Phoebe Palmer: Fountainhead of Evangelical Egalitarianism in Canada Shelley Siemens Janzen

About noon, on the Lord’s day, she was called upon, the British Isles at various camp meetings, churches, colleges, without previous notice . . . to speak to a congregation and revival services. Her humanitarian efforts included the of several thousands. Curiosity soon gave way to a establishment of the Five Points Mission in a New York slum higher and nobler feeling. Breathless attention was and leadership in organizations to aid the homeless, orphans, given. . . . Those in the rear of the congregation, placed and those in need of medical care. Palmer published nearly their hands behind their ears, that not a word might twenty books. Her multifaceted work as theologian, revivalist, be lost.1 feminist, and humanitarian developed further as she served as Such was the description of Reverend W. Young of the Methodist managing editor of the widely read Methodist Guide to Holiness, Church following Phoebe Palmer’s first visit to Canada West which achieved a circulation of up to 37,000 with Ontario as the in 1853.2 Despite Palmer’s American Methodist heritage, she leading region of subscribers.6 precipitated the Third Great Awakening3 during her visit to Missions to Canada Canada and became one of the founders of the Canadian Prior to Confederation in 1867, Palmer would have encountered Holiness Movement. Palmer also contributed to first wave a predominantly British and American evangelical Protestant feminism due to her influence on Canadian and global leaders of population in Ontario, while Quebec largely consisted of the Women’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU). Although Catholic settlers with a high commitment to papal authority. powerful movements and individuals worked to oppose the The Maritime provinces were predominantly an amalgamation public activity of women in Canada’s history, Palmer emerged as of Catholics, Anglicans, Presbyterians, Methodists, and a mainstream evangelical leader who successfully resisted these Baptists. Despite limitations on itinerant preachers from the forces. While other evangelical egalitarian voices existed, Palmer United States following the 1812 victory of British Canadian was prominent due to her clear public presentation of egalitarian forces over the United States, Canadian Protestants were theology and her profound influence on the future of evangelical generally regarded as balancing the more revolutionary and women as leaders in Canada. This brief article will not attempt populist American expressions with the hierarchal orderliness a detailed discussion of Palmer’s Canadian activity.4 Instead, a of British denominations. Even so, for women in Victorian review of her ministry in Ontario (focusing on her impact in Canada, “though it was widely assumed that female piety was Hamilton, Ontario), in Quebec, and in the Maritime provinces of the mainstay of religion . . . women’s voices, unlike those of their Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, and New Brunswick provides menfolk, became largely muted in the official church.”7 significant evidence for her impact. Ultimately, Phoebe Palmer A key development in Palmer’s career was her initiation became a Canadian fountainhead of evangelical egalitarianism of a long series of regular missions to Canada. As early as through both her theology and exemplary ministry. 1853, Palmer visited an evangelistic camp meeting at a farm Early Ministry in Nepanee, Ontario. This meeting was notable: The “Mayor Phoebe Worrall Palmer (1807 – 1874) was the fourth child of a of Kingston was powerfully blest, over five hundred professed devout Methodist family living in New York City. She married conversion, and nearly as many obtained the full assurance Dr. Walter Palmer in 1827 and they had six children, tragically of faith. . . . The Wesleyan Methodist Conference reported an losing two sons and a daughter as infants. In 1837, after ten addition of six thousand that year, – mostly from the region years of diligently seeking the entire sanctification taught by where the camp-meeting had been held.”8 This work anticipated John Wesley, Palmer joyfully described her experience of this Palmer’s subsequent visits, which included other destinations in “second work of grace” and began to exposit a “shorter way” to Ontario, Quebec, and the Maritime provinces. As she travelled sanctification than the classic Wesleyan version. At this time, she through these areas, her reputation as a compelling and effective also assumed leadership of her sister Sarah Lankford’s Tuesday speaker spread. During the summer of 1857, Palmer “wrote of Meeting for the Promotion of Holiness, which became a magnet conversions by the hundreds and crowds of 5,000 – 6,000 at to as many as three hundred weekly attendees and, uniquely, obscure camp meetings in Ontario and Quebec.”9 allowed men to participate. Here Palmer spoke to a wide variety Ultimately, however, it was the spontaneous events that of laity, clergymen, and theologians. Eventually hundreds of occurred in Hamilton, Ontario, in October of 1857 that led similar meetings patterned after her Tuesday Meeting launched Palmer to label this year as her Annus Mirabilis or “year of around the world.5 wonders.”10 Following a large event in Oakville, Ontario, which Palmer initiated a broader public ministry at this point, she attended with her husband, unexpected issues with the preaching to hundreds of thousands in North America and Palmers’ baggage at a Hamilton train station obliged them to cbeinternational.org Priscilla Papers | 35/3 | Summer 2021 • 3 stay overnight. The news of the Palmers’ presence prompted Bebbington’s first ideal of conversionism recognizes local Methodist ministers to convene a joint prayer meeting. individual sin and is reflected in Palmer’s emphasis on the The surprising intensity of this meeting resulted in Palmer need for personal redemption. In a historical context of speaking with powerful results again the following evening. As Catholic and mainline Protestant hierarchy and intermediaries, news spread about a potential revival, meetings were scheduled Palmer’s conversionism highlighted individual responsibility from seven in the morning until ten at night, with the unusual and therefore offered an inherent empowerment to the laity. characteristic of being led largely by a wide variety of laity Evangelical conversionism represented a significant departure and in the form of testimonies of salvation or declarations of from the inherited state/church model. Her “emphasis on the complete commitment.11 Palmer stayed in Hamilton for a full relationship between God and the believer implied a potentially eighteen days participating in these events, and the meetings radical, egalitarian challenge to the corporate church and continued for additional weeks after her departure. The result its sacraments” and defied foundational political and social was approximately 600 professions of faith.12 Shortly after this assumptions regarding God-ordained hierarchy and order.18 revival, the New York Christian Advocate and Journal published Palmer’s non-emotional and rational conversionism effectively the news as a prominent headline. Historians J. Edwin Orr and connected with large numbers of Canadian individuals who Richard Roberts emphasize that, attended her revival services. There, upon the front page, hundreds of wistful A second ideal from Bebbington that emerged in Palmer’s Methodist ministers read that in a “Revival evangelicalism was her biblicism. Palmer exhibited an intense Extraordinary” in Hamilton: “Men of low degree and regard for Scripture and believed that all spiritual truth was men of high estate for wealth and position; old men and located in the Bible. Scripture was the ultimate authority, and maidens, and even little children, can be seen humbly evangelicals like Palmer turned to the Bible when resolving kneeling together, pleading for grace. The mayor of challenges such as human injustice, ecclesiology, or whether the city, with other persons of like position, are not women may preach and teach. Palmer’s preaching integrated ashamed to be seen bowed at an altar of prayer beside biblical themes, and her constant reference to Scripture lent the humble servant.”13 timely authority to her words. Thirdly, Palmer’s scriptural emphasis was substantiated The leadership of a wide range of men, women, and even with her teaching on Christ’s sacrifice and provision on the children professing faith and sharing their experiences during cross. Here Palmer clearly aligned herself with John Wesley’s this revival was distinctively egalitarian. Palmer connected the classic view of salvation from sin by faith alone through the spreading revival with the apostolic church in the book of Acts guidance of the Holy Spirit. This crucicentrism contrasted depicting men and women of the laity empowered to evangelize with Catholic promotion of papal authority, sacraments, and grow the church. “Billed as a ‘Laity for the Times’ Palmer’s or other intermediary sources. Moreover, she corroborated methods were congruent with the move towards lay ascendancy, Wesley’s Arminian soteriology of individual free will while when laity and ministers began more to resemble one another.”14 affirming the necessity of prevenient grace. For both Wesley As the momentum of this lay revival grew and spread outside and Palmer, seeking sanctification in this life represented of Canada to the United States and Britain, some began to a vital second work of God’s grace. Palmer highlighted the refer to these events as a new awakening. Intriguingly, for “the power of the crucified Christ to sanctify a fully consecrated beginnings of the religious Revival which was soon to sweep the life through faith and the testimony of the believer. Palmer’s United States it is necessary to look beyond the borders of the simple techniques, by which any Christian could gain holiness, Union. The first unusual stream of blessing arose, not in New were direct contributions to evangelical theology in general, York as commonly supposed, but in the city of Hamilton, in the and a theology of the cross in particular.19 province of Ontario.”15 Fourthly, the evangelical ideal of activism was visible to Evangelical Fountainhead early Canadians in Palmer’s public preaching and humanitarian Palmer’s propensity for theological teaching revealed a thorough work. Palmer’s teaching at large camp meetings across the and integrated evangelical substance. Since newly settled regions country consistently held in tension an evangelistic emphasis of Canada lacked the apparatus that established religious, social, with a sanctified life of concern for one’s neighbor. Her and political institutions provided, they were therefore widely emphasis on holy living lent support to the Canadian culture receptive to Palmer’s evangelical theology, including its high of volunteerism—namely, a free association of equal individuals expectations for personal and social ethics.16 Although the working together toward the common good. Palmer’s term “evangelical” can be ambiguous, the historical approach evangelical ideal of activism integrated spiritual encounters in found in David Bebbington’s quadrilateral and in Palmer’s lived both personal and social contexts. She maintained that the very experience allows for a broad, yet more nuanced description of purposes of redemption are unrealized unless we are zealous the evangelical movement in Canada.17 For example, Palmer’s for good works.20 Palmer’s activism supported local and cross- theology can be readily identified in Bebbington’s four classic cultural outreach including organizing a mission to reach New evangelical ideals. York’s population of 40,000 Jews in 1855 and also missionary

4 • Priscilla Papers | 35/3 | Summer 2021 cbeinternational.org agencies in Palestine and China.21 Palmer’s intentional activism workers with God in their sanctification. The egalitarian is readily evident in the most cursory review of her lifetime of implication was that Palmer empowered women to have a evangelistic and humanitarian efforts. measure of involvement in, and even control over, their spiritual Egalitarian Fountainhead life. At this point, Palmer moved somewhat away from Wesley’s longer route to sanctification to advocating a more accessible It should be evident already that Phoebe Palmer’s evangelical and pragmatic “shorter way” to holiness.27 Palmer’s theological ideals were inseparable from her egalitarian theology and social route included consecration of all aspects of one’s life on the altar activism. Mimi Haddad defines egalitarians as “Christians who of Christ, then faith that Christ sanctifies their gift, and lastly affirm that scripture teaches the fundamental equality of men public testimony of being made new. For women, giving God and women, both in being and service, so that gender is not a foremost priority in life undermined the belief that they should criterion by which to exclude women from public service or devote themselves exclusively to their families. While family leadership.”22 As Palmer traveled Canada on various revival tours, was recognized as a primary place of contribution, women were her pragmatic evangelical theology was empowering to women not ultimately limited to this domain, but rather were obligated who had felt their voices limited. The inherent levelling quality to speak and work for Christ in the wider church and society. of Palmer’s evangelicalism weakened constraints on women “by Women were also empowered to recognize their own voices in elevating them in their own esteem and giving them the personal response to Palmer’s requirement for public testimony. One’s discipline to use their lives as best they could in Christian old self was dead to sin, and the new self was empowered by the service.”23 Palmer’s visible and theological egalitarianism was Holy Spirit to engage in private and public ministry. Palmer’s the outcome of her considerable efforts to understand and apply theology provided a basis for what was later identified as the biblical theology to contemporary concerns. evangelical feminism that authorized women to take initiative Immediately after her successful “year of wonders” in and exert influence in religious and spiritual spheres.28 Canada, Palmer published The Promise of the Fatherin response It is intriguing that Palmer gave little attention to the topic to escalating criticism she was receiving as a female preacher.24 of public recognition or ordination for women. While she This manifesto was one of the earliest and most comprehensive supported women functioning in either state or ecclesiastical works defending women’s mandate to public ministry and leadership as advantageous,29 Palmer refrained from endorsing became foundational for women preachers in the nineteenth and ordination and instead argued that acquiring this title was twentieth centuries. Palmer based this work of practical theology inconsequential and diverged significantly from the NT model. on the account of Pentecost in Acts 2, which celebrated the Rather than looking to the Methodist Church for certification, inauguration of God’s promise of egalitarian Christianity found she had “the conviction that she was divinely commissioned and in Joel 2:28. Rather than basing her feminism in a framework ordained by the great Head of the church for the special work of women’s rights, “it was rooted . . . in a prophetic tradition of which she felt impelled to do.”30 religious leadership where it was God’s call, not human customs or church traditions, that authorizes preaching.”25 The power of Conclusion the Holy Spirit at Pentecost and in the last days was Palmer’s Altogether, Phoebe Palmer became a source of evangelical rationale for encouraging women’s authoritative speaking. egalitarianism in Canada through both her theology and Since the gift of prophecy was recognized in individual women exemplary ministry. Palmer has left a significant legacy of throughout the NT and into the third century, and given that people influenced by her efforts, including Annie McClung, preaching and prophecy were essentially synonymous in the Frances Willard, Letitia Youmans, and Catherine Booth.31 As early church, the church was in violation of God’s chosen form an eventual leader of the global Holiness Movement, Palmer’s of communication by quenching or neglecting these activities.26 public ministry was foundational for the development of North Moreover, addressing the presumed restriction of women’s American feminism.32 Although evangelical and Canadian gifting presented by 1 Cor 14:35 and 1 Tim 2:12,The Promise of the histories have tended to under-examine the contributions of Father provided a thorough interpretation of these verses often women, an emphasis on the example of Phoebe Palmer readily isolated from the light of historical context and larger biblical offers a visible standard of Canadian evangelical emancipation. themes. Palmer contended that the edification and growth of Notes the church would suffer profoundly if God’s ministry through women was limited. 1. Richard Wheatley, The Life and Letters of Mrs. Phoebe Palmer(W. However, Palmer’s articulation of Wesleyan-Arminian C. Palmer Jr., 1876) 635. holiness doctrine was arguably more influential for endorsing 2. Hereafter the pre-Confederation Province of Canada will be referred to as Ontario, Quebec, or Canada. egalitarianism than her teaching on prophetic ministry. While 3. Cf. J. Edwin Orr, The Second Evangelical Awakening, abridged she avoided Pelagianism by stressing that both initial conversion ed. (Enduring Word Media, 2018) 8–17. Discrepancy exists regarding and subsequent sanctification were ultimately granted through the designation of this revival as the Third or the Second Great God’s grace, Palmer exhorted traditionally passive or merely Awakening. Orr argues that, of the many North American revivals, receptive Christians to become active participants and co- only the Evangelical Revival of the eighteenth century and the Evangelical Awakening of the nineteenth century beginning in 1858 cbeinternational.org Priscilla Papers | 35/3 | Summer 2021 • 5 became world-wide in scope, and therefore places the beginnings of 28. Elizabeth Gillan Muir and Marilyn Färdig Whiteley, Changing the Second Evangelical Awakening in Hamilton, Ontario. Roles of Women within the Christian Church in Canada (University of 4. In addition to resources cited elsewhere in these notes, see Toronto Press, 1995) 186. Sally Bruyneel, “Phoebe Palmer: Mother of the Holiness Movement,” 29. Palmer, Promise of the Father, 1–5. Priscilla Papers 12/2 (Spring 1998) 1–3. 30. Palmer as cited by White, The Beauty of Holiness, 194. 5. Donald M. Lewis, The Blackwell Dictionary of Evangelical 31. See further: Mimi Haddad, review of Woman in the Pulpit, by Biography: 1730–1860, Blackwell Reference (Blackwell, 1995) 852. Frances Willard, Priscilla Papers 15/1 (Winter 2001) 21–22; Haddad, 6. Charles Edward White, The Beauty of Holiness: Phoebe Palmer “Egalitarian Pioneers: Betty Friedan or Catherine Booth?,” Priscilla as Theologian, Revivalist, Feminist and Humanitarian (Wipf & Stock, Papers 20/4 (Autumn 2006) 53–59; Roger J. Green, “Catherine Booth, 2008) 92–93. the Salvation Army, and the Purity Crusade of 1885,” Priscilla Papers 7. Nancy Christie, ed., Households of Faith: Family, Gender, and 22/3 (Summer 2008) 9–18; Mary Agnes Maddox, “The Aggressive Community in Canada, 1760–1969 (McGill-Queen’s University Press, Christianity of Catherine Mumford Booth,” Priscilla Papers 22/3 2001) 238. (Summer 2008) 5–8. 8. Wheatley, Life and Letters, 300. 32. Justo L. Gonzalez, Story of Christianity: Volume 1, The Early Church 9. Timothy Lawrence Smith, Revivalism and Social Reform: to the Dawn of the Reformation, 2nd rev. ed. (HarperOne, 2010) 339. American Protestantism on the Eve of the Civil War, 1st Harper Torchbook ed. (Harper & Row, 1965) 67. 10. Wheatley, Life and Letters, 315. SHELLEY SIEMENS JANZEN holds a Bachelor of 11. J. Edwin Orr and Richard Owen Roberts, The Event of the Century: Arts from Columbia Bible College and is currently The 1857–1858 Awakening (International Awakening, 1989) 26–27. completing a Master of Arts in Theological Studies at 12. Sandra L. King, The 1857 Hamilton Ontario Revival: An Exploration of the Origins of the Layman’s Revival and the Second Great Regent College in Vancouver, BC, where she lives with Awakening, McMaster General Series (Pickwick, 2015) 73. her husband, Tony. 13. Orr and Roberts, The Event of the Century, 27. 14. George A. Rawlyk, Aspects of the Canadian Evangelical Experience, McGill-Queen’s Studies in the History of Religion (McGill- Queen’s University Press, 1997) 83. 15. J. Edwin Orr, The Second Evangelical Awakening in Britain (Marshall, Morgan & Scott, 1949) 14. 16. Michael Gauvreau, “Protestantism Transformed: Personal Piety and the Evangelical Social Vision, 1815–1867,” in The Canadian Protestant Experience, 1760 to 1990, ed. George A. Rawlyk (Welch, 1990) 50. 17. Mark A. Noll, David Bebbington, and George A. Rawlyk, Evangelicalism: Comparative Studies of Popular Protestantism in North America, the British Isles, and Beyond, 1700–1990, Religion in America Series (Oxford University Press, 1994) 180ff. 18. Gauvreau, The Canadian Protestant Experience, 57. 19. George M. Marsden, review of “Phoebe Palmer: Her Life and Thought,” by Harold B. Raser, The American Historical Review 93/5 (Dec 1, 1988) 1401. 20. Titus 2:14: “who gave himself for us to redeem us from all wickedness and to purify for himself a people that are his very own, eager to do what is good” (NIV). 21. Wheatley, Life and Letters, 227–29. 22. Mimi Haddad, “Egalitarians: A New Path to Liberalism? Or Integral to Evangelical DNA?,” Priscilla Papers 29/1 (Winter 2015) 14, https://cbeinternational.org/resource/article/priscilla-papers-academic- journal/egalitarians-new-path-liberalism-or-integral. 23. Gauvreau, The Canadian Protestant Experience, 49. 24. See Martha Berg’s review of Palmer’s The Promise of the Father in Priscilla Papers 14/4 (Autumn 2000) 22. 25. Susan Hill Lindley, You Have Stept out of Your Place: A History of Women and Religion in America, 1st ed. (Westminster John Knox, 1996) 122. 26. Phoebe Palmer, The Promise of the Father: Or, A Neglected Speciality of the Last Days; Addressed to the Clergy and Laity of All Christian Communities (W. C. Palmer, 1859) 14–26. 27. Phoebe Palmer, The Way of Holiness: With Notes by the Way: Being a Narrative of Religious Experience Resulting from a Determination to Be a Bible Christian (1852) 1.

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