHERN Afrlca E 339 Lafayette Street, New York, N.Y EPISCOPAL CHURCHPEOPLE for a FRE! SOUTHERN AFRlCA E 339 Lafayette Street, New York, N.Y. 10012·2725 c (212} 477.0066 FAX: (212) 979-1013 s 16 June 1993 A #137 anniversary of the Soweto Mas.sacre - or 1~76 "Fre~ and fair" election in South Africa? Violence and intimidation Whether or not the ANC obtains nominal shared control over the South African security forces. it is unreasonable to assume that those forces will end either their own or others' violence and intimidation during a process that will so vitally affect their future. In Namibia UNTAG, despite its international status and its numerous civilian, police, and military officials, was unable to prevent violence and intimidation throughout the populous north until the very end of the campaign period. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that the Namibian electoral process could not have succeeded without the UN's massive presence (plus economic and political pressure exerted by the West on a vulnerable Pretoria). It is unlikely that the UN will be present in South Africa under comparable conditions, with an equivalent mandate, in the same (let alone the greater needed) numbers, and backed by equal Western support. Consequently, it will be urgent for respected non-partisan groups (like the churches, human rights groups. etc.) to ensure that there are adequate numbers of private observers/monitors and press in the Republic throughout the entire electoral process to monitor and expose violence and intimidation (as well as unfair manipulation). These non-partisan groups will need to assign adequate staff to assist the monitors: to ensure that they are distributed throughout the entire country, includ:..ng ren1ote and highly contested areas; to help with arrangements for accomodations, transport, and protection (if needed) in their assigned posts; to train them to behave in non-partisan manner,* and to know what to look for and what to do if they find (or experience) it. The presence of the press will be equally essential: if the monitors cannot get their observations to the world via the media, they will not be able to exercise effective pressure against violence and intimidation. In Namibia the South African government provided 'iavish facilities for the press in Windhoek: press packets; wire, telephone, and fax services; guided tours; bar and food; and even a limited number of rooms. While the non-partisan groups in the Republic will not be able to compete in all these respects, they should be able-- and delighted-- to provide simple assistance: information packets, introductions to civic, religious, and political leaders, and tours to meet their monitors. UNTAG effectively hobbled the press in Namibia by concealing most information it received from its field personnel. Non-partisan groups in South Africa should attempt to get information from outlying areas to the press. One useful step would be to expand beyond the statistical data now released by the Human Rights Commission by keeping available a log in central or regional headquarters of information concerning apparently serious complaints or charges made to or by monitors and updating them regularly with additional information. *Observers sent by international organizations and interested states almost always show a bias in favor of the powers-that...;be-- they hate to have to call an election not free or fair--; so other monitors must demonstrate their superior fairness (and thus superiority as a source of press reports), rather than engaging in unwinnable slanging matches. THE GUARDIAN Saturday June 12 1993 THE OBSERVER, SUI'-<DA Y 13JUNE 1993 Unsung hero of S African-death Biko conspiracy penalty debate would be a material witness if Allister Sparks the inquest were held. So I reveals the role of a made my pledge of confidential­ puts 300 at risk top pathologist in the ity. Back at the office I briefed our best reporter, Helen Zille, case that rocked the md despatched her to Port Eli­ apartheid regime. zabeth to confront the three 1 hvldllereaford Government doctors who had In Johannesburg THE death in Johannesburg the examined Biko. other day of South Africa's fore­ Zille doorstopped them at most pathologist, Dr Jonathan their surgeries. Their alarm at BATTLE for the Jives of Accomplices of Mrs Mandela When Mr De Klerk SUS· Gluckman, releases me from a being confronted with the facts at least 300 prisoners on have publicly accused her of pended executions in F'cbruarv 16-year pledge of confidential­ was proof enough that they had A Pretoria's death row will taking part in a beating which 1990. in anticipation of amnes· ity to disclose his role in expos­ indeed known what was wrong be fought in the South African Jed to the boy's death, claiming ties for political prisoners. a ing the truth about Black with the prisoner md had parliament next week when she fabricated an alibi which number of whom were on death Consciousness leader Steve joined a conspiracy of silence. President F'. W. de Klerk moves led to her being cleared of as­ row. South Africa had a partie· Biko's death in police detention to end the moratorium on the sault charges. ularly ugly reputation for capi· So we found ourselves in the The timing of the debate on at a time when the Minister of awkward position of knowing death penalty. tal punishment, having what Justice was attempting a the facts but not being able to Members of the parliament in · capital punishment is extraor· was believed to be the highest cover-up. Gape Town are to be given a dinary, coming as the country execution rate in the industrial· source them clearly. Zille and I free vote when a motion to re­ prepares for the introduction of ised world, hanging the con· I had just become editor of composed a carefully-worded start hangings is debated on a new non-racial constitution. demned in batches of up to six the Rand Daily Mail, that cru­ report that began: 'An investi­ Thursday. The t~o main black political at a time. sading newspaper which strug­ gation by the Rand Daily Mail The announcement of the groupmgs, the ANC and the In· At one time the few white gled through the dark years of - which included interviews date triggered controversy ·yes­ llatha Freedom Party, have prisoners hanged had the bene­ apartheid to expose the evils of with doctors who examined Mr terday as black political group· both indicated they want capi· fit of new ropes, while black the system. It was my first Steve Biko in detention - has ings - strongly opposed to the tal punishment banned. prisoners had to make do with experience of the double­ revealed that the black con­ death penalty - denounced the There is speculation that the used ropes. whammy of Government pres­ sciousness leader showed no move. government may be taking the Death row, in Pretoria's ccn· sures and unsympathetic pro­ signs of a hunger strike or dehy­ The liming of the debate has step to try to reinforce its tral prison. is now overflowing. prietors that had driven my two dration.' The report went on to been given added piquancy by "tough" image in the face of because courts have continued predecessors from the editorial say that our investigation indi­ reports yesterday suggesting growing unease within the rul­ to impose capital sentences chair, and which in time was to cated that Biko bad died of that Nelson M1mdela's wife. Win· j ing National Party that their since the moratorium. A partie· drive me out as well and even­ brain damage, and that the facts nie, may soon face a new trial. concessions at the multi·party ularly strong abolitionist argu. tually shut down the paper. contradicted Kruger's state­ possibly on capital charges. negotiations are earning the men! in South Africa- in addi· Dr Gluckman was one of the ments. We published it under a The attorney.general for the Iparty a reputation of weakness. tion to those routinely mounted unsung heroes of South Mrica, banner headline: 'No sign of Witwatersrand, Klaus von in other countries - is that a tall, rotund man whose hunger sttike-Biko doctors'. J.ieres und Wilkau, confirmed "This is a cynical and undein· ! legal resources are so stretched slightly pompous air concealed Next day the roof fell in. that he had received a police ocratic excercise by De Klerk that few accused in capital a passionate humanitarianism Kruger protested that the report on an investigation into with no other purpose than cases can expect an adequate that drove him to reveal more report was false and demanded Mrs Mandela's alleged links party political gain. They are defence. acts of criminal injustice than a hearing of the Press Council, a with the disappearance of two playing with people's Jives for It is also argued that the al· anyone else in South Africa's body set up by the Newspaper you! hs in J988. the sake of a few votes," an most all-white composition of long history of racial oppres­ Press Union- the proprietors' He said that no decision had ANC spokesman, Carl Niehaus, ~he judiciary - only one judge said: sion. organisation - in the face of yet been taken on a possible IS black - means that the risk threats by Prime Minister John prosecution. The two missing The government had no right of miscarriages of justice as a On the morning of 29 Sep­ to make such a decision "on the tember, 1977, I got a call from Vorster to pass a press control boys are assumed to have been result of language and cultural law if the newspapers did not murdered.
Recommended publications
  • PRENEGOTIATION Ln SOUTH AFRICA (1985 -1993) a PHASEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS of the TRANSITIONAL NEGOTIATIONS
    PRENEGOTIATION lN SOUTH AFRICA (1985 -1993) A PHASEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE TRANSITIONAL NEGOTIATIONS BOTHA W. KRUGER Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at the University of Stellenbosch. Supervisor: ProfPierre du Toit March 1998 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za DECLARATION I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it at any university for a degree. Signature: Date: The fmancial assistance of the Centre for Science Development (HSRC, South Africa) towards this research is hereby acknowledged. Opinions expressed and conclusions arrived at, are those of the author and are not necessarily to be attributed to the Centre for Science Development. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za OPSOMMING Die opvatting bestaan dat die Suid-Afrikaanse oorgangsonderhandelinge geinisieer is deur gebeurtenisse tydens 1990. Hierdie stuC.:ie betwis so 'n opvatting en argumenteer dat 'n noodsaaklike tydperk van informele onderhandeling voor formele kontak bestaan het. Gedurende die voorafgaande tydperk, wat bekend staan as vooronderhandeling, het lede van die Nasionale Party regering en die African National Congress (ANC) gepoog om kommunikasiekanale daar te stel en sodoende die moontlikheid van 'n onderhandelde skikking te ondersoek. Deur van 'n fase-benadering tot onderhandeling gebruik te maak, analiseer hierdie studie die oorgangstydperk met die doel om die struktuur en funksies van Suid-Afrikaanse vooronderhandelinge te bepaal. Die volgende drie onderhandelingsfases word onderskei: onderhande/ing oor onderhandeling, voorlopige onderhande/ing, en substantiewe onderhandeling. Beide fases een en twee word beskou as deel van vooronderhandeling.
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
    VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United
    [Show full text]
  • Biko Met I Must Say, He Nontsikelelo (Ntsiki) Mashalaba
    LOVE AND MARRIAGE In Durban in early 1970, Biko met I must say, he Nontsikelelo (Ntsiki) Mashalaba Steve Biko Foundation was very politically who came from Umthatha in the Transkei. She was pursuing involved then as her nursing training at King Edward Hospital while Biko was president of SASO. a medical student at the I remember we University of Natal. used to make appointments and if he does come he says, “Take me to the station – I’ve Daily Dispatch got a meeting in Johannesburg tomorrow”. So I happened to know him that way, and somehow I fell for him. Ntsiki Biko Daily Dispatch During his years at Ntsiki and Steve university in Natal, Steve had two sons together, became very close to his eldest Nkosinathi (left) and sister, Bukelwa, who was a student Samora (right) pictured nurse at King Edward Hospital. here with Bandi. Though Bukelwa was homesick In all Biko had four and wanted to return to the Eastern children — Nkosinathi, Cape, she expresses concern Samora, Hlumelo about leaving Steve in Natal and Motlatsi. in this letter to her mother in1967: He used to say to his friends, “Meet my lady ... she is the actual embodiment of blackness - black is beautiful”. Ntsiki Biko Daily Dispatch AN ATTITUDE OF MIND, A WAY OF LIFE SASO spread like wildfire through the black campuses. It was not long before the organisation became the most formidable political force on black campuses across the country and beyond. SASO encouraged black students to see themselves as black before they saw themselves as students. SASO saw itself Harry Nengwekhulu was the SRC president at as part of the black the University of the North liberation movement (Turfloop) during the late before it saw itself as a Bailey’s African History Archive 1960s.
    [Show full text]
  • Children in Violent Spaces. Reinterpretation of the 1976 Soweto Uprising
    Children in Violent Spaces. Reinterpretation of the 1976 Soweto Uprising. by Hjalte Tin, PhD, Centre for Cultural Research, University of Aarhus. Finlandsgade 28, DK-8200 Aarhus N, Denmark e-mail: [email protected], fax +45 86108228 Abstract This article offers a reinterpretation of the Soweto uprising based on a spatial reading of well-known facts of violence in order to uncover some of the contradictory and many-layered relations of children, parents, and state which has remained enigmatic when conceptualized in terms of class, race or political history. The central question is the children as attackers: how could they force the strong and seemingly well- entrenched apartheid state to defend itself against children? The article analyses the town and township terrain, the five forms of struggle in the uprising, the frontline children, the minors in house space, the pupils in town space, and the blacks in ethnic space. I conclude that an answer to the question of the children’s power may be found in the interlocking confrontations of the children with the state as minors in house space, pupils in town space, and blacks in ethnic space. When the parents could no longer control the children and rule in the schools suddenly broke down the state had to use gross means of rule, ultimately killing children. By doing this the state conferred adult status upon the children. This in turn gave the children enormous leverage in the family: ruling their parents the black children challenged white supremacy head on. --------------------------------------------------- Hjalte Tin is a researcher at the interdisciplinary Centre for Cultural Research at the University of Aarhus in Denmark and at the Danish Institute of International Affairs in Copenhagen.
    [Show full text]
  • Footprints on the Sands of Time;
    FOOTPRINTS IN THE SANDS OF TIME CELEBRATING EVENTS AND HEROES OF THE STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH AFRICA 2 3 FOOTPRINTS LABOUR OF LOVE IN THE SANDS OF TIME Unveiling the Nkosi Albert Luthuli Legacy Project in August 2004, President Thabo Mbeki reminded us that: “... as part of the efforts to liberate ourselves from apartheid and colonialism, both physically and mentally, we have to engage in the process of telling the truth about the history of our country, so that all of our people, armed with this truth, can confidently face the challenges of this day and the next. ISBN 978-1-77018-205-9 “This labour of love, of telling the true story of South Africa and Africa, has to be intensified on © Department of Education 2007 all fronts, so that as Africans we are able to write, present and interpret our history, our conditions and All rights reserved. You may copy material life circumstances, according to our knowledge and from this publication for use in non-profit experience. education programmes if you acknowledge the source. For use in publication, please Courtesy Government Communication and Information System (GCIS) obtain the written permission of the President Thabo Mbeki “It is a challenge that confronts all Africans everywhere Department of Education. - on our continent and in the Diaspora - to define ourselves, not in the image of others, or according to the dictates and Enquiries fancies of people other than ourselves ...” Directorate: Race and Values, Department of Education, Room 223, President Mbeki goes on to quote from a favourite 123 Schoeman Street, Pretoria sub·lime adj 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report
    VOLUME THREE Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Introduction to Regional Profiles ........ 1 Appendix: National Chronology......................... 12 Chapter 2 REGIONAL PROFILE: Eastern Cape ..................................................... 34 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Eastern Cape........................................................... 150 Chapter 3 REGIONAL PROFILE: Natal and KwaZulu ........................................ 155 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in Natal, KwaZulu and the Orange Free State... 324 Chapter 4 REGIONAL PROFILE: Orange Free State.......................................... 329 Chapter 5 REGIONAL PROFILE: Western Cape.................................................... 390 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Western Cape ......................................................... 523 Chapter 6 REGIONAL PROFILE: Transvaal .............................................................. 528 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Transvaal ......................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Cambridge Companion to Nelson Mandela Edited by Rita Barnard Frontmatter More Information
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-01311-7 - The Cambridge Companion to Nelson Mandela Edited by Rita Barnard Frontmatter More information The Cambridge Companion to Nelson Mandela Nelson Mandela was one of the most revered fi gures of our time. He committed himself to a compelling political cause, suffered a long prison sentence, and led his violent and divided country to a peaceful democratic transition. His legacy, however, is not uncontested: his decision to embark on an armed struggle in the 1960s, his solitary talks with apartheid offi cials in the 1980s, and the economic policies adopted during his presidency still spark intense debate. The essays in this Companion , written by experts in history, anthropology, jurisprudence, cinema, literature, and visual studies, address these and other issues. They examine how Mandela became the icon he is today and ponder the meanings and uses of his internationally recognizable image. Their overarching concerns include Mandela’s relation to “tradition” and “modernity,” the impact of his most famous public performances, the oscillation between Africanist and non-racial positions in South Africa, and the politics of gender and national sentiment. The volume concludes with a meditation on Mandela’s legacy in the twenty-fi rst century and a detailed guide to further reading. Rita Barnard is Professor of English and Comparative Literature at the University of Pennsylvania and Professor Extraordinaire at Stellenbosch University, South Africa. She is the author of The Great Depression and the Culture of Abundance and Apartheid and Beyond: South African Writers and the Politics of Place . Her work has appeared in several important collections about South African literature and culture and in journals such as Novel , Contemporary Literature , Cultural Studies , Research in African Literatures , and Modern Fiction Studies .
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of the Sharpeville Massacre and Soweto Uprising
    Georgia Southern University Digital Commons@Georgia Southern University Honors Program Theses 2019 Genocide Masquerading: The olitP ics of the Sharpeville Massacre and Soweto Uprising Jessica P. Forsee Georgia Southern University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/honors-theses Part of the Africana Studies Commons, African History Commons, Diplomatic History Commons, International Relations Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Forsee, Jessica P., "Genocide Masquerading: The oP litics of the Sharpeville Massacre and Soweto Uprising" (2019). University Honors Program Theses. 415. https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/honors-theses/415 This thesis (open access) is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. It has been accepted for inclusion in University Honors Program Theses by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Genocide Masquerading: The Politics of the Sharpeville Massacre and Soweto Uprising An Honors Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Honors in History. By Jessica Forsee Under the mentorship of Dr. Cathy Skidmore-Hess ABSTRACT Apartheid South Africa represented a paradox as a US ally and human rights pariah. “Genocide Masquerading” uncovers the implications of US foreign policy on the rise and decline of apartheid, looking specifically at the 1960 Sharpeville Massacre and the 1976 Soweto Uprising. By comparing Presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy, Ford, and Carter foreign policy responses, this thesis creates a comparative analysis of how effective, or ineffective, the United States was during pivotal moments in apartheid history. This thesis will not only expand on the developing South African literature but add to the conversation of international aid, diplomacy practices, and North-South relationships.
    [Show full text]
  • African National Congress Statement to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission
    African National Congress Statement to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission August 1996 Contents Executive Summary ANC Statement to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission 1. PREFACE 2. INTRODUCTION 3. THE HISTORICAL AND INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT 3.1 The prehistory of colonialism, dispossession and segregation 3.2 The history of the ANC to 1960 3.3 Just struggle in the international context 3.4 Apartheid and human rights 3.5 Apartheid human rights violations in an international context 4. THE NATIONAL PARTY, APARTHEID AND THE ANATOMY OF REPRESSION, 1948-1994 4.1 The post-1948 legislative programme of apartheid 4.2 The repressive apartheid security state, 1960-1974 4.3 The institutional violence and social consequences of apartheid 4.4 Judiciary and other forms of repression 4.5 Forced removals and forced incorporation 4.6 Mass repression by the regime in response to mass protests against apartheid 4.7 The height of apartheid repression 4.8 Apartheid and the destabilisation of Southern African countries in the 1980s 4.9 Covert action and state sanctioned gross violations of human rights in the negotiations era of the 1990s 5. PHASES OF STRUGGLE AND ANC POLICY FOUNDATIONS, 1960-1994 5.1 New forms of struggle after Sharpeville and the banning of opposition groups (1960-1969) 5.2 A changing scenario and new challenges (1969-1979) 5.3 Towards "People's War" and "People's Power" (1979-1990) 5.4 The ANC and internal revolt: The role of the Mass Democratic Movement in the 1980s 6. DID THE ANC PERPETRATE ANY GROSS VIOLATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTS? 6.1 The approach, standards and conduct of the ANC in relation to human rights 6.2 Armed operations and civilian casualties 6.3 Excesses in relation to state agents 6.4 ANC members who died in exile 6.5 The Mass Democratic Movement and excesses in the mass revolt of the 1980s 7.
    [Show full text]
  • Biko Died of Brain Injuries Businessmen JOHANNESBURG, SOUTH AFRICA (UPI) -- Bly to Start Criminal Proceedings
    Biko died of brain injuries Businessmen JOHANNESBURG, SOUTH AFRICA (UPI) -- bly to start criminal proceedings. This led to blood clotting and al- talk of trade The official autopsy on South Afri- Police Minister Jimmy Kruger Wed- so to acute kidney failure, they ca's black power leader Steve Biko nesday predicted the attorney gen- said. says he died of severe brain inju- eral would decide to hold an inquest The sources said medical reports with Cubans ries in a Pretoria police cell, "in view of the fact.of the over- on Biko also showed that in the last HAVANNA, CUBA (UPI) -- A group of sources close to the Biko family seas reaction and the public reac- week of his life Biko was suffering American businessmen wined and dined said Wednesday. tion to the Biko matter." from several symptoms of possible by their Cuban hosts in a plush, The sources said that according to The autopsy report and a police brain damage, including a condition pre-revolutionary resort hotel Wed- the autopsy report Biko died of investigation have not been official- called "echolalia" where a patient nesday got down to nuts and bolts brain damage which led to blood ly released. repeats automatically what he hears discussions on the possible reopen- clotting and acute kidney failure. Biko died Sept. 12 -- the 20th in his presence. ing of trade between their two na- He also suffered two broken ribs, black to die in police custody since There also was evidence of some tions. they said. March, 1976 -- and his death touched one-sided weakness of the body, a The business group, third of its The autopsy, performed jointly off an international and national speech defect and a disorder called kind to visit Cuba this year, also Sept.
    [Show full text]
  • Aggrey Klaaste: the Relentless Community-Builder
    Aggrey Klaaste: The Relentless Community-Builder A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Creative Writing of Rhodes University by Phakama Mbonambi February 2014 ii ABSTRACT This thesis looks at the life and times of Aggrey Klaaste, the larger-than-life late editor of Sowetan who shot to fame by championing a novel idea of nation building. His initiative started in 1988 as flames of violence engulfed South Africa and it seemed as if an apocalypse was on the cards. Sickened by what the frustrated black community was doing to itself, for example the use of the dreadful practice of necklacing against the so-called collaborators, he called for moral regeneration. He wanted his compatriots to look into the future and take their destiny in their own hands. Through nation building he tirelessly launched into crusading journalism that sought to heal the scars of the black community after decades of apartheid. It was grassroots community building. He rewarded ordinary men and women who made a difference in their communities. He actively sought peace to end the violence of the 1980s and 1990s. He spoke his mind without wearing any ideological blinkers, even as some thought his initiative would disturb the march to freedom. He was the ultimate newspaperman. This thesis argues that by calling for reconciliation and rebuilding of battered black communities even before freedom came, Klaaste was ahead of his time and even predated Nelson Mandela. Klaaste preferred to do what was right and not be shackled to any ideology.
    [Show full text]
  • Arguing Biko: Evidence of the Body in the Politics of History, 1977 to the Present
    Arguing Biko: Evidence of the Body in the Politics of History, 1977 to the Present A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Jesse Walter Bucher IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Advisors Allen F. Isaacman and Tamara Giles-Vernick September, 2010 © Jesse Walter Bucher 2010 i Acknowledgements Funding support for my dissertation research in South Africa was provided in 2007- 2008 by the Office of International Programs Doctoral Dissertation Fellowship at the University of Minnesota. Funding for a research trip to the Eastern Cape in June of 2008 was provided by the Center for Humanities Research and the History Department at the University of the Western Cape where I was a research fellow. Joint financial support from the MacArthur program at the University of Minnesota and the Donald Burch Fellowship in History through the University of Minnesota Department of History in 2008-2009, and a Doctoral Dissertation Fellowship from the University of Minnesota Graduate School in 2009-2010 allowed me to concentrate exclusively on completing the dissertation writing. I thank all of these institutions for their generous support. I first studied African history as an undergraduate at The College of New Jersey where I had the great fortune of working with Derek Peterson. Between my junior and senior years of college, Derek helped me formulate my first research projects in African history while we both spent time sorting through files at the Public Records Office in London. Derek patiently showed me how to read documents, how to join together evidence with ideas, and how to think through the historiographical questions that shaped the discipline.
    [Show full text]