<<

INFORMATION TO USERS

This reproduction was made from a copy of a document sent to us for microfilming. While the most advanced technology has been used to photograph and reproduce this document, the quality of the reproduction is heavily dependent upon the quality of the material submitted.

The following explanation of techniques is provided to help clarify markings or notations which may appear on this reproduction.

1. The sign or “target” for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is “Missing Page(s)”. If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting through an image and duplicating adjacent pages to assure complete continuity.

2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a round black mark, it is an indication of either blurred copy because of movement during exposure, duplicate copy, or copyrighted materials that should not have been filmed. For blurred pages, a good image of the page can be found in the adjacent frame. If copyrighted materials were deleted, a target note will appear listing the pages in the adjacent frame.

3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., is part of the material being photographed, a definite method of “sectioning” the material has been followed. It is customary to begin filming at the upper left hand comer of a large sheet and to continue from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. If necessary, sectioning is continued again—beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete.

4. For illustrations that cannot be satisfactorily reproduced by xerographic means, photographic prints can be purchased at additional cost and inserted into your xerographic copy. These prints are available upon request from the Dissertations Customer Services Department.

5. Some pages in any document may have indistinct print. In all cases the best available copy has been filmed.

Uni International 300 N. Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Ml 48106 8526226

ETHNOGRAPHY OF A VIDEO ARCADE: A STUDY OF CHILDREN'S BEHAVIOR AND THE LEARNING PROCESS. Meadows, Linda Kay, Ph.D. The Ohio State University, 1985

© 1985 Meadows, Linda Kay All rights reserved

U-M-I 300 N. ZeebRd. Ann Arbor, MI 48106 PLEASE NOTE:

In all cases this material has been filmed in the best possible way from the available copy. Problems encountered with this document have been identified here with a Vcheck . mark

1. Glossy photographs or_____ pages

2. Colored illustrations, paper or______print

3. Photographs with dark background____

4. Illustrations are poor copy______

5. Pages with black marks, not original______copy

6. Print shows through as there is text on both sides______of page

7. Indistinct, broken or small print on several pages. ✓

8. Print exceeds margin requirements_____

9. Tightly bound copy with print lost______in spine

10. printout pages with indistinct______print

11. Page(s)______lacking when material received, and not available from school or author. 279 12. Page(s)_ seem to be missing in numbering only as text follows.

13. Two pages numbered . Text follows.

14. Curling and wrinkled pages______

15. Dissertation contains pages with print at a slant, filmed as received______

16. Other______

UMI ETHNOGRAPHY OF A VIDEO ARCADE:

A STUDY OF CHILDREN'S PLAY BEHAVIOR

AND THE LEARNING PROCESS

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

for the degree

Doctor of Philosophy

in the

Graduate School

The Ohio State University

By Linda K. Meadows, B.A., M.A.

The Ohio State University

1985

Reading Committee

D r . 0j o Arewa Approved By

Dr. Suzanne Damarin

Dr. Elisa Klein

Dr. C. Ray Williams Dr. C . Departmfe Educational Theory and Practice Copyright by Linda K. Meadows 1985 To my dearest friend, B.J. and in memory of my mother

ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Many people have supported my pursuit of the doctoral degree. Without their encouragement my studies might not have been completed at all. Among those who have helped make it possible for me to fulfill this personal goal are the following people to whom I gratefully pay tribute.

My good friend Brenda Stearns has been a sage and understanding counselor. My colleague and friend Mac Woody gave me thoughtful suggestions and was a wonderful resource.

One of the kindest and most sensitive people to whom so many graduates are beholding is Nancy Graham, who solves all problems and lends a warm, very human dimension to the program. I am indebted to my rapier - witted friend

Jim Finkelstein without whom my course of study would not have been initiated. Many thanks are due the participants in the study and Aladdin's Castle for their cooperation.

My precocious informant, Dave, was an invaluable aid.

My family has always been a positive and stabilizing influence in my life. Thanks Dad, Tuff, Darrell, and Mike.

I am especially grateful to my dissertation committee:

Ojo Arewa, whose genius and humanness formed the foundation of my work; Suzanne Damarin, whose keen intellect sharpened my outlook; Elisa Klein, whose brillance in interpreting

Piaget enlightened my observations; and Ray Williams, my iconoclastic advisor and humanistic scholar, whose balance of affect and intellect shaped my world view and served as a model of academic excellence.

I can't thank Betty and Lynn enough for helping me produce this document. They're word processing magicians.

There are so many others who sustained me - all my wonderful friends and associates. Some of them have no way of knowing how they touched my life. I pay homage to them all.

iv VITA

Linda K. Meadows 1509 Westminster Drive Upper Arlington, Ohio 43221

Education: BA, Marshall University MA, The Ohio State University

Employment History: 1985-Present Deputy Director for Development The Ohio State University, Research Foundation

1980-1985 Associate Director for Development The Ohio State University Research Foundation

1975-1980 Assistant Director for Development The Ohio State University Research Foundation

1974-1975 Staff Associate, The Ohio State University, Research Foundation

1972-1974 Information Specialist, The Ohio State University, Research Foundation

1971-1972 Copywriter, E& E Insurance, Columbus, Ohio

1969-1971 Statistician, Wholesale Tours, New York, New York

1968-1969 Spanish and English Teacher Huntington, W. Va.

Fields of Study: Early Childhood Cognitive Development Second Language Acquisition Qualitative Research Methodology Policy Studies in Educational Research

v TABLE OF CONTENTS

DEDICATION ...... iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... iv VITA . . . vi LIST OF CHARTS ...... ix LIST OF T A B L E S ...... x SUMMARY ...... xi

CHAPTER

I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

Problem Statement ...... 3 Significance ...... 7 Limitations ...... 7

II. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE ...... 9

Learning and P l a y ...... 9 Video Games ...... 18 The Metaphysical Computer ...... 28 Videogames, Television and Violence ...... 32 Sexism in Videogames ...... 38 Design ...... 41 Educational Attributes of Video Games .... 53

III. METHODOLOGY...... 69

Naturalistic Inquiry ...... 69 Research Design ...... 72 Participant/Observation . . • ...... 77 Schedule of Observation ...... 83 Data Analysis ...... 85 M a p ...... 92

IV. RESULTS ...... 93

How Children Learn the G a m e s ...... 94 One Player Versus Two Player ...... 109 Why Children Like the G a m e s ...... 112 V i o l e n c e ...... 127 Gender Differences ...... 150 Game Preferences ...... 158 Arcade Games and Home G a m e s ...... 177

vi TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued)

P a r e n t s ...... 179 Attendants...... 187 Rules of P l a y ...... 192 The Corporate Arcade...... 198 Demographics ...... 202

V. CONCLUSION ...... 217

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 228

APPENDICES

A. Game Descriptions...... 238 B. Questionnaire...... 276 C. Complete Survey Response Tables ...... 286

vii LIST OF CHARTS

1. Schedule of Observation...... 83

2. Domain Analysis ...... 85

3. Rule Summary ...... 195

4. Game Classification Sc h e m e ...... 239

viii LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Survey Question Number 38 How Do You Learn Arcade Video Games? ...... 99

2. Survey Question Number 51 When Someone's Playing Your Favorite Video Game What Do You D o ? ...... 107

3. Survey Question Number 56 What Do You Do When You See A New Game? . . . .109

4. Survey Question Number 37 Preference for Playing Alone or With Another P e r s o n ...... 112

5. Survey Question Number 31 Reasons Arcade Video Games are Fun and Interesting ...... 119

6. Survey Question Number 2 Reasons for Favorite Video G a m e ...... 124

7. Survey Question Number 57 What's the Most Fun About Playing Arcade Video G a m e s ? ...... 126

8. Survey Question Number 44 Some Games Have Killing and Blowing Up in Them. How Do You Feel About Them? . . . .133

9. Survey Question Number 42 What Gets You the Maddest? ...... 141

10. Survey Question Number 43 Reasons Gme Gets You M a d ...... 142

11. Survey Question Number 45 How Do You Feel When You Leave The A r c a d e ? ...... 143

12. Survey Question Number 58 Favorite Television S h o w ...... 145

ix 13. Television Shows of a Violent Nature ...... 146

14. Survey Question Number 9 Do Girls Play as well as B o y s ? ...... 153

15. Survey Question Number 14 Do Girls Like Arcade Video Games as much as B o y s ? ...... 154

16. Survey Question Number 15 Reasons Girls Don't Like Video Games ...... 155

17. Survey Question Number 10 Video Games Girls Like B e s t ...... 161

18. Survey Question Number 11 Video Games Girls Like Least ...... 162

19. Survey Question Number 12 Video Games Boys Like B e s t ...... 164

20. Survey Question Number 13 Video Games Boys Like L e a s t ...... 165

21. Survey Question Number 6 Easiest Video Game ...... 166

22. Survey Question Number 5 Hardest Video Game ...... 167

23. Survey Question Number 3 Least Favorite Video G a m e ...... 168

24. Survey Question Number 1 Favorite Video Games ...... 169

25. Survey Question Number 7 Video Game Best At Playing ...... 170

26. Survey Question Number 8 Video Games Worst At Playing ...... 172

27. Survey Question Number 50 Type of Like B e s t ...... 175

28. Survey Question Number 47 Game Wouldn't Play Even If It Were Free ...... 176

x 29. Survey Question Number 17 Do Your Parents Come to the Arcade With Y o u ? ...... ,...... 185

30. Survey Question Number 21 Do Your Parents Mind If You Come to the A r c a d e ? ...... 186

31. Survey Question Number 22 Reasons Why Parents Don't Want Their Children to Come to the Ar c a d e ...... 187

32. Survey Question Number 18 Reasons for Coming to the Arcade ...... 204

33. Survey Question Number 19 Did You Come Here Just to Play or Did You Just Happen to Be at the M a l l ? ...... 205

34. Survey Question Number 20 Did You Come Alone or With F r i e n d s ? ...... 205

35. Survey Question Number 16 How Often Come to the A r c a d e ? ...... 206

36. Survey Question Number 23 Length of Stay in the A r c a d e ? ...... 206

37. Survey Question Number 25 Amount of Money Spent...... 207

38. Survey Question Number 25 Source of M o n e y ...... 208

39. Survey Question Number 29 in S c h o o l ...... 209

40. Survey Question Number 30 Time Spent on Computers in S c h o o l ...... 209

41. Survey Question Number 52 Things That Happen When P l a y i n g ...... 213

42. Survey Question Number 53 Number of Brothers ...... 214

43. Survey Question Number 54 Number of Sisters ...... 214

xi 44. Survey Question Number 55 Position in Family ...... 215

45. Survey Question Number 32 A g e ...... 215

46. Survey Question Number 33 H o m e s ...... 216

xii SUMMARY

Over a six month period the researcher conducted an ethnographic study of a single arcade located in a Columbus,

Ohio heavily trafficked shopping mall. Through participant/ observation and ethnographic interview the project was designed to learn the meanings of the games and the environment from the child's viewpoint. The intent was to lend insight into the culture of the video arcade and surface information which might be of use to educators in creating an engaging learning environment. Children from ages seven to fourteen were the focus of study. The researcher played games with children, talked with them, with parents, arcade attendants, interviewed arcade corporate officials and worked with game designers. After field notes were analyzed, an eight page, fifty-eight question survey instrument was developed, field-tested, and administered to one-hundred children on site. The respondents were fifty-eight boys and forty-two girls. Of this respondent population seventy-four were white and twenty-six were black. Data were cross tabulated by various categories.

Among the major findings of the study were the following:

There were gender differences in game preferences and play behavior. Girls in the study shared game controls and played cooperatively. Boys in the study shared game knowledge but played independently to beat the computer. Male- oriented imagery disenchanted the girls. Structural similarities characterized games preferred by girls. Boys outnumbered girls four to one. xiii Children in the study made a clear distinction between play and reality. There was no evidence of stimulated aggression. Themes of violence were perceived differently from adult impressions.

Sports games created a different persona in the girls and boys. Boys responded at a high emotional level to this category of games. These games are male-oriented which diminished their appeal to girls.

Children preferred to play alone rather than with someone else, with the exception of sports games. This is due to the nature of two- player games as they are currently designed.

Children demonstrated a delicate balance of emotion, taut yet relaxed. Anxiety and excitement were tempored with rational thought processes. The majority reported feeling relaxed when they left the arcade.

Children in the study preferred arcade to home or microcomputer games because of the social ambience, the graphics, controls, and more realistically simulated worlds.

Children in the study learned games by watching others and through trial and error. They were patient in waiting, watching, and allowing for their own learning curves. They were upset by mistakes made when they already knew a game and by malfunctioning controls.

Children in the study preferred games with multiple levels, multiple goals, reasonable story lines, plausible worlds, and believable objectives.

Arcade video games are declining in popularity. This appears to be due to waning novelty, parental apprehensions, increase in number of home computers and particularly to repetition "in design.

Children in the study demonstrated sophisticated cognitive skills.

Children in the study were average in terms of time spent at the arcade, money spent on games, school grades, and school attendance.

xiv The results of the study suggest promising areas of research, especially along the lines of gender differences, violence and aggression, game preferences, age differences, and knowledge acquisition/problem solving. The games reflect educational theories such as motivation, discovery and action learning, immediate performance feedback, diverse thinking strategies, challenge, and multiple goals. The games may also contribute to educational theories through application of principles like inductive reasoning, hypothesis generating, if...then logic, permissive state- transition rules, "plastic asymmetry," "artificial reckoning," and unification of mind and body.

Although arcade video game revenue is down two billion dollars from its peak of five billion dollars it does represent a significant cultural force in the life of today's children. A better understanding of what it means to children can perhaps enhance the school environment.

xv CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Computer games have captured the interest and imagin­ ation of children. They generate enthusiasm and lively interaction. The form they take ranges from hand-held push buttons to arcade style epic representations with multiple controls. Because they are relatively inexpensive in their home versions, children have ready access to many different types (Skow, 1982). Their appeal, however, is more directly evidenced in the video arcades which are crowded with young people caught up in the excitement of play (Perry, Truxal, and Wallich, 1982). Although many parents are concerned about the effects of the arcade atmosphere on their children

(Reynolds, 1982), youngsters gravitate toward these darkened recesses as though drawn by the flashing lights, zapping charges, electrified space sounds, and the kinesic rhythms.

The video arcade is one of the dynamic forces of a child's life in today's society. Technology has introduced a new play room where children of all ages converge to have fun with very sophisticated toys. However, as Loftus and

Loftus (1983) point out, there has been very little research of this phenomenon. Indeed, children are seldom studied outside the school setting. Burton (1982) has observed that

1 most anthropological studies of education neglect children's lives outside of school. Yet as Bronfenbrenner (1981) reminds researchers, the educational context extends beyond the learning institution and should be viewed as an ecological organic system.

Observing children crowded in a video arcade, noting the "blooming, buzzing confusion" and sensory bombardment, one is intrigued by the magnetic pull. Adults cautiously, timorously, peer in from the periphery. Children dart in and out with joyful abandonment. One wonders what attracts young players and holds their interest for sustained periods of time.

Arcades have been criticized for their influence on children. The common perception is that the arcade games control children's lives and turn them into pale ghosts drawn into an ethereal world. The arcades have been criticized for contributing to children's irresponsibility and school performance problems (Soper and Miller, 1983).

The games have been denounced for teaching children to become ruthlessly competitive, for distorting reality, sanctioning killing, drilling violence, and for dehumanizing players. On the other hand, researchers like Turkle (1984) postulate that the games teach spatial and geometrical thinking.. Brooks (1983) in his observation of arcades concluded that they are not conclaves of negative influence. Trachtman (1981) argues that "The intelligent machines in game arcades are skillful teachers who never let you win, but always let you learn to do better." Loftus and Loftus

(1983) also maintain that arcade games are educational as well as fun.

Malone (1981) has analyzed video games to see what makes them fun. He has found that they are intrinsically motivating, based on challenge, fantasy, and curiosity.

These are characteristics which he believes can be utilized in learning situations. Chaffin, Maxwell, and Thompson

(1982) have applied arcade game features to instructional design with excellent results.

Views of arcade games are mixed. Some point to their educational value while others emphasize their hypnotic appeal. The former seem to be more impressionistic while the latter are more grounded in empirical study.

PROBLEM STATEMENT

The significance of arcade video games to children is important in understanding their conception of play, reality, and technology. This study was undertaken to develop an in-depth view of a video arcade from the insider's perspective.

Surveys of arcade players have been conducted. The

Brooks (1983) questionnaire was brief, summary in nature, and was not generated by field data. The McClure and Mears

(1984) questionnaire was administered to high school students. Personality tests linked to arcade play have been given by Gibb, Bartley, Lambirth, and Wilson (1983), to subjects ranging from twelve to thirty-four years of age, by

Dominick (1984) to tenth and eleventh graders, and by Selnow

(1984) to children attending a summer sports camp. Silvern,

Williamson, and Countermine (1983) have been studying aggressive play behavior in young children following video game play.

These studies either have not used children as subjects, or have been done in isolation from arcades, or have been based on television research. Turkle (1984) has more closely observed children's interpretation of arcade games through qualitative study as have Loftus and Loftus (1983).

In order to know what the games mean to children it is important not to study children but to learn from them.

This method of verstehen takes into account the tacit dimension. Understanding is a function of apprehending the sense that children make of their world. Ethnographic study can illuminate the video arcade controversy. This project was conceived to explore the ethos of the players and ontological referents from their point of view. It is hoped that data will be generated which is of value to educators. Among the questions the study was designed to ask were the following:

1. Do children prefer arcade to microcomputer games and if so, why?

2. How many children have home games and which ones do they have?

3. Which types of games do they prefer?

4. How do they learn the games?

5. Can the games be categorized?

6. Which combinations of features are the most appealing?

7. How often do they play?

8. Do the games represent fantasy or reality to the children?

9. What do the games represent to them?

10. How do they feel when they're playing?

11. What language do they use when they're in the arcade, with whom, and under what circumstances?

12. Do they prefer to play alone?

13. How do they feel about adults in the arcade?

14. Do parents accompany children?

15. Do parents seem interested in their children's play when they do accompany them?

16. How often do children play and for how long?

17. Where do they get the money to play?

18. Why do they like the arcade?

19. What types of game controls do they like and why?

20. Which designs are the favorites?

21. How is the arcade structured? 22. How are decisions make about the interior?

23. Do players coach each other?

24. Do they talk to themselves?

25. Do they like to play against themselves or each other?

26. What are the kinesics?

27. How are attendants chosen and what are their roles and perceptions?

28. What skills do the children learn?

29. What do the children learn or are they learning?

30. Do older children dominate?

31. Are some games preferred by girls and others by boys?

32. How do girls and boys relate and behave?

33. What does winning mean?

The questions are loosely connected and served not to bound nor to guide the study but to establish initial focus.

Field notes and observations suggested the daily research agenda which was modified by dialectal interaction.

The project was designed as a participant/observation study to generate data under naturalistic conditions and to provide a means for contextual understanding. As a medium for looking from within and for deriving meaning from the participant frame of reference, the method offers a holistic perspective of a phenomenon that has many dimensions. Wax

(1971) explains that "understanding is a phenomenon of shared meanings" (p. 10) and that "understanding is achieved during and by means of the experience of socialization," (p. 15). SIGNIFICANCE

Arcade video games fascinate children enough to generate billions of dollars in revenue. But the popularity of the games is declining. Game manufacturers are uncertain about what will have enduring appeal. Because they are profit driven and need quick returns they cannot afford high risk innovations. Yet variations on an old theme play out eventually.

Children become bored by repetition. What makes a game successful is not entirely predictable. Analyses of individual game components configured in varying combina­ tions provide some guidance. But overall impressions must be determined before any single observation is relevant.

The educational value of arcade games has been explored.

Naturalistic inquiry which provides alternating distal and proximal perspectives contributes to an understanding of the cultural phenomenon, its social forces, and its cognitive map. This intensive study of a single arcade highlights significant themes and surfaces data which can be mined for classroom application.

LIMITATIONS

The study was conducted at a single site and does not compare or contrast multiple arcades. Time and availability of other resources did not permit investigation of more than one field site. An ethnographic study is demanding in the attention which must be given within a single boundary.

Other than the corporate offices, game designers, and an arcade owner in another city, people outside the arcade were not included in the study. Older teens, ages fifteen and up, were not interviewed. The focus was younger children.

Limited reference has been made to race differences. The researcher did not identify the race of several of the children whose conversations were tape-recorded so that data are uneven in this respect.

A questionnaire based on the field note analyses was administered at the conclusion of the study. Due to the length of the instrument and a decision to have it filled out on site only one hundred children were surveyed. The results add complementary insights to the qualitative analysis but limit statistical inferences. CHAPTER II

Review of Related Literature

There is a substantial literature base on children and microcomputers, particularly in the context of the school curriculum. Much of it is directed to mathematics learning, problem solving, and disability therapy. However, there are very few references to arcade games and fewer still which report research studies in the arcade setting or those whose subjects are children. The popular literature spotlights the phenomenon of arcade games and contributes to speculation about the world of the arcade. However, the accounts are feature stories by reporters whose inquiry is based on the more sensational aspects of the topic. The literature review which follows is organized around references to child development and play, arcade video game issues, and discussions of educational dimensions.

LEARNING AND PLAY

Children love to play video games. The video arcade is like a magnet which draws them into another world. How is this world constituted and what does it mean to children?

Is it a separate reality or an overlapping reality? Do

9 10 ' children become serious and forget it's just play or are they having fun? Many parents are concerned about the transfer of the video game world to reality. Many educators are excited about the application of arcade game concepts to the learning world. There is fear and apprehension; there is enthusiasm and exultation. The learning theories of

Piaget and Vygotsky explain children's developmental processes and provide some insights into the symbolic interaction of the video arcade.

Piaget (1954) has noted that reality is to a child an activity of the most august imagination. Reality resides within the child at the egocentric stage. The external and internal worlds are fused in the child's mind. Even when

'h. they become more apparently distinct to the child they remain closely tied so that certain adherences persist.

These adherences are attributes of the child's way of thinking ascribed to how the world operates. Among the adherences Piaget has observed are 1)-dynamic participation

(his classic example is that children think the moon follows them); 2) animism (the child endows things with consciousness and life); and 3) force (the external push). The adherences are the foundation of relativistic realism, illustrated by the child's thinking, as an example, that clouds are alive, but also pushed by the wind. Reality is what children see but it is a product of their subjective interpretation. 11

Thus it is alive, yet artificial; the internal is situated in the external.

In arcade play children know something gives life to the machines. They know they can activate the games with a token and get glimpses of the world within. Whatever impression the game may make on a child, that impression is filtered through the child's schemata. The game is the sum of the child's, knowledge at any given point in time.

Piaget and Inhelder (1969) noted that children know more than they can draw. Likewise they also know more than their video game play would suggest. Piaget (1954) observed that children can perceive things projectively before they're able to operate on them. They can perceive forms before they can reconstruct them in mental images or representa­ tional thought. At the end of the sensorimotor period children evidence the ability to represent something by means of a signifier. Piaget and Inhelder (1969) call this the semiotic function. This ability segues into deferred invitation (recalling an object after disappearance of the model); play; graphic image (drawing); mental image

(internalized interaction); and verbal evocation.

In play children create their own sets of signifiers, altering them at will. In play the child is not adapting to reality but assimilating reality to the self without 12 stricture (Piaget, 1962). Play offers children a means of expression outside the boundaries of external rules, governance by adults, and regulation by the laws of a physical world they don't yet fully understand. Play transforms reality by assimilation to self needs.

What children get out of video game play, like other symbolic play, may be whatever they need. The game is not an imprimatur, stamping behavioral imprints on them, but a release mechanism. Piaget explains it this way:

Generally speaking, symbolic play helps in the resolution of conflicts and also in the compensation of unsatisfied needs, the inversion of roles (such as obedience and authority), the liberation and extension of self, etc. (Piaget and Inhelder, 1969; p. 60).

The mental images children bring to a game may affect their skill level. Piaget and Inhelder (1971) point out that mental images at the preoperatory and operatory levels are different. The reproductive image recalls sights previously perceived. The anticipatory image envisions movements or transformations, as well as their end states, even though they have not been previously observed. At the preoperatory level, before age six or seven, children's cognitive capabilities do not support transformational imaging. Children may be disadvantaged at this stage in playing video games, which typically call for mental rotation of objects. However, with continued play they may 13 be able to develop anticipatory imaging capabilities.

Papert (1980) exemplifies in Logo the principle that given the materials to exercise their cognitive faculties children will manifest more complex thinking.

Mental images, Piaget and Inhelder (1969) observed, develop in close correspondence to the phases Luquet identified in children's drawing. Those phases also seem to parallel in an intriguing way the steps taken by children as they begin to apprehend video games in the arcade. The intersection of these stages may be conceived as follows:

1. Fortuitous realism - scribbling which becomes something. Young children play with the game controls, the game is not activated, but the motion of fiddling with the gadgetry creates the illusion of playing. When the game is activated and they see things happen on the screen they they've brought them to life through their manipulation of the controls.

2. Failed realism - uncoordinated drawing. In the video game the young child makes random movements and hasn't made the connections necessary to orchestrate a strategy through manipulating the controls.

3. Intellectual realism - pictures have conceptual attributes of the model but not visual perspective. In the video game children begin to discover patterns in the program 14 and associations between the controls and playing strategies but still lack the ability to account for multiple focal points.

4. Visual realism - drawings are faithful to perspective. In the videogame children can put all the elements into proportion and arrange their playing behavior in accordance with an overall plan.

One of the requirements for reaching the operatory stage, Piaget and Inhelder (1969) postulate, is decentering.

This applies to the social as well as the physical universe.

The age range between seven-eight and eleven-twelve marks the period of concrete operations. Before age seven, when children are self-centered, they tend to oppose other people.

True cooperation does not exist, even on the level of play.

It is at the stage of concrete operations that new interpersonal relations of a cooperative nature are established, cognitively and socially. The child begins to take the view of the other.

Mead (1934) makes a distinction between games and play.

In the latter he believes the child must assume the attitude of all the others involved in the game. The organized personality arises out of the game. As children take the attitude of the other and allow it to guide their behavior to reach a common goal then they become organic members of 15 society. The child "becomes a something which can function in the organized whole and thus tends to determine himself in relationship within its group to which he belongs."

(p. 160). The child assumes various roles in play. In order to play video games successfully children must be able to project themselves into the screen and become the protagonist. Unless children can accomplish this transcendence of self they cannot execute moves with dexterity. Vygotsky (1978) agrees with Piaget that play satisfies a child's needs and that in play the child creates an imaginary situation. He theorizes that play is invented at the point when the child begins to experience unrealizable tendencies. The child circumscribes play with rules. "The development from games with an overt imaginary situation and overt rules to games with overt rules and a overt imaginary situation outlines the evolution of children's play."

(Vygotsky, p. 96). In play children can act on things; things are not deterministic. The child may perceive how the world operates yet behave quite contrarily to those observed laws. Thus children can act independently of what they see. In play thought is separate from objects and action is a consequence of ideas rather than things. Action is subordinated to. meaning. Vygotsky (1978) claimed that 16 because they can't freely substitute (his example is a postcard can't be used for a horse), children's activity is play and not symbolism. The child keeps the properties of things but changes their meaning.

The paradox of play observed by Vygotsky (1978) is that children behave freely in play but at the same time subordinate themselves to rules, denying themselves complete impulsiveness. Children do regard faithfully rules in play and as noted by Mead (1934) make up rules as they go along to serve their purposes, to help themselves out of difficulties.

Vygotsky's paradox can be observed in the arcade.

Children go there to play, to escape the adult world, to forsake rules and regulations. But most arcades are supervised by attendants who monitor children's behavior.

The games are rule-governed. Children must abide by them.

Nonetheless, the rules lend stability and make play operant.

They do not serve as constant reminders; they are more subliminal and less intrusive.

Children find a harmonious order in the arcade.

Describing play, Huizinga (1949) says that it creates order.

"Into an imperfect world and into the confusion of life it brings a temporary, a limited perfection." (p. 10). They can learn from their peers, aggregate game knowledge into a total system of play, and operate upon the world at various levels. Arcade games provide the situational impetus to evoke learning and development. Piaget (1964) characterizes development as a spontaneous process having its origin in biological and psychological functions. Development is the sum of knowledge structures while learning is a product of a single structure. An operation is an interiorized, reversible action which is a part of a total structure.

Structures, in the Piagetian paradigm, develop through four discrete stages: sensorimotor; pre-perational; concrete operational; and formal operational. Piaget (1964) identified four main factors which contribute to the development of structures: maturation; experience of the environment; social transmission; and equilibration. All of these factors interact in varying degrees and none is sufficient in itself to account for stage movement, although equilibration (self-regulation or displacement) is the most fundamental one in the acquisition of logical-mathematical knowledge. Arcade games incorporate all four factors in a unique medium.

Vygotsky (1978) similarly wrote that the child's interaction with environment, adults, and peers leads to internalized processes which become part of the child's developmental framework. He added a new insight to the process, a concept he identified as the "zone of proximal development." 18

The zone of proximal development is the distance between the actual developmental level as determined by independent problem solving and the level of potential development as determined through problem solving under adult guidance or in collaboration with more capable peers, (p. 86).

Actual developmental level is that level of a child's mental functions already established through completed developmental cycles. The proximal zone of development defines those functions which have not yet matured but which are in the embryonic stage. Giving children tasks just beyond their actual developmental level stimulates the proximal zone to awakening. Arcade video games serve as this catalyst for most games extend just beyond the known and lead children to acquire new knowledge.

Figurative aspects of knowledge include perception, imitation and the mental image. Operative aspects of the cognitive function are sensorimotor action and interiorized action. When children can anticipate, project, and reverse operations they unify their knowledge state through self­ regulation. Arcade video games, which are a composite of sensori-motor, concrete, and logico/mathematico operations, offer a medium for children to actively construct knowledge.

VIDEO GAMES Video games have evolved from a technology which initially limited their sophistication to one which now is so refined that their design is constrained only by the limits of imagination. The games have been criticized for their content and hypnotic appeal. Opponents readily catalog their negative effects while proponents cite their benefits.

The following section summarizes the arguments, some of which are intuitively and impressionistically based and some of which are empirically based. From a common sense standpoint it is reasonable to conclude that habituation of play may indeed be harmful but that video games themselves have not been proven to be deleterious.

A good history of the game is provided by Bloom (1982).

Pinball is a spin-off of Bagatelle, a nineteenth century

French billiards type game. Sportland introduced coin­ operated games like in 1927. The Traveling Cane

(Digger) was a long-time hit originated by Rabkin in 1928.

It wasn't until 1962 that MIT engineers produced Spacewar in a large mainframe. In 1967 ball and games became the rage. The first commercial video game, Computer Space, arrived in 1970. It wasn't computer-based; integrated circuits made it move. Images were black and white; stars were simply dots of light. Pong, the video machine, came out in 1972, along with the Odyssey television box ball and paddle games, followed soon by Super Pong, Quadra Pong, and

Pong Doubles by . Midway entered the competition with

Gunfight. The revolutionized the industry, beginning with Cinematronic1s Space Wars, which featured 20 multiple controls, game levels, modifications, and a video monitor presenting sector generated graphics (lines) instead of images (dots). Videogames are now a multi-billion dollar business.

But video arcades create anxiety for many parents who fear that their children will become addicted to the games, will be exposed to drugs, alcohol, and crime, use their lunch money to play, steal, lose track of time, become hypnotized, and behave destructively in reaction to violent themes. (Reynolds, 1982-1983; Needham, 1982-1983). Baker

(1982) caricatures the video aficionado through Juvenalian humor and captures the images of degeneration parents fear so dreadly probable.

Video industry spokespeople argue that parents need to exercise greater responsibility, that children who cut school would anyway, that money and time spent on games are equal to going to a movie, and that most arcades are well monitored. Proponents claim that playing is therapeutic.

(Reynolds 1982-1983; Skow, 1982). Others point to the benefits of motor skill development, familiarizing children with a high technology environment, and giving them a sense of accomplishment and pride, particularly valuable if they have no other means of reinforcement. (Langway, Abramson,

Friendly, Mails, Zabarsky, and Prout, 1981). A college student study reported by Griffith, Voloschin, Gibb, and 21

Bailey (1983) showed that video game players have strikingly more superior eye-hand coordination than a matched sample of non-players. Greenfield (1984) points out that children spend about as much money on games as they would for a movie and that in addition, cost goes down as skill level goes up, buying more time for the quarter.

Still, the games continue to be criticized on the grounds that they induce compulsion, cause children to avoid reality and human contact, have a kill or be killed mentality, and center around instant gratification. (Langway, et. al.,

1981).

Millar and Navarick (1984) tested self control, impulsivity and choice through a schedule of positive reinforcement, using the medium of video games. The subjects were college students whose responses indicated a preference for immediate versus delayed reinforcement and a large reinforcer to a small one. Preference for an immediate small reinforcer to a delayed large reinforcer was greater than preference for an immediate, small reinforcer over an immediate, large reinforcer. Their study points out the strong motivating aspect of video games which somewhat restrains impulsivity.

Gibb, Bartley, Lambirth, and Wilson (1983) gave a personality test using measures from the Bipolar Psycho­ logical Inventory to seventy-nine males and females in video 22 arcades who were twelve to thirty-four years of age. The researchers found no differences between high- and low-, long- and short-term video players in terms of social withdrawal, hostility, self-esteem, and social deviancy.

All the respondents tested within established norms. Females with more playing experience scored higher in achievement motivation than those with less experience.

McClure and Mears (1984) administered a questionnaire to three hundred and thirty six high school language arts students, half male and half female. It included measures of intellectual efficiency and self-control from the

California Personality Inventory as well as response options to questions about video game playing and personal attitudes.

They found that young people who are more frequent players tend to be brighter, are attracted by the challenge of the game, prefer competitive activities, and are comfortable with computers. Characteristics of less frequent players were the reverse of these.

Brooks (1983) in his research found that children who played video games seemed to be just average young people.

He found no evidence of drug and truancy problems. Arcades are generally well lit and supervised. Donchin (1983) emphasizes the contribution to self-esteem that arcade games make, for individuals with no skill can develop a substantial level of expertise in a reasonably short time. 23

Arcades also seem to serve a socializing function.

"In places like the arcade teenagers can meet peers, relieve boredom, act on their emerging sexual identities, and institute cultural practices that build peers into a stable, if temporary, form of social organization." (Panelas, 1983, p. 62).

The greatest single group of video game users is adolescents. They are at a period of their lives when, emerging from childhood, they still have free play time, and they look for social solidarity within a large subculture.

The arcade is one place where they can "...build a social, cultural space free from the direct surveillance of the major institutions that dominate their lives." (Panelas, p. 60). Greenfield (1984) agrees that the arcade is a social gathering place but acknowledges that some arcades are not good agents for this purpose.

In Turkle's (1984) view, the protest against video games signals how people feel about computers in general.

The debate about video game "mindless addiction" doesn't hold up, she asserts, because far from being mindless, the games call for complex differentiated skills, assimilation of knowledge, and the application of strategy. Even learning the patterns requires mental acuity, for a split- second can throw the player off, necessitating recovery based on fast-thinking and coordination.

Naiman (1982) claims that the intoxication of the emotional challenges gives the player a high. Mastery and 24 promise of escape intrigue children. Each enters as an equal. Children can become their own comic book heroes.

(Needham, 1982-83). Video arcades transport children to a different world, one of magic, drama, and theater. The thrill of seeing the parts come together as mastery is achieved is sustaining. It gives children a chance to feel good about something, no matter what else is happening in their lives. (Kegan, 1983).

Berry (1982) speaks directly to young people about putting video games in perspective. First she concedes there are negative influences when behavior is carried to the extreme. These influences include abdication of responsibility, substitution of the machine for friends, dependency, dishonesty, stealing, spending too much money, violence, and destructiveness. She then assures them that by using common sense they can control rather than be controlled by the machine. She advises them to follow these precepts:

1. Set a specific amount of playing time and stay within it. Determine how much free time is available and responsibilities which must be carried out. She admonishes them that if they spend more than twenty-five percent of their free time on video games, they're spending an excessive amount of time. 25

2. Allot a limited amount of money. She warns children that if they are spending more than twenty-five percent of their money on video games they are hooked.

3. Keep things in perspective. The games should be fun. If they're frustrating or upseting, she advises, don't play them.

Why do children play video games? asks Beamer (1982).

They're ready for the technology; they're "vidkids" who have grown up with electronic marvels unheard of in previous generations. So they are prepared, their reflexes are

"electronically attuned" and their "habits electronically oriented." They play for fun, but they also play to show off; they are lonely; they seek refuge; they need a sense of accomplishment and success, especially if they have negative self-concepts and need a sense of control; the games glow with an aura of intelligence; and they present a challenge.

Weighing benefits and harm, he speculates that among the benefits are: computer literacy; eye-hand coordination; logic/patterns skills; problem solving and planning skills; aggression relief; memory development; and training potential.

Harmful effects, he conjectures, include a kill or be killed mentality; violence; immediate gratification; time consumption; obsession, and asocial aspects.

Videogames fascinate not because they appeal to the baser instincts but because they are challenging and entertaining. Kaplan and Kaplan (1981), intrigued by the seductive sexual graphics of pinball, conducted a study of video games to see if there were similar sexual overtones.

They were especially interested in this aspect because the majority of players are teen-age boys. They observed the body language of players, analyzed the graphics of the ten most popular games for sexual content, probed into the features of three popular games (Asteroids, , Space

Invaders), and gave a questionnaire to four hundred and thirty college freshmen. Kinesically they could not attribute movement to sexual statement. In graphics no sexual imagery was evident. In the structure of games there was no sexual symbolism paralleling pinball. The survey question regarding sexual arousal yielded a positive response by only fourteen subjects. The researchers tried to interview game players but found the questions too awkward and discomfiting to continue. They concluded that perhaps the games are so intrinsically and inherently motivating that they don11 need to be marketed with sex.

The world of video games is one of whimsy but not caprice. The world of video games is rule governed and players must abide by the rules. But by assuming the role of the other, players take control. They immerse themselves through imagination and identification (Turkle, 1984).

Adults largely disregard the story themes of games and 27 concentrate on developing particular skills. Children identify more closely with the characters. But the role playing is not open-ended, for the rules circumscribe the player. Yet the players can do more than identify; they can act. Turkle (1984) points out the correspondence to the altered state. In the case of one adolescent she interviewed, feelings converge in this state, where the player is outside the self, carried away, losing self in something outside, but having power and control as well. She describes this state as being close to the edge. Total concentration is part of sustaining the state, the consequences of wandering, deadly, no net to break the fall. In fact, she asserts, it

"demands that players take responsibility for every act."

(p. 84). And it can go on and on, another screen, a bonus, another character. Mistakes can be corrected immediately through replay. "Computer games provide the ultimate chance to eliminate regret." (Loftus and Loftus, 1983, p. 33).

A recurring theme in discussion of video games is that they are rule-governed. They also follow the precepts advanced by Weizenbaum (1976) who states that the rules of any game must be complete and consistent. They are complete if, given any option for action within a game, they are sufficient for deciding if it is legal. They are consistent if no subset of rules will determine that the action is illegal. Part of the appeal of video games may be based on 28

Weizenbaum's observation that all games that are interesting to play have permissive state-transition rules, that is, may permit the player to make one of a large number of moves. The outcome, though determined, is not known to the player, who wishes to know it.

Arcade video games seem to represent a well-ordered, predictable, rational world which can contribute to the social and psychological development of the child. But they also have the power to delude; the meanings they have for children depend upon children's images of themselves and their Weltansicht.

Computers become human companions. The psychology of human emotion resonates to a sapient machine. Arcade video games are more life-like than many machines with which children come into contact. They seem to have a mind of their own and they seem to know in advance the player's strategy. This can be disconcerting. It can also be comforting. Metaphysical conceits often help bridge the known and the unknown.

THE METAPHYSICAL COMPUTER

The relationship between human and computer expressed in language was studied by Scheibe and Erwin (1979) who observed and recorded the spontaneous verbalization of forty undergraduates while they were playing games. The most 29

frequently used pronouns were "it" and "he". They were more often used with games of moderate difficulty rather than with easier ones. Verbalizations were classified into four categories: 1) direct remarks to the computer; 2) questions;

3) exclamations; and 4) commentary, with the last two being the most common. A great use of affect was displayed in the responses, suggesting that the computer is a powerful agent in the development of personality.

Turkle (1984) has found that computers summon up strong feelings. She has been drawn to the subjective side of the computer, which reveals a variety of relationships and styles of interaction. Computers shape personality and identity. In her work with children she found three stages in their relationships with computers: 1) metaphysical

(young children concerned with whether the machine is alive;

2) mastery (children seven or eight on); and 3) identity

(adolescence).

In her conversations with children, the subject of what constitutes being alive and the concept of infinity arose.

Children seemed disconcerted by the metaphysical dimensions of computers. The computer has properties which make it seem alive yet not alive. "The computer provokes children to find ways either to deny it the status of a living being or to grant it a special kind of life," (p. 44). She interviewed over two hundred children, ages four to fourteen, during a six year period in an effort to learn from them

their feelings about computers and electronic toys such as

Marlin, Simon, and Speak and Spell. She became especially intrigued by their psychological way of understanding them.

Talking was prominent among reasons they gave for anthro­ pomorphizing machines. Children also associate the sounds of computers with feelings. Turkle perceived that "the more contact children have with computational objects the more nuanced and elaborated the psychological language becomes,"

(p. 49). To them the computer is kind of alive and it can cheat. Their thinking in this respect was cast along three lines: 1) cheating was attributed to the anatomy of the machines; 2) it was behaviorally ascribed; 3) it was seen as being willful. Computers are made, children recognize, by someone who puts "stuff" in them, a notion Turkle explains, which recalls Piaget's (1982) discussion of the outside push. Even fourth graders at one school she visited who knew computers are not alive in the same way people are alive, talked about them as though they were living things.

The frustration, confusion, anger, and fear generated by the Merlin machine which had a built in flaw may be accounted for by Weizenbaum's (1976) explanation that machines are embodiments of law. Merlin is an electric toy that plays tic-tac-toe. Turkle's version was programmed to make an occasional mistake. When a computer delivers a 31 wrong result we tend at first to think we've made a mistake, not that the machine is malfunctioning. We expect its regularity and obedience to the law it embodies. If it breaks down, and we are perplexed because we don't know why, then we see ourselves as being servants to a capricious law.

The power of this psychological relationship is evidenced in the frustration children displayed in response to Merlin. The loss of control experienced when the computer/ human relationship is disrupted affects total well-being.

Fox and Oakes (1984) replicated with a videogame deception experiments which demonstrated that noncontingent subjects, made unaware of the noncontingency, perform more poorly on subject tasks than contingent counterparts. The researchers found that noncontingency transfers to subsequent behavior in the form of learned helplessness.

The depth of human response to machines astonished

Weizenbaum (1976) when he learned of reactions to ELIZA, a psychoanalytic type of program he designed. He used this format to get around contextual problems of language.

Programming the computer to ask stock questions which would intimate appropriate dialogue primed with vocabulary enabled him to arrange for reasonably intelligent communication. He found that many people insisted ELIZA was real and developed a strong bond with the computer. He speculated that since

ELIZA drew them into conversation with questions which 32 seemed to fit logically, that they opened up their selves to much an extent that it seemed as though, through self- realization, ELIZA truly understood them.

Videogames, through the mechanics of the controls and the program, and through the alternative worlds they represent, give new meaning to self and reality.

VIDEOGAMES, TELEVISION AND VIOLENCE

The relationship between videogame playing and aggressive behavior, drawing upon established links between the viewing of violent television programs and aggressive behavior, has been examined by Dominick (1984). Considering simulation theory (increased probability) and catharsis theory (purging) he finds that

Playing videogames involves the abstract simulation of aggressive acts, an activity that seems to relate to catharsis. It seems possible, therefore, that the cathartic effect might be more likely to occur after videogame playing than after watching television." (p. 138).

Greenfield (1984) speculates that playing video games with aggressive themes may b e 'cathartic in a two-person situation but may increase aggressive tendencies when played alone.

Video games fuse the computer and television.

Television features visual imagery but restricts the viewer to a spectator role. Video games are interactive and give 33 the player more control. Children Greenfield interviewed perferred the games to television for this reason.

Since video games have an interactive feature television does not, Silvern, Williamson, and Countermine (1983) have been interested in the effects of this added dimension.

This study was based on television research which had shown that the action, pace, and visual effects of a program will affect the arousal level of young children and increase the likelihood of aggressive behavior.

Fourteen five year olds from a university lab school program were paired in three sessions. In the first they played with toys. In the second they watched Road Runner before playing with toys. In the third they played Space

Invaders before turning to the toys. The researchers found that aggressive play following television and video play was significantly greater than in the first session which had no preface to it. No differences between the television and video sessions were noted. Boys were significantly more aggressive than girls.

In a related study Silvern and his colleagues (1985) pursued the parallel between television and video games.

The common element the two media share is a story, involving a key character, told through a fantasy which includes aspects of violence. The investigators were familiar with television research on aggression, catharsis, modeling, and 34 arousal theories. Their purpose was to test out the catharsis theory. In their study of twenty-eight children, ages six to nine, they found that playing a competitive video game (boxing) leads to less aggressive behavior. This is in contrast to their earlier study which suggested arousal, rather than catharsis. The experimental circumstances were different in each study, as were the controls established, such that the investigators are working toward a more tightly designed pro.tocol to test out the theories.

In video games aggression rarely involves humans but rather takes the form of blasting spaceships or stylized aliens, analogous to the abstract violence in some cartoons.

However, the amount of exposure to violence is differential in videogames, depending on the skill of player, but is constant for each television viewer. And though there may be a connection between attraction to aggressive television content and preferrence for video games with themes of violence, it is also true that the time devoted to the games diminishes time available for television viewing.

Given these shifting variables Dominick (1984) conducted a study to determine the relationship between

1) videogame playing and watching violent television programs; 2) videogame playing, watching violent television programs, and antisocial behavior; and 3) videogame playing 35 and self-esteem. A survey of tenth and eleventh graders at three high schools in Georgia yielded two hundred and fifty responses, forty-five percent of which were male. The results he reports are as follows:

1. The girls played less and spent less money when they did.

2. Going to the arcade seemed to be more a social activity for girls because more boys answered that they went alone.

3. The boys viewed violent television shows slightly more although boys and girls watched television about the same amount of time.

4. Boys and girls who watched more violent television shows were those who spent more time at the arcade.

5. There was no significance regarding school performance.

6. Questions regarding hypothetical aggression did not show a relationship to television viewing or violent television shows; they did in amount of time spent playing videogames.

7. Questions regarding manifest physical aggression related significantly to viewing violent television shows and to videogame playing, where the relationship for girls was stronger than for boys. 36

8. An aggressive delinquency measure surfaced a significant relationship to arcade videoplaying.

9. Measures of self esteem did not correlate with video game playing for girls but did for boys.

Weighing the data, Dominick concluded that

"video game playing is neither the menace that many of its critics have portrayed it to be nor necessarily without possible negative consequences." (p. 146). The extent to which players are caught up in the games and the extent to which the games seem real may have a bearing on behavioral outcomes. College males, in Green’s

(1975) study of arousal states in situations depicting violence, expressed more aggression following scenes described as real conflict events than those described as fictional. When subjects in the experiment believed that a confrontation they saw in a film was staged, they were less agitated, as measured by blood pressure, and gave less intense shocks to their confederates, than the subjects who were led to believe that the film was an actual recording.

Video games do involve children more than television does, but the question of catharsis versus simulation remains unanswered. The relationship between television and arcade video games was examined by Selnow (1984) who gave a questionnaire to two hundred and two children, ages ten to fourteen, attending a summer sports camp. There were twenty-seven statements about the possible gratifications of video game playing and the children were asked to respond on a five-point scale ranging from always to never true. The questions were based on Greenberg's cluster of reasons for why children watch television. The results confirmed a complementary relationship between television viewing and video game playing. Escape and solitude were frequently cited reasons for playing video games. Players viewed themselves as actual participants, most preferred to play by themselves, and children who played more considered games more companionable than people. One explanation offered by

Turkle (1984) is that computers "offer companionship without the mutuality and complexity of a human relationship,"

(P- 19). The predictions of influence for violent video games would be similar to those made of television and one would expect the mechanism for these effects to be similar as well. However, the nature of violence in video games may cast a different light on this expectation. The violence of video game plots does not involve aggression toward humans.

Often the fantasies are comical or altruistic. Further, the more active and ego involving aspects of video may in themselves modify or change the expected influence. In television, as stable patterns become established for program content, recurrent themes began to directly influence people 38 exposed to it. Social scientists have noticed especially the themes of violence. Children's cartoons are parti­ cularly culpable in this regard. Attention has been given to imitation; disinhibition; desensitization; and main- streaming. As computer technology becomes more available potential effects are increased and will require close examination. (Condry and Keith, 1983). Turkle (1984) points out that those who are concerned about video games often compare them to television but that game players rarely make much an analogy.

SEXISM IN VIDEO GAMES

Van Gelder (1983) points out that violence and sexism in video games are frequently bound up in each other.

Arcade games do have varying themes now, but "even the games that are touted as nonviolent frequently involve rescuing wimpy, passive damsels in distress," (p. 101). The thread of violence is syncretic in other respects, also. As an example, in the game Froqqer if the frog doesn't negotiate the traffic it is splattered. On the other hand, the object of the game is to steer him safely to the water where he jumps logs which occasionally have perched on them a female frog; jumping on her gains more points. Elizabeth Stage, an educational psychologist at Berkley, notes that "The arcade game mentality of bombing and killing is really not that attractive to girls" (Kolata, 1984 p. 25) What girls do like turns out to be surprising sometimes. Rosenberg and

Sutton-Smith (1960) developed a list of games by surveying children in grades one to eight and then asked fourth, fifth, and sixth graders to respond if they played any of the games on the list and whether they liked them. Their responses seemed to suggest that boys preferred a limited number of games and girls a wider variety, including many traditionally thought of as boys' games.

Naiman (1982) points out that video games are geared to male fantasies and that "the arcade game has the power to coopt girls into boys' conventional fantasies," (p. 94).

Boys outnumber girl players. Skow (1982) speculates that women are "...too sensitive to enjoy bloodthirsty games,"

(p. 54). Naiman considers that "maybe the enormous attraction of video games for boys is that they simulate rivalry in a safer sphere than hand-to-hand combat...the excitement of threat, and none of the consequences,"

(p. 94). She even suggests that arcade games may pacify the violent young. Condry and Keith (1983) also attribute sex differences to the environment of arcades and the appeal of the fantasy. Software is geared toward males, emphasizing shooting, sports and rewards which are gender related. The programs stress competition and violence whereas girls often prefer cooperation, fantasy, and music. Boys predominate in 40 arcades. This concerns Kolata (1984) who argues that computer games are the door to computers for children.

As Kiesler, Sprouel, and Eccles (1983) observe, the video arcade is the poolroom of yesteryear, conclave of malls. In many cases it is also the first introduction children have to computers. Most of the games are designed by males for males. The games are geared to male fantasies.

Themes of war and violence predominate. The choices available to girls are not optional for encouraging them.

Aggressive themes seem to disenchant girls. Therefore

Greenfield (1984), referring to Malone's (1981) work, suggests that balance be achieved through constructing fantasies more appealing to girls. Girls tend to avoid arcades because of the negative press and "...because of the dominance of martial games." (Langway, Abramson, Friendly, Maier,

Zabarsky, and Prout, 1981, p. 91). Needham (1982-83) reiterates that the macho nature of games disheartens girls.

In her 1981 study of twenty families in the San Francisco

Bay area who had just purchased home game sets, Mitchell

(1983) found that girls played less and when they did, they preferred playing with someone else. There is a common perception that girls like social activities better than things, and boys the reverse. Even Piaget (1982) maintained that "All workmen and especially mechanics excite the greatest interest in boys, and even in little girls, before their more feminine tastes have begun to predominate," (p. 119).

Maccoby and Jacklin (1974). In their analysis of past

studies did find that on measures of self-confidence girls rate themselves higher in the area of social competence while boys see themselves as strong, powerful, and dominant.

However, in achievement motivation girls score very high.

Maccoby and Jacklin write that "Boys need to be challenged by appeals to ego or competitive motivation to bring their achievement imagery up to the level of girls," (p. 351). On measures of self-esteem they found that girls and boys rate themselves similarly. They also note that girls and boys are both aggressive but express it in different ways.

It would seem that girls are neither repelled by the mechanics of the computer nor the challenge of the games.

It is that the design of the games targets a young male audience.

VIDEO GAME DESIGN

Games have to earn enough money to justify their existence. Conseguently, manufacturers build in enough challenge to keep the player inserting guarters. On the average they expect one minute of play from beginners, five minutes from the more experienced, and two and one half minutes as average play for a quarter. The game designers, then, have to blueprint the game in a way to assure that 42 ' players are beaten many times before they beat the game.

(Lowe, 1982). The theme of games must be alluring. Lowe (1982)

categorizes games into five types: 1) driving; 2) cannon- base like and Centipede; 3) rotating center cannon games such as Asteroids; 4) side-project rocket games

such as Defender; and 5) image games such as Pac Man. In his mind there is a "thrill gap" between a maze character like Pac Man, running from monsters and eating dots, and the

Defender spaceship pilot who can maneuver in any direction, shoot, bomb, pick up and put down men and generally exhibit a more powerful range of capacities.

But Pac Man, created by the Japanese and licensed by

Midway in 1980, has remained a pace setter of popularity, attracting for the first time the attention of many women.

Pac Man is considered cute, as is Centipede where wigglies and spiders parade through the screen in soft colors.

Dona Bailey, who conceptualized Centipede, attributes the success of Pac Man to its easy controls which she transferred to Centipede. (Bloom, 1982). Centipede is a game which allows the player to score big points quickly, giving the impression of accomplishment no matter how soon the game ends. In contrast is Defender which is considered a macho game, down to the players' cowboy stance, "...feet planted wide apart, knees bent slightly, arms outstretched at the hips as though firing two Colt .45s." (Lowe, p. 169). Its creator, Eugene Jarvis, developed his ideas beginning with plausibility. He wanted a world obeying the laws of physics, with a believable environment, and a reason for being in that world besides just killing something. So the surface of the planet evolved, along with a background of stars to add three dimensionability and movement. The spaceship was brought in, then little men walking around.

The men gave him an answer to what the spaceship would defend. Enemies (landers, pods, baiters, swarmers, bombers, mutants) would threaten the men, the spaceship would kill them and rescue the men. The men were conceived as friends, for Jarvis points out that "In most video worlds, the player doesn't have a friend. It's lonely." (Lowe, p. 230). The game has a smart bomb which destroys everything on the screen, hyperspace which catapults the player into unknown space, and the frightening aspect of the humanoids and aliens turning into doubly powerful mutants when the humanoids are abducted by the aliens. Jarvis calls it "...a game for punks, for guys into games, for life-and-death gamers. It's not for people who aren't as dedicated, who just want to have a good time." (Bloom, p. 60). This is 44 the stuff games should be made of, he contends. But there are diverse arcade games, many of which depart from the

Jarvis model. Bloom (1982) categorizes them into the following groups: 1. Space Invader-type - vertical movement, dodge and shoot, left/right fire buttons, aliens come down from above.

2. Defender-type - horizontal movement, extensive control, fuel gathering, shooting.

3. Space wars-type - extensive controls, movement off the screen and return.

4. First-Person-type - player is on the inside looking out with a scanner helping keep track of location.

5. Pac Wan-type - one-way , cartoon characters, movement through a labyrinth.

6. Climbing-type - climbing from bottom to top while avoiding or destroying obstacles. 7. Adventure-type - elaborate and time-consuming.

Card (1983) is critical of the repetition in game designs which he describes as being merely variations on old themes, those being:

1. Target shoot

2. Tag (catch instead of shoot)

3. Coming at you (running and dodging) 4. Scramble (things get in the way of getting from here to there)

5. Maze (several routes to choose among so player must determine the best one).

In his view even the sports games are nothing more than a combination of these elements. He suggests that computer games, rather than copying arcade games, capitalize on these strengths of the computer:

1. time - allowance for think intervals instead of simply training reflexes.

2. permanence - save, change, and re-use formats.

3. ability to create worlds.

4. individuality - a game uniquely the players, distinguishing the player with more than a score.

He offers a program for a game he calls Railroader, with a guide to tailoring it to individual specifications. Video games are participatory but he avers that "the barrier between programmer and audience shouldn't be so vast."

(p. 84). In other words, it's the programmer's world into which the player is peeking. "What are the arcade wizards, except human beings who have learned to obey the demands of a computer program." (p. 30).

Let children, then, construct their own worlds, where "there are dangers; there are laws; there are strategies for survival; there are rewards for achievement. There is a beginning, an ending. You have more than one chance to make good." (p. 84)

The trend of uniformity is based on what sells best.

Therefore, popular games are copies. (Clark, 1982). Clark 46 speculates, too, that since many designers acquired their computer knowledge before they entered the game world, they consequently fit the game to the machine. She claims that they manipulate plot rather than roles or setting, so that balance is sacrificed.

Game designer Kitchen is more critical. He believes that the industry, in order to survive, must offer alter­ natives to the shoot'em up. His game takes hours to learn, days to master, and is best played by cooperating, not competing with another player. (Dispatch,

1984).

Crawford (1982) provides one of the most fascinating accounts of game design,1 lending valuable insight into the ways the relationship between player and computer is assessed and balanced. He bases his treatise on these fundamental assumptions:

° Human thought processes are diffuse, associative and integrated.

0 Machine thought processes are direct, linear, and arithmetic.

° The computer is played in the intellectual territory of the human.

He then answers the question of how a game can be designed to enable the computer to compete with and challenge the human. This is done through the means of 1) vast resources;

2) artificial reckoning; 3) limited information; and 4) pace. 47

Vast resources give the computer immense resources as a power base. They can be large numbers of opponents which operate with elementary intelligence or a small number of opponents more powerful than the human's units. In this way the human player's advantage in intelligence is offset by the computer's material advantages.

Artifical reckoning is his substitute for artificial intelligence. It means that first the most absurd moves are obviated so that reasonable behavior is produced. Second, it means that unpredictability is used to fool humans because if they are able to second-guess the computer's behavior, the illusion of intelligence is forfeited.

Limited information provides a method to restrict the human's superior processing power. Clues to success are provided but complete insights are withheld so that details unfold as the game progresses. Pournelle (1984) echoes this in his discussion of if...then statements, which can help players learn the scientific method. They can be embedded in the game and discovered by the player.

Pace also restricts the human's superior processing skills. If the pace is fast enough, there is not enough time to apply them.

Crawford also covers the several possible combinations of relationships between opponents. One is symmetrical in which the human and computer possess the same properties, strengths, and weaknesses. Such games, he points out, are easier to program and learn. They are also limited by this simplicity. Any strategy is used by both sides simultan­ eously. Execution is prized more than planning in this scheme. Another is asymmetrical in that each player has a unique combination of advantages and disadvantages, thereby equalizing skill level and giving both sides the same likelihood of . Plastic asymmetry lets players select initial traits according to some set of restrictions which if it results in imbalance, makes the player responsible. Asymmetrical games allow for non-transitive or triangular relationships. This allows the player to attack and defend and mix strategies, unbound by a single role.

Binary relationships make direct conflict unavoidable. They are obvious and expected.

In addition to these techniques Crawford discusses the

"illusion of winnability." If a game is truly winnable it will lose its appeal. If it is to be challenging it must provide a continuing motivation to play. In every game players are expected to fail often. If they attribute their failure to a flaw in the game or its controls they will become frustrated and angry. Lyle Rains, Atari, explains it this way: "You want to develop a healthy level of frustration. You want the player to say, 'Gee, if I put another quarter in, I might do better1." (Langway et al., 49

1981, p. 92). The game will otherwise seem unfair and unwinnable. If, on the other hand, players perceive this

failure to be their own shortcoming they will decide the game requires superior skill and again reject it as unfair and unwinnable. However, if they perceive their failure to be the consequence of correctable mistakes they will believe the game to be winnable and continue play in an effort to master it. This elaborates on Martin Keane's observation

(Director of Technology at Bally) that ideally players feel it's their fault if they lose. (Skow, 1982).

A variety of perspectives on game design are offered by

Bloom (1982) who interviewed several designers to elicit their thoughts.

David Crane (formerly Atari, founder of ) - ideas come to him and he then sees if they're playable and graphically intensive enough

Alan Miller (formerly Atari, founder of Activision) - many themes are discarded because they require too much strategy or too much practice to get good at.

Morgan Henry (Atari and creater of Battle Zone) - Listens to and watches people play. Avoids one-activity games.

Eugene Jarvis (Williams Electronics and Creator of Defender) - The mass appeal of games disturbs him because it has created a new breed of player, less skilled, less dedicated, less macho. Television bores people; it's non- participatory. "Games let you take part, allow you to not just escape into another reality, but be the star." (p. 60). 50

David Nutting (an independent who sells to Bally) - State of the art graphics allow players to participate, "like becoming a character in a movie." He has anticipated a new wave of non-violent games and states "...we have to make it so that every time you play, the game will be different." (p. 52-63)

Dona Bailey (formerly Atari) - graphics are the focal point.

Edward Rotberg (formerly Atari) - ideas are everywhere. The technology and cost are determinants.

Gary Shannon (Gremlin) - "Video games transport people out of this world into a complete fantasy world. The games must rivet your attention - lapses won't do... The player has to remain active, must be required to do something all the time." (p. 72)

Tim Skelly (an independent, formerly ) - "If there was one central feeling we went for, it was visceral impact. When you got destroyed, we wanted you to feel it." He postulates a "Zen theory of arcade games." The player's attention is caught with lights. "Lights help you focus directly on the endeavor at hand. You concentrate on trying to reach a goal, which in itself is a form of aggression. Basically, you shut down your conscious brain. You are in a light hypnotic state. ...you get to pick up things, to shoot, to score. You must not die - that's the anxiety element. Even if you get blown away...you still feel good because of all the sensory things that have been going on. Anxiety and aggression are the two keys to designing games." (p. 75).

There are nine criteria for good games, according to

Kohl (1983):

1. Intrinsic interest and complexity.

2. Simultaneous processing.

3. Simple and understandable instructions. 51

4. The level of play should be clear. Every beginner should have a way to enter every game so that they can succeed even if only in a very small way.

5. Exciting and poetic.

6. Not too easy a solution.

7. Randomness.

8. No age-grading.

9. Input and feedback.

By interviewing video game players and playing games to identify features of arcade games, Chapin (1983) found that the most important are:

1. Feedback - instant, auditory and visual. Through trial and error the player improves performance.

2. High Response Rate - requires players to devote total attention and leads to automatic responses.

3. Improvement - demonstrable progress.

4. Unlimited Ceilings - players can continue, seemingly forever, to improve their game scores.

There is a psychology of game design based on the principle of reinforcement. Partial reinforcement leads to behavior that occurs more rapidly and is more resistent to extinction. Game designers use variable-ratio or variable- internal schedules of reinforcement which are controlled by the computer. The reward must be scaled so that it's not so large it seems unreal. The shorter the delay in reinforce­ ment, the quicker the behavior will increase in frequency.

(Loftus and Loftus, 1983). 52

Game designers, as Beamer (1982) theorizes, develop their concepts from the following consideratons:

1. Wizardry - whistles and bells

2. Interest - their own fascination

3. Frustration level - setting up players so they think it's their fault if they lose and become determined to try again. They must not think the machine is smarter or better, that the program is unbeatable, the rules unfair, incomprehensible, or unpredictable.

4. Skill Ladder - different levels of competency within a game to accommodate a wide variety of players.

5. Random Reinforcement

6. Methodical Reinforcement

7. Titillation - visual, auditory, emotional

8. Tricks of the trade - same basic game but change the microchip.

9. Active Entertainment.

There are common denominators in game design which pivot on motivation. Among them are a fair challenge, antici­ pation of reward, appeal to the senses, lure of the unknown, credibility, and integrity of the program. Games have a dualistic nature which balances the relationship between player and machine. They are hard but easy, winnable but illusively so, fast paced yet not rushed, controlling but controlled, unlimited but finite, possible but impossible, and smarter than but not as smart as. The juxtaposition of 53 multiple concepts in arcade games gives them broad based appeal and unifies intellect with emotion.

EDUCATIONAL ATTRIBUTES OF VIDEO GAMES

Based on the characteristics of Pac Man, which engages children for sustained periods of time and is enduring as well, Bowman (1982) suggests that learning can be made enjoyable by balancing skill and challenge. Extending the

Pac Man model he recommends that the learning situation be structured so that:

- reward is immediate - everyone is rewarded - a one-to-one relationship is maintained - surprises and suspense versus routine and predictability are created - kids help each other.

Hakanssan, a designer of computer learning games who created Sesame Place's Computer Gallery and formed the

Children's Computer Workshop, believes that through games an engaging, entertaining, and interactive learning environment can be created where the learning concept is embedded and the stages of learning are controlled by the child, not the computer nor the teacher. (Rheingold, 1983).

Likewise, Piestrup, part of the team which created

Rocky's Boots, feels that the colorful, fast changing displays of computer games are somehow related to the learning process and that the game itself provides a 54 landscape of concepts for students to discover. Thus her object is to create a world where risk-taking is encouraged, feedback in gently provided, failure is impossible, success is rewarded with power, and mastery of knowledge leads to greater challenges. (Rheingold, 1983).

Long and Long (1984) in considering the aspects of video games which are transferrable to the learning setting identified the following:

1. Active involvement

2. Option of quitting when the task goes beyond the learner’s ability level

3. Short periods of intense activity

4. Flexible time schedules for learning

5. A controllable environment

6. The chance for mastery

7. Successive levels of difficulty which, . instead of frustrating or discouraging players, motivates them to improve skills, coordination, response time, and strategies.

8. Deductive reasoning to learn from mistakes

9. Continuous auditory and visual feedback

10. As more is learned, anticipation is enhanced and strategies are developed.

11. Thinking in diverse ways is prompted and concentration is improved.

Bowman (1982) observed in his analysis of Pac Man that

1. Skills and challenges are progressively balanced. 55

2. Goals are clear.

3. Feedback is immediate and unambiguous.

4. Relevant stimuli can be differentiated from irrelevant stimuli. These features of games aid the learner in problem solving.

Goals are discerned and means to reach them are analyzed in an iterative way. Cues and clues are sorted, sifted, and used for the contribution they make toward clarification.

Stowbridge and Kugel (1983) demonstrated that the strategies used in learning games represent problem solving approaches in general which are skills applicable to other types of tasks. They had students play various games, each of which was set up with some type of problem. The students then convened to collectively discuss their experiences and returned to the games to reapply their shared knowledge.

The game environment was especially selected for the experiment since it is rule guided, non-threatening, and reports error right away. One observation which can be extended to the practice of teaching and the art of learning is that in the game, any approach that works rewards the player and inspires confidence. The principles the investigators derived from this exercise which parallels problem solving in general are:

- Gather information and see if it is similar to other situations

- List opinions

- Try out each option in turn 56

In other words, the learner reasons.

Malone (1981) conducted three studies to ascertain the features of video games which children find appealing. He has been especially interested in applying those features to school-based learning. In the first study he surveyed elementary students to identify their game preferences. The list of games he provided them was generated by having computer teachers identify the most popular ones. The games were rated on a four-point scale; the order of the list was randomized so that one-half of the respondents saw one ordering while the other half of the subjects saw the reverse. There appeared to be no strong agreement about which games were the best liked. To get a measure of the characteristics defining the most popular games he used a rating based on Banet's motivational value. Through this means he was able to discern that games with goals were the most favored. Other features which linked to game popularity were scoring, audio effects, and randomness. A clear distinction and preference was made for graphics versus word games.

Using this information he investigated in a second study some of the specific characteristics which had been identified. He chose Breakout, one of the most popular games, to test some of the attributes. Breakout is a game which involves 1) scoring, 2) breaking out bricks, and 57

3) bouncing the the ball off the paddle. He constructed six different versions of the game, varying the three features.

The subjects were ten Stanford undergraduates, eight men and two women. He concluded that the goal of breaking out the bricks was the most salient factor of the game and that its entertainment value was much diminished by eliminating the ball bouncing from the paddle. In his analysis he theorized that: "A partially destroyed wall of bricks presents a visually compelling fantasy goal and, at the same time, is a graphic score-keeping device telling how close the player is to attaining that goal. It thus provides a goal, a visual effect, fantasy, and scoring all at the same time." (p. 348).

In his third study Malone used the videogame Darts as an instrument to further explore salient factors of appeal.

This game was developed to teach elementary students about fractions. It introduces three balloons at random. Players try to guess the position of the balloons by typing in' numbers which direct an arrow to them. A circus theme plays at the beginning of the game; if within four tries all three balloons are burst a short song is played. The following variations of the game were created by Malone:

1. No feedback to pl’ayer

2. Performance feedback

3. Scoring

4. Constructive feedback 58

5. Extrinsic fantasy (each time a player guessed correctly, an arrow popped a balloon in another part of the screen).

6. Music 7. Graphic representation

8. Intrinsic fantasy (arrows popped the balloons on the number line)

Interest level was gauged by 1) how long Darts was played compared to the game Hangman, 2) rating on a five-point scale, 3) and a directed question asking which game players preferred.

In this experiment Malone learned that girls preferred the version where the correctness of a guess is not known until the arrow approaches the target versus the one where the arrow is shot by a correct guess. He speculated that girls may be more impulsive or achievement-oriented. He conjectured, too, that the balloon and arrow fantasy just was not appealing to them. Based on his findings Malone suggests that instruc­ tional designers attend to concepts based on challenge, fantasy, and curiosity. The first concept, challenge, he explains, results from providing goals without the assurance of achievement so that there is a measure of success uncertainty. Good goals are those which are personally meaningful. Performance feedback must show the player the extent to which the goal is being achieved. Uncertain 59 outcome can be intimated through variable difficulty levels and multiple level goals. Multiple level goals can be incorporated through the following:

1. Vary the difficulty level of the same set of goals.

2. Let accomplishment of lower level goals lead the learner to higher level goals.

3. Embed information and selectively disclose it.

4. Introduce an element of randomness.

5. Allow the learner to accomplish something at any stage. The second concept, fantasy, lends interest and has intrinsic as well as extrinsic form. Metaphorical presenta­ tion of material to be learned gives the learner new ways of perceiving. Emotionally involving fantasies are compelling.

Since students should be able to relate to the fantasy which carries the image of the learning situation, Malone suggests that they be given choices so that they can select their favorites.

The third concept, curiosity, can be provoked by providing an appropriately moderated level of complexity, wherein some aspects are new and unexpected but the learner does know enough to have some expectations. Here Malone argues for adjustment of the environment to the learner. He discusses two types of curiosity. One is sensory, involving audio-visual stimuli, such as graphics, animation, and music. These are effects which can be used as 1) decoration; 60

2) fantasy enhancement; 3) reward; and 4) a representation system. The other is cognitive, aimed at making the learner want to understand. To do this just enough information is presented to make the learner's knowledge seem insufficient.

The fourth concept, information feedback, is based on the element of surprise (selective unveiling which makes sense at the time of disclosure.) It must also be con­ structive so that the learner can develop a knowledge base.

Identified by Driskell and Dwyer (1984) as being among the most captivating of video game features which sustain player interest are interactive graphics, scoring, and fast pacing. Challenge, competition and curiosity spin off from them. The authors, interested in assaying the potential learning properties of video game-based trainers observed that the following characteristics lend themselves nicely to this purpose: 1) the games involve active participation;

2) they are rule governed; 3) they have specified goals;

4) outcomes are uncertain; 5) there is immediate performance feedback; and 5) player skill and level of challenge are balanced. They found motivational aspects of games to be a promising learning aid since in learning situations where the subject matter itself may not be engaging at the intrinsic level, there is still an extrinsic excitement which may hold attention. • Their views on the motivational features of video games are that they incorporate: 61

1. Challenge - Not too hard or too easy and leading to a "valued goal". They see the state before reaching the goal as being one of "cognitive inbalance or tension," thus increasing motivation. They too sum up the mechanics of games which contribute to challenge by listing "(a) variable difficulty levels, (b) multiple-level goals, (c) cummulative scorekeeping, (d) informational feedback, and (3) unlimited ceiling in performance," (p. 13).

2. Fantasy - enhances excitement but since it is a product of unreality players do not have to worry about the consequences of their actions. It also "facilitates imagery processes."

3. Mastery - curiosity stimulates the player to continue playing and improving to figure out the game and reach new levels.

Game designs are based on principles of "(a) fast pacing and motivational complexity, (b) auditory and visual effects,

(c) informational feedback, and (d) novel environment and game structures," (p. 14).

Driskell and Dwyer considered these principles of in the context of learning strategies and noted that they correspond to paired-associate learning in the following respects:

1. Contiguity - adherence between the stimulus and response items to be learned. 62

2. Informational Feedback - knowledge of results.

3. Practice - rehearsal

4. Content Adaptability - difficulty level adjusts to user performance 5. Focalization - concentration enhanced

6. Interactive Instruction

The application of arcade game features to the construction of engaging learning environments has been prototyped in the ARC-ED Curriculum whose authors have observed

"...it is not inconceivable that many...school learning tasks could be presented through the arcade format-or at least include features of arcade games as a means for motivating students to master educational content." (Chaffin, Maxwell, & Thomas, 1982, p. 175).

The dollars children invest in games attest to their popularity and motivational appeal. So between August, 1980 and December, 1981 Chaffin et. al., conceptualized and developed six arithmetic educational games based on video game formats. These were marketed under the trade name

Arcademic Skillbuilders. They combined concepts of academics and the arcade, building on the following motivational features of video games which they considered to be educationally relevant:

1. Feedback - both visual and auditory and immediate.

Consequence of player response is discerned right away and 63 the score is continuously updated. Correction and improve­ ment usually occur through deductive reasoning.

2. Improvement - change in performance resulting from familiarity and strategy. Poor initial performance is not viewed as failure but as a challenge to improve score.

3. High Response Rates - pacing is fast, attention is focused, and covert decisions are continuously made.

4. Unlimited Ceiling in Performance - difficulty levels increase with progress in ways which are encouraging and minimize frustration.

5. Other Features - graphics, sound, and color.

Built on these features,the ARC-ED Curriculum is keyed to fast pacing; immediate feedback; unlimited celiing; focus on improvement; "want makers not need makers"; mastery based on speed as well as accuracy; and utilization of feedback. But in order to take advantage of the motivational elements of video games for instructional purposes, the authors suggest that educational premises be re-thought. The standard curriculum emphasizes correct responses but perhaps needs to take into account amount of improvement as well. Accuracy is a test of mastery but so is frequency. Student needs, defined by teachers., professors, and textbook publishers, drive the curriculum, to the neglect of student wants. The curriculum should be presented in ways which make children want to learn. Pressure to succeed characterizes school 64 whereas the opportunity to get a fresh start, get another chance to improve, and take satisfaction in small accom­ plishments may be more instrumental in helping students learn. Players learn by self-instruction. As their perfor­ mance improves they are able to explore and discover more and exercise a greater degree of control. This motivates and entertains them, a combination which, if grounded in learning, will stimulate children to want to learn.

(Rheingold, 1983).

Video games teach quickly and imperceptibly. The player is manipulated and manipulates. The player has the illusion of control but obeys predetermined laws. Using these concepts in education can put the learner in control, and allow the learner to take charge, while being led and guided (Naiman, 1982).

Instruction of specialized skills such as spatial visualization can be faciliated by the special proprieties of video games. If success in mathematics is a function of spatial reasoning in contrast to verbal-analytic approaches to problem solving, then training to improve this ability may benefit learners, particularly women, if the evidence supports claims that they tend to be more verbal-analytic and that there is indeed a relationship to mathematics learning. Video games call for repeated interactions, offer auditory feedback, and simulate three-dimensionality, all of which are instrumental in training spatial skills. The timed nature of games also helps channel learners into spatial processing^ Coordination of horizontal and vertical axes is inherent in video games and they demand that visual, auditory, and haptic modalities be integrated. Rotation and movement of objects is also common to video games and would appear to carry over to spatial visualization. Thus the video game is a useful tool in this regard. (Lowery &

Knirk, 1982).

Factors underlying the potential of educating through video games have been addressed by Perkins (1983):

1. Motivation - enthralling, alluring

2. Activation - level of challenge meets the learner's degree of mastery

3. Information - immediate and can be individualized

4. Replication - good programs can be offered to-all students, one on one.

He cautions, however, that one must consider how sustaining the motivation will be, what must be sacrificed to add scoring and graphics, and whether children will be so caught up in the fantasy that they aren't really learning.

He wonders, too, if children will learn academic skills which they can't or won't use except through videogames. He urges educators to give thought to "contextual welding," the transfer of learning in a video game context into other contexts of application. 66

Insights into how players learn are provided by Loftus and Loftus (1983). Sensory bombardment transmits volumes of information to the player. Not all information is needed and total retention would be a hinderance to learning. Some information is critically filtered as the player attends to different sets of incoming information. Performance in video games depends on speed; adroitness in shifting attention from one set of information to another is important.

Some of these shifts are accomplished through eye movement, where peripheral visual is especially helpful. Much information is stored in short-term memory, which has a small capacity. Information in this sphere is lost quickly but can be longer retained through rehearsal. The infor­ mation stored in long-term memory must be accessed quickly in video game playing.

When the player approaches a new game, games played earlier may influence learning and even interfere, especially with similar games. Thus spaced practice rather than "massed" or continuous practice may be the most beneficial. Anticipation is essential-to know when things or what things may occur so that reactions can be planned.

Visual, verbal, and auditory signals must be coordinated.

But the ability to process information visually rather than verbally is the most important in video games, which emphasize visual skills. The ability to perform mental rotations also helps video game players. Motor performance skill and eye/hand coordination is needed for games. Performance gets better with practice.

When players first learn a game they show rapid improvement which then plateaus; the longer they play the slower subsequent improvement will be but it will continue to go up. Most video games are programmed to keep getting harder as the player gets better. When the motor skill has been developed to the point it is automatic it can be done with a minimum of conscious control. Players are usually able to do better when they're not thinking so much about the game.

Videogame players adjust their strategies as they learn. They figure out what is essential and try one or more different strategies for solving the problem. New strategies are discovered, goals are ascertained along with ways for reaching them. Many small bits of information are forged into fewer, bigger ones.

Papert (1980) stresses that children should learn without being taught, a Piagetian concept. In the classroom children seem either to have "got it" or "got it wrong."

With the computer they can fix what goes wrong rather than remaining stuck and being judged on the basis of a predeter­ mined response. The computer allows their mind to keep working instead of stopping it with brakes. While some association is made between computer learning and mechanical thinking, Papert points out that a step by step approach is 68 appropriate for learning certain subjects. So by recognizing what mechanical thinking is and is not, learners may be in a better position to choose a style of thinking to satisfy the requirements of any given task. He emphasizes the significance of "learning that" versus "learning how" and sees the computer as an instrument to promote collaboration between teacher and learner. They can share a problem and the experience of solving it; the teacher doesn't have to feign knowledge. What the learner can learn depends, then, not on the content of the knowledge but the learner's relationship to it. Diminishing the teacher's role as critic is a valuable function of games, notes Coleman (1967). Games can develop in players a sense of control over their destiny. Children, he is convinced, learn best by experiencing the consequences of their actions, not by being taught. In class students operate at different levels while the instruction does not.

Games can cover a wider range of skills and accommodate for more abilities. They provide a "buffered" learning situation where the child can explore and discover without penality. CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

Naturalistic Inquiry

An ethnographic study has as its basis a commitment to understanding a particular milieu from both an etic and an emic perspective. Implicit in its methodological framework is the value placed on participant/observation. The researcher must gain entre to a setting by acting out the roles of the people in that environment and must develop a persona in accordance with the rules which govern that world. From this immersion into the culture the researcher acquires a sensitivity to the forces operating on that world and how the people within it interpret them. This qualitative approach differs from the quantitative orientation in that it emphasizes the participant's point of view, unfiltered by a prescribed and circumscribed unit of analysis. Language, context, nuance, texture, circumstance, condition - all of these are terms which suggest that in qualitative research there is a fundamental recognition of the human as a complex entity which cannot be reduced to the sum of its parts.

Thus it is that the selection of a methodology reflects a philosophical bias as much as a research design decision,

69 70

though it must clearly reflect the nature of the question being asked. Schatzman and Strauss (1973) write that "For the naturalistically-oriented humanist, the choice of method is virtually a logical imperative," (p. 5). Lincoln and Guba

(1985) explain that:

...whatever may be the state of affairs regarding paradigm fit in the so-called hard and life sciences, the naturalistic paradigm provides a better degree of fit with substantive paradigms in the areas of social/behavioral research, (p. 66).

Hammersly and Atkinson (1983) devote attention to an engaging discussion of "what is ethnography" by contrasting positivism and naturalism. Lincoln and Guba (1985) more

fully articulate the discussion through a Kuhnian concept of paradigm as do Cook and Reichardt (1979). Bogdan and Biklen

(1982) provide a brief history of the evolution of qualitative research in anthropology and sociology. They regard phenomenology as its foundation. In the phenomeno­ logical framework the researcher makes no assumption about what people know but rather seeks to grasp the subjective aspects of their behavior.

Positivists have charged phenomenologists employ unscientific research procedures. £ist (1977) refutes some of their claims by pointing out that issues of reliability, validity, generalizability, and subjectivity are concerns of qualitative researchers. Guba (1981) replaces these conventional terms with concepts more appropriate to the 71 naturalistic context: credibility; transferability; dependability; and confirmability.

Lincoln and Guba (1985) make an eloquent, persuasive case for the legitimacy of naturalistic inquiry. One of its most compelling characteristics is that it is holistic in nature. Dobbert (1982) links this feature to the anthro­ pological tradition in which studies are field-based, conducted with a natural history approach, and use the self as the primary instrument of research. Among the fourteen characteristics of naturalistic inquiry identified by

Lincoln and Guba (1985) are the following which serve to guide the researcher to verstehen: 1) natural setting;

2) human instrument; 3) tacit knowledge; 4) qualitative methods; 5) purposive sampling; 6) inductive data analysis;

7) grounded theory; 8) emergent design; 9) negotiated outcomes; 10) idiographic interpretation; 11) case study reporting mode; 12) tentative application; 13) focus- determined boundaries; and 14) special criteria for trustworthiness.

The ideology and procedures of naturalistic inquiry were applied to the description of the arcade game culture to puzzle out its meanings to the participants from their viewpoint. 72

RESEARCH DESIGN

Shaffir, Stebbins, and Turovetz (1980) offer practical advice to the fieldworker based upon researchers’ accounts of their experiences and the writings of scholars in the field. The basic steps around which a field study are organized are 1) getting in; 2) learning the ropes;

3) maintaining relations; and 4) leaving the field.

Getting in requires authorization from gatekeepers to conduct the study. In order to elicit their permission it is often necessary to demonstrate the value of the study to them. There is a reciprocal relationship which enables both parties to benefit from the study. Identifying the authority figures is important as is approaching them diplomatically.

The researcher cannot promise to deliver more than is reasonable nor misrepresent the intent of the study. In discussing access Bogdan and Biklen (1982) identify key questions gatekeepers are likely to ask and advise the researcher to be prepared to respond to them. They are:

1) What are you actually going to do?; 2) Will you be disruptive?; 3) What are you going to do with your findings?; 4) Why us?; and 5) What will we get out of this?

Schatzman and Strauss (1973) state it as guaranteeing confidentiality, respect, and objectivity. In this study the setting was first "cased" to get a sense of the composition of players, traffic patterns, and general set-up. Schatzman and Strauss (1973) suggest "casing" to determine suitability, feasibility, and appropriate tactics. The site was chosen because it is located in a large, heavily trafficked shopping mall. During random visits the researcher noted a representative mix of children. The attendants were approached with an explanation of the study and the researcher's role. They referred the researcher to the manager. He pursued questions regarding negative aspects of the study, forewarning that a project unfavorable to the arcade would not be endorsed. He could not of his own authority give permission to conduct the proposed study and referred the researcher to corporate headquarters in Chicago, identifying the contact: A letter of explanation and request for permission was sent to the Vice President for Marketing.

Follow-up calls were made after two weeks. Within a month the corporation agreed to the study. The Vice President explored the negative side and made sure there was no intent to criticize arcades. After some discussion he seemed receptive and welcomed research which could contribute knowledge. The manager was apprised of the approval. One attendant had suggested the possible need for written, formal authorization but the researcher reported the discussion with Chicago back to the manager who was satisfied to proceed on that basis.

Once gaining entre the researcher has to learn the ropes. Much of this consists of simply being in the field for a sustained period of time. Initially the researcher is quite naive and ignorant. Yet this is not an unwelcome state for it helps screen out biases and preconceptions and allows researchers to become familiar through their roles in the setting. It is a somewhat distressing state as the researcher feels stupid and vulnerable, not knowing whom to trust, what to trust, or whether impressions are valid. But gradually there is increasing awareness and perspicacity.

In this study the attendants served as introductory guides to the arcade. By occasionally playing games, staying in close touch with the attendants, and spending hours standing around and watching, things came into focus and the arcade seemed less foreign and alien. Changing roles added depth to understanding. In a child's world adults can never become children. Children will always see them as adults.

So the researcher, although playing games, talking at the child's level, and dressing casually, remained an adult.

But the researcher did become a player and this was probably a more important relationship to the children since it was one they could relate to on the same level, not hierar­ chically, and not artificially.

The attendants were cordial and helpful, which facilitated the development of a relationship with them.

Parents seldom came into the arcade but when they did, they were easily and readily approachable. It was very difficult, however, to establish rapport with the children. They were non-communicative, spoke in monosyllables, and were hard to reach. Learning the ropes meant ascertaining when during the course of play they might be engaged in conversation:

When they first came in? At the beginning of a game? End of a game? At the dollar bill changer? At the token machine? When they were leaving one game headed for another?

When they inserted a token but before activating the game?

Between screens? During two play when one of the two wasn't playing? Through trial and error and over the course of time this was worked out. Then another set of problems emerged. When children were asked why they liked a game they'd respond "I don't know" or shrug their shoulders and murmur "Cause I like it." Drawing out their thoughts took persistence and the application of a variety of questioning techniques.

In order to maintain relations the researcher, upon entering the field, exchanged social amenities with the attendants. Then the topic was turned to events in the arcade. Sometimes the personal exchanges added another dimension to the data. As an example, when one attendant returned from a Women's Studies Conference she talked a lot about sexism in the games. Rapport with the attendants was maintained in other ways, also. The researcher was a good listener and often times the attendants appreciated talking 76 to another adult. The researcher also offered to relieve them by getting refreshments since the attendants could not leave their stations. When the attendants were repairing machines the researcher approached them helpfully, careful not to distract or interfere. And, in leaving at the end of a field visit the researcher always made farewells to the attendants.

With children a variety of techniques were employed to , I maintain relations with them. The researcher would go up to a game and if a child was playing, would ask if she or he would like to play a game. If they nodded, the researcher put tokens in for both of them. Or the researcher would say to a child "If I put tokens in would you show me how to play this game?" Another approach was "I'm a student at Ohio

State doing a project on what kids think of video games. If

I give you a couple of tokens would you mind answering some questions about your favorite games and stuff like that."

When good players were found the researcher would use them as informants. In exchange for tokens they would explain the games as they played them.

Relations were also maintained with the corporate offices. A personal visit was arranged in Chicago which the researcher followed up with thank-you letters. When the questionnaire was contemplated permission was sought to administer it. Periodic contact with the Chicago Corporate 77

Office was maintained. The draft survey instrument was presented to them for their review.

Leaving the field was not a matter of abrupt disconnection. After several months the researcher paced down site visits and dedicated more time to analysis and- writing. Following this period the researcher returned to the site for additional observation and interpretation, confirmation, and validation of findings, with attendants and a key informant. Even though now out of the field the researcher returns occasionally to the arcade. However, the attendants have all left, including the manager.

PARTICIPANT/OBSERVATION

Spradley (1980) discusses the merits of various forms of researcher participation in a setting. Once the role is determined he recommends that the researcher begin with general observations and questions which are descriptive in nature. This period phases into focused and then selective observations and questions although no one period is ever phased out completely. Descriptive observations he types as grand tour and mini-tour. Grand tour observations take in dimensions of 1) space; 2) action; 3) activity; 4) object;

5) act; 6) event; 7) time; 8) goal; and 9) feeling. Mini­ tours are snapshots within a setting. Rather than a sweeping panaramic view they frame some particular aspect for 78 exploration. Questions coupled with observation at the grand or mini-tour levels surface relationships among the minidimensions. The arcade was visited at varying times on varying days to try to discern patterns in types of players, types of play, behaviors, and any other distinguishable features of the environment. A temporal pattern soon emerged. Children came in primarily on Friday evenings and Saturday afternoons, especially just before and after the matinee. During school days no children came in except for an occasional infant or toddler brought by a mother just passing through as a diversion. Even during the summer there were few children in attendance during the week day. Children present when it was less dense were less approachable than when it was crowded. They were less willing to talk and would leave the arcade if special notice was taken of them.

It was difficult to approach children. First, they are taught not to trust strangers. Second, they are in the arcade to have fun, not to be hassled with questions. Early in the study the researcher would watch children a while and then try to ask them questions while they were leaving one machine to go to another or while they were waiting for the next wave of the program. Questions other than those which related to specific aspects of the game being played were not well received. Children would not say anything or shrug and say "I don't know", and even walk away if they weren't playing. Questions seemed to make them uneasy and trapped.

Their eyes darted around and they were poised to scurry away. The researcher tried different tactics like queing up for a game and then asking a child waiting if she or he would like to play, putting in tokens for two-play while asking. Children who looked like they had perhaps run out of tokens or had no money, judging from their circuit through the arcade and the extent to which they played games were approached. The researcher would explain that she was a student at Ohio State doing a study of "what kids think about video games" and offer them a couple of tokens for answering questions. Initially the researcher was discouraged by children's lack of enthusiasm and uneasy about soliciting information. Sometimes parents would come in just as the researcher was turning away from a child and they'd hasten over in apparent anxiety. A few times when children were talking with the researcher the parent would come to take them away and would insist they leave immediately. If the child asked to finish answering the question the parent would become quite forceful.

The first observation was begun by making a map of the location of the games so that it could be used to help recall situations. The markings were labored over until children started staring, after which the cartographic task was less studied. This early awareness of how the researcher's presence might be intrusive resulted in note- taking being delayed until departure from the arcade. After a few attempts at total recall which failed miserably the researcher took breaks every hour or so to jot down notes.

Even this was unsatisfactory so yet another method was applied. A game located in a corner was down so the surface of the inner part of the cabinet was used to scribble notes. Sometimes a piece of 8^ x 11" or 8% x 14" paper was folded in fourths and used for speed writing as the researcher circulated through the arcade. As the researcher became more adjusted to the instanteous note-taking it also became clear that, children hardly took notice. Eventually notes were openly recorded as children were talking. This did not seem to affect them. Every once in a while one would ask

"Are you writin' all this stuff I'm sayin1 down?" and the researcher would reply that it was necessary to refer to their thoughts later on to aid in recollection. One boy asked if the researcher was "doing secretary writing," another wanted to know if the researcher was a reporter, and one asked to see what had been written. The completeness of what was being translated to writing was uneven. Spradley

(1980) points out that notes taken during field observations represent an abbreviated version of what actually occured, captured in fragments of phrases, single words, and 81 unconnected sentences. Note-taking still seemed problematic so a tape recorder was used. Neither the attendants nor police officers were recorded for fear that they would be too self-conscious or would be reluctant to express their real feelings. The recorder was on while standing at a machine to try to pick up player monologue or dialogue.

There were many noise distractions which garbled the audio reading, however. Arcades are very noisy. Each game has unique sounds, there were fifty games being played at any one time, and coupled with people sounds the noise frequency is high. Especially contributing to the cacophony are firing games and those with things blowing up. The Hyper

Sports and Track and Field games are pronounced in the sound chatter they create. Players bang the buttons rapidly while yelling loudly. Not only is there a roar of background noise, the game where the microphone is the closest clamors above the din. Also, a powerful microphone is needed to capture conversation. Short of putting it up to the speaker's mouth there's no way to capture all talk. Children were recorded when they discussed the games with the researcher. There was no attempt to conceal it. No children objected or seemed anxious about being recorded. It was helpful to replay talk with the children so that the tenor could be modified if it seemed unnatural, cold, was couched in big words, didn't sound conversational, or seemed to neglect points which should have been pursued when children 82 mentioned them. Thus it made the researcher a better

communicator.

The attendants were good informants although they were not completely attuned to the children's arcade world view.

At first learning about the games and trying to figure out

if there were new ones, relocated ones, and withdrawn ones was time consuming. The attendants always helped reconfigure the map.

Parents were generally cordial when the purpose of the study was explained and their opinions sought, although they

seemed often almost embarrassed to express their ideas.

Most were excited about the study and were interested in the

findings.

A couple of months into the study the researcher made an appointment to see the Vice President of Marketing at

Aladdin's Castle in Chicago. Aladdin's is a large national arcade chain owned by Bally-Midway. He dedicated the entire day and was most helpful and interested. When asked about administering a written survey he was quite amenable. The executive vice president was introduced and shared his experiences and views. The offices of Aladdin's are located in the same complex as Bally's. A receptionist sits behind a glass-enclosed area and electronically unlocks an entrance to the offices to certified visitors who wear guest badges. 83

In addition to visiting Aladdin's the researcher also conducted a telephone interview with Rhiannon, a software designer for programs with girls as their target audience.

When they learned of the nature of the study they enthusias­ tically responded and as information was exchanged the interview developed in an illuminating way for both parties.

They were particularly intrigued with the cooperative nature of girls' play.

Thus ethnographic interviews also added meaning to the video game culture. Meaning can be inferred from the language of participants. The role of the participant/ observer must be balanced in order to see beyond the particular yet develop a native perspective. The juxtaposition of the role provides a wide angle lens with focusing capability. Involvement of the researcher lends indigenous insights.

By using triangulated sources of data the researcher reconstructed the world view of the arcade through inductive analysis; As connections were made and taxonomies generated, a case study description evolved.

CHART 1

Schedule of Observation

April 13 Friday 10:00 am-12:30 pm 2^ Hours

April 17 Tuesday 11 : 00- 1:00 2 Hours

April 19 Thursday 12:00-1:30 1^ Hours 84

Chart 1 (continued)

April 21 Saturday 12:00-3:00 3 Hours

April 25 Wednesday 7:00-9:00 pm 2 Hours

April 27 Friday 1:00-3:00 3 Hours

May 4 'Friday 7:00-9:00 2 Hours

May 5 Saturday 2:30-5:00 2^ Hours

May 7 Monday 11:00-12:00 1 Hour

May 15 Tuesday 2:30-5:00 Hours

May 19 Saturday 3:00-5:00 2 Hours

May 20 Sunday 2:00-4:30 2^ Hours

May 23 Wednesday 12:00-2:00 2 Hours

May 30 Wednesday 12:30-4:30 4 Hours

June 1 Friday 7:00-9:00 2 Hours June 4 Monday 7:00-8:30 . 1% Hours

June 10 Sunday 2:30-4:30 2 Hours

June 12 Tuesday 7:30-9:00 1^ Hours

June 14 Thursday 12:00-2:00 2 Hours

June 16 Saturday 2:00-4:30 2^ Hours

June 18 Monday 7:00-9:00 2 Hours

June 19 Tuesday 7:00-8:30 1^ Hours

June 22 Friday 8:00-9:30 1^ Hours

June 27 Wednesday *1:00-3:00 2 Hours July 2 Monday 7:00-8:30 1% Hours

July 5 Thursday 7:30-8:50 1^ Hours

July 11 Wednesday 11:00-4:00 6^ Hours 7:30-9:00 85

Chart 1 (continued)

July 17 Tuesday 12 :00- 1:00 1 Hour

July 28 Saturday 1:00-5:00 6 Hours 7:30-9:30

August 11 Saturday 12:45-6:00 5 Hours

August 18 Saturday 12:30-4:00 3^ Hours

Total number of days 31 Total number of hours 76

DATA ANALYSIS

In qualitative research analysis is on-going. Field notes are continuously reviewed for leads to focused observation and questions. Since not everything in a setting can be covered at once or totally in depth, the researcher focuses inquiry through 1) personal interest; 2) suggestions by informants; 3) theoretical interest; 4) strategic ethnography; and 5) organizing domains. Domain analysis builds categories of cultural meaning and is organized around the language of the setting. Domains are comprised of a cover term, included terms, and semantic relationship.

(Spradley, 1980).

Examples of identifying domains in the video arcade study are dead games and hassling, as illustrated in the following table. 86

CHART 2

Domain Analysis

Included Terms Semantic Relationship Cover Term

Broken Games Are a kind of Dead Game

Malfunctioning Games

Games with Chronic Mechanical Problems

Seldom-Played Games

Putting in penny Are ways to Hassle instead of token

Triggering reset without token

Claiming not to know two token game is not a one token game and asking for token back

Focused observation is based on structural or "What?" types of questions which are often repeated during the course of the study. Contrast questions also help verify researcher impressions and understandings.

Field notes included reflective and marginal notes, bracketing to distinguish researcher thoughts and language from participants' statements, and a diary of personal feelings and insights. The latter helps account for research bias. Notes were dated and printed on numbered lines for ease of retrieval and contextual reference. Informants

(children and attendants primarily) were used to validate, amplify, and clarify findings from the notes. As an example, in trying to understand laser disk games the researcher aked if certain games were of that category. Or if children had pronounced a game boring, in addition to asking why, the researcher confirmed understanding by asking if particular games were boring. To help in the search for relationships, Spradley

(1980) advises conducting a taxonomic analysis by 1) selecting a domain; 2) looking for similarities based on semantic relationships; 3) looking for all included terms;

4) searching for more inclusive domains; 5) constructing a preliminary taxonomy; 6) making focused observations to validate the analysis; and, finally 7) completing the taxonomy. Lincoln and Guba (1985) suggest identifying concepts in the field notes, labeling them and transferring them to cards, clustering, sorting, re-categorizing, expanding categorizes, and collapsing categories. Both techniques were used in this study. Miles and Huberman

(1984) provide detailed guidance on developing matrices of concepts but Lincoln, Guba and Spradley are more practical advisors. 88

As an example, the class of boring games was established and defined as those games which are repetitive, have no levels, give no bonuses, require little decision-making, have no goals within goals, and are easy to learn. Children were the primary source of categories. They were also observers. They were asked to comment on various events and behaviors.

Once the field notes were analyzed a questionnaire was drafted. It consisted of questions designed to confirm insights, to amplify areas of seeming significance, to compare and contrast the qualitative/quantitative aspects, and to add another dimension of trustworthiness to the study. The questions were couched in language from the notes, pitched to the children's level of understanding. The draft instrument was reviewed with the Polimetrics Laboratory on of the O.S.U. campus, a questionnaire authority, after which the questions were regrouped so that they followed a logical sequence and balanced hard ones with easy ones. It was also reviewed with three members of the dissertation committee, the fourth being out of the country at the time.

Another trip to Chicago was scheduled, to meet with the Vice

President of Aladdin's Castle. He read the draft, made suggestions, and asked perceptive questions about the rationale for some of the items. Following that meeting the researcher went to the in Chicago which was reported 89 to be a frequently used site for new game evaluations.

There the owner also critiqued the draft and shared her observations and experiences. A consultation was then arranged with Williams Electronics, the biggest pinball manufacturer and the one which employs the designers of

Defender, the all-time great arcade video game, and Mystic

Marathon. Designer Steve Ritchie gave feedback on the questionnaire and talked about his philosophy. Back in

Columbus the arcade manager and two attendants read the questionnaire and gave further input. The researcher also went over it with two excellent players, age twelve, with whom a close bond had been established. Finally, the questionnaire was field-tested with five children, randomly selected at the arcade, who represented each age in the age range presented. Their responses were analyzed with the

Polimetrics Lab to complete the final version. With their approval the survey was administered to one-hundred children.

Since the questionnaire was eight pages in length and since it was more realistic to survey at the arcade site in the actual environment rather than at school, a sample of one- hundred seemed manageable. It was hoped that their answers would be closer to their real feelings if they were connected to the place of their origin.

Logistically, surveying on site was problemmatic.

There was considerable discussion of where the children 90 would be able to sequester themselves to answer. The arcade offers no such room. The manager and attendants were queried for possibilities. They suggested contacting the mall manager. The mall manager was emphatic; the mall does not permit questionnaires on the premises. The uncertainty remained until the day the first of the questionnaires was administered, a Saturday afternoon. However, in one corner in the back of the arcade are three pinball machines. On that day they were all three inoperable so they were used as the base of operation. The mall has no jurisdiction within the arcade confines. Small children, often asked their age, were tagged. The purpose was explained and they were offered tokens for answering the questions. They were given the questionnaire to flip through before deciding. Two boys refused, including one whose friend said yes. At any given time there were five to seven children at the pinball machines. A large OSU badge with boldly printed name was worn by the researcher to lend credibility and reassurance.

One parent refused to let his two boys participate after he thumbed through the questionnaire and another said they wouldn't have time.

In its final form the instrument consisted of fifty-four questions, several open-ended, so it took children a while to fill it out. They received constant attention. Support and encouragement were offered and questions were clarified as needed. The plan was to give each child two tokens

(equivalent to fifty cents) but three were offered when it became clear that it was a painstaking process. In many cases four tokens were given, particularly to the younger children, to reward them for their trouble, to make them feel it had been worthwhile, to keep them from feeling they had been taken advantage of, and to compensate for the length as well as having taken them away from play. One boy had answered questions on the first page when his mother came in and took him away. He wanted to finish it but she wouldn't let him. He received two tokens anyway. A couple of children took their questionnaire outside to a bench to complete them. If they were together they were cautioned not to discuss their answers with each other. When questionnaires were returned they were scanned and coded black or white for race. They were also asked to write their names in an effort to prevent them from filling out more than one. As it turned out the researcher knew who had or had not filled out one. It took two days to complete administration. Many children from the first day were there on the second so they weren't asked again to participate.

Two boys asked if they could fill out another one and get more tokens. Adults with children were asked for permission.

All but two responded positively. 92

MAP

Office

S 3 C/5 fu rr H P5 U ) i - i Bill Token 4>, Changer Machine % •<