Johann Mattheson's "Das Lied des Lammes": Progressive tendencies in the evangelist recitatives.
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Johann Mattheson's "Das Lied des Lammes": Progressive tendencies in the evangelist recitatives
Peter, Timothy Layne, A.Mus.D.
The University of Arizona, 1993
V·M·I 300 N. Zeeb Rd. Ann Arbor, MI 48106
1
JOHANN MATTHESON'S DAS LIED DES LAMMES: PROGRESSIVE TENDENCIES IN THE EVANGELIST RECITATIVES
by Timothy Layne Peter
A Document Submitted to the Faculty of the SCHOOL OF MUSIC In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF MUSICAL ARTS WITH A MAJOR IN CONDUCTING In the Graduate College
THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA
1993 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE
As members of the Final Examination Committee, we certify that we have Timothy Layne Peter read the document prepared by ------Johann Mattheson's Das Lied des Lammes: entitled------Progressive Tendencies in the Evangelist Recitatives
and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Musical Arts
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPLES ...... 5
ABSTRACT ...... 6
INTRODUCTION...... 7
BACKGROUND...... 9
THE DOMKIRCHE ...... 11
PASSION SETTINGS IN GERMANY DURING THE SECOND HALF OF THE 17TH CENTURY AND FIRST-HALF OF THE 18TH CENTURY ...... 13
STILE RAPPRESENTATIVO ...... 15
CRITICA MUSICA ...... 21
DAS LIED DES LAMMES ...... 26
CONCLUSION...... 38
ENDNOTES...... 39
WORKS CITED ...... 42
WORKS CONSULTED...... 43 5
LIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPLES
EXAMPLE #1, St. John Passion, Handel (1704) ...... 29
EXAMPLE #2, Das Lied des Lammes, Movement 3 ...... 29
EXAMPLE #3, Das Lied des Lammes, Movement 4 ...... 30
EXAMPLE #4, St. John Passion, J.S. Bach ...... 32
EXAMPLE #5, Das Lied des Lammes, Movement 24 ...... 32
EXAMPLE #6, Das Lied des Lammes, Movement 22 ...... 34
EXAMPLE #7, Das Lied des Lammes, Movement 31C ...... 34
EXAMPLE #8, Das Lied des Lammes, Movement 9...... 35 6
ABSTRACT
This document examines the compositional style of Johann Mattheson's passion, Das Lied des Lammes. Specifically, this document will examine the stile recitativo of Italian opera seria in Hamburg during Mattheson's years at the Domkirche. Mattheson's ideas regarding the role of the recitative in his passions are verified in Mattheson's article entitled "Des fragenden Componist" (1724), which appeared in the fifth volume of his journal Critica Musica, thus giving clear evidence supporting a non emotional approach with the Evangelist's recitatives. These new approaches found in Critica Musica, derived from Italian opera in connection with Mattheson's writings, are in comparison to the musical devices in recitatives used by Mattheson's predecessors, Schlitz, Bernhard, Theile, and Keiser. Results of these comparisons show a natural progression of stylistic changes in recitatives in passion settings up to Mattheson's years at the Domkirche in Hamburg. 7
INTRODUCTION
The musical contributions of Johann Mattheson (1681-1764) have been most commonly attributed to his theoretical writings. For many reasons, he is better known today as the leading musical journalist, critic, and theorist of Germany in the first half of the eighteenth-century, than as a composer.! As was the case for most German baroque composers, very little, if any of their works were ever published within their lifetime. In order to examine the compositional craft and performance practices, we primarily have relyed on modern published editions from original manuscripts that have been preserved through history. Due to the tragic bombing of World War II in Hamburg, Germany, most of Mattheson's music, which was housed in the Hamburg Stadtbibliothek, was lost. The common practice of the time was to quickly relocate important documents and collections to ensure their safety from the devastation caused by the war. Some recent scholars have speculated that all of Mattheson's collections (128 volumes) could have survived had they been relocated in a castle outside Hamburg prior to that city's bombing and eventual occupation by the Soviet Army. which eventually became a Soviet occupied region. In 1946, the chests that contained Mattheson's scores were apparently confiscated by the Soviet Army. Except for a few keyboard collections and some small chamber works, only one opera and two oratorios are extant today. With renewed interest in musical literature lost during the war, it is hoped that new discoveries will generate performances and research of Mattheson manuscripts if they are found in the newly independent Eastern European countries. 8
There is not a large body of published research and writing on Mattheson. However, four scholars have studied his significant historical and analytical contributions: Beekman Cannon from Yale, Georg Buelow from Indiana University, Hans Marx from Hamburg, and most recently, Mark Radice from Ithaca College in New York. Now that I have become more acquainted with Mattheson and his life as a writer and composer, I am convinced that further study about this man is warranted. 9
BACKGROUND
Mattheson, the son of a Hamburg tax collector and had a very broad educational background. 2 He was a student at the prestigious Johanneum in Hamburg where he received a portion of his musical training from Joachim Gerstenbtittel, cantor of the five city-governed Lutheran churches in Hamburg. He also studied keyboard and composition with J.N. Hanff, who later was organist at the Schleswig Cathedra1.3 Mattheson was considered to be a child prodigy and by age nine, was playing organ and singing in Hamburg churches. Under the encouragement of Gerhard Schott, manager of the Hamburg Opera, he sang many female roles in operas until his voice changed. At that point, Mattheson sang tenor in several operas until 1705. With such comprehensive education and musical training, Mattheson's parents wanted to ensure their son's social standing in Hamburg, a cosmopolitan and culturally rich city. Mattheson was also interested in persuing public offices. At the age of 23, he became a tutor to Cyrill Winch, son of the English ambassador to Hamburg, Sir John Winch. This position was a turning point in his career. It offered elevated social status and a lucrative salary.4 Two years after this appointment he was made secretary to the ambassador which resulted in duties that greatly exceeded his secretarial obligations. These duties continued when Winch replaced his father as ambassador in 1715. Mattheson became indespensable to Winch and served as his representative. As a result Mattheson became an expert in the English language, law, politics and trade economics. 5 Another benefit in holding 10 this public office was, it offered him a permanent source of income, while allowing him to continue his musical pursuits. From 1715 to 1728, Mattheson was director of music at the Hamburg cathedral-referred to as the Domkirche. He was a devout man committed to preserving and strengthening music in the Protestant church; his oratorios formed the heart of his musical achievement. As shown in Das Lied des Lammes, his sacred music fully embraces operatic style. In its melodic simplicity, its dramatic homophonic choruses, emphasis on German-Lutheran chorale tunes and sensitivity to the rhetorical values of the text, this oratorio has a significant position in the development of the form. 6 1 1
THE DOMKIRCHE
Mattheson's only official church position was at the Hamburg Domkirche from the years 1715-1728.7 The Dom was an imperial and ecclesiastical institution that was considerably older than Hamburg itself.8 Situated 70 miles from the mouth of the Elbe, Hamburg had always prospered from the commerce and trade of the river. Its wealth of culture remained the envy of all surrounding states. Following the reformation, the city assumed ownership of all the Lutheran churches, except the Dom. It remained independent with no financial or administrative affiliation with the churches. The so-called DomkapiteZ administered the finances and provided for the continuation of religious services within the church itself.9 The membership of the DomkapiteZ was comprised primarily of Hamburg's leading families, while Sunday services were often frequented by visiting officials and political dignitaries from other countries and neighboring duchies. Because of the Dom's independence, the position of kantor was an ideal one for Mattheson. Musically, the Dom was considerably liberal compared to other Lutheran churches within the Hamburg municipality. Kantor Gerstenbtittel, the overseer of all musical activity in the five churches, was conservative; however, as stated earlier, he had no authority over music at the Dom. With the growing presence of Italian opera in Hamburg, the division between secular opera music and church music widened. Previous to his appointment at the Dom, Mattheson was active as a singer, composer and conductor at the Hamburg Opera. The Dom 12 tolerated this affiliation and, in fact, welcomed the progressive nature of the Italian operatic drama into the cathedral. Mattheson was not only successful in introducing new approaches to music in his oratorios, but also in modifying one aspect of performance practice. Women were not allowed to sing either as choir members or as soloists in Hamburg's churches. However, Mattheson, in his Christmas composition of 1715, his first large work for the cathedral, engaged the services of three women soloists from the Hamburg Opera. 1 0 Although the composition itself was conservative, its production violated the fundamental principle of not allowing female singers to participate in worship services. 11 Mattheson advocated the use of professional singers in worship because he felt their participation would improve the quality of church music; this position, according to Mattheson, was in accordance to the enlightened customs of Venice 12 Regarding the introduction of women singers, Mattheson said, " ... at first I was implored not to bring women in the choir; in the end they could not have enough of them." Hamburg readily embraced the new theatrical style of church music. 13 It was during these years at the Dam that Mattheson wrote the entire corpus of his sacred compositions including Das Lied des Lammes. The Dom, which was a large structure, no longer stands in Hamburg because it was demolished by fire in the middle of the nineteenth century. Regarding its size, Mattheson makes mention that there were audiences of several thousands for his performances. 13
PASSION SETTINGS IN GERMANY IN THE SECOND-HALF OF THE 17TH CENTURY AND FIRST-HALF OF THE 18TH CENTURY
A definition of the term passion is taken from a quote by Mattheson. He carefully explains that "because it is deemed necessary to presume that people in many localities may not know what a passion is, the word means the history of Christ's sufferings, which is musically represented in the oratorio sty Ie. "14 The passion setting goes back as far as the middle ages with a plainsong passion consisting of recitation between the Jews, Jesus, and the narrator. Polyphonic passions can be found in the middle of the 15th-century with the addition of the turba (crowd) and dramatis personae set polyphonically against the plainsong sung by Christ and the Evangelist. In Germany, the reformation led to the adaptation of the vernacular for polyphonic passions. The earliest passion of this type was a St. Matthew Passion by Johann Walther in 1550 which remained very popular throughout Germany into the nineteenth-century. The seventeenth-century passion used all of the dramatic innovations of the baroque era such as the aria, orchestra, and stile recitativo similar to that used in opera. Basil Smallman's book, The Background of Passion Music, clarifies four predominant forms of the seventeenth- and eighteenth century passion.' 5
Motet Passions. This is a through-composed polyphonic work, thought to be a cappella. It is very possible, however, that instruments doubled the choral part. There were no independent 14 instrumental parts and or obbligato parts written for this genre. The Motet Passion lost popularity early in the seventeenth-century. Dramatic Passions. This type consists of plainsong with the various characters taken by different solo voices, interspersed with choruses. Everything, by liturgical custom, is unaccompanied. To this type belong the St. John Passion of Christopher Schultze (1606-1683), and the three Passions of Schlitz, all from the middle of the seventeenth century. Oratorio Passions. In addition to the biblical text, principally allotted to the Evangelist, this type includes non-Gospel interpolations or insertions as texts for arias and other movements. All works of this kind are accompanied by continuo and frequently by other instruments. The first such work by Thomas Selle of Hamburg dates from 1643. Eight other Oratorio Passions were composed by the end of the seventeenth-century, all by minor composers, and Schlitz's Die sieben Worte (The Seven Words on the Cross) also belongs fundamentally with these works, though it lacks non-biblical interpolations. Bach's two great passions, St. Matthew and St. John, of the 1720's, represent the culmination of the Oratorio Passion. Passion Oratorios. This operatic passion evolved in the early eighteenth-century; the texts, although based on the passion story, are not strictly biblical and are written entirely in verse, properly thought of as librettos. To this type belong Handel's Brockes Passion and several works by Keiser, Telemann, and Mattheson. During the early eighteenth-century, in Hamburg, the use of the Biblical text was increasingly abandoned in favor of freer texts which supplied a more dramatic, sentimental, and allegorical sty Ie of the day. 1 6 A popular St. John libretto, written by Barthold Heinrich Brockes, was set by many other composers, among them Keiser, Telemann, Handel, Bach, and Mattheson. 17 In addition, Bach, Handel and Mattheson also used a St. John libretto by Christian Heinrich Postel, the German poet, librettist, and lawyer18 Postel's interest in writing included both sacred and secular literature. 15
STILE RECITATIVO In his doctoral dissertation, Scripture Recitative from Schiltz to Bach, Mark Radice said, "The essence of Baroque vocal music was the stile recitativo. Recitative is the dominant feature in virtually all of the principal seventeenth- and eighteenth-century genres of vocal music: opera, oratorio, cantata, and historia, or passion".19 As Sir Jack Westrup has observed in his article in New Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians, "The early history of recitative is often confused with the history of monody in general and the first attempts at opera. But recitative is not the same as monody: it is a particular branch or development of it" .20 Stile recitativo was first found in Schlitz's Psalmen Davids of 1619. From this early introduction, the recitative continued to grow and mature up to the period of J.S. Bach. Historically, we now look at the compositional techniques of some of Mattheson's predecessors regarding the recitative. Heinrich Schlitz, considered to be the most important German-Lutheran composer in the seventeenth-century, wrote 3 passion settings-St. Matthew, St. Luke, and St. John-around 1666 in Dresden. A student of Giovanni Gabrieli in Venice, Schlitz was an influential seventeenth-century composer who achieved a perfect balance between Italian operatic style and German polyphonic traditions. Although he seldom used chorales in his major works, his three passion settings mark a refined style; he composed the words of the evangelist in an unaccompanied chant modelled on that of the earliest German passions. Regarding stile recitativo, Schlitz stated that text repetition within a recitative is regarded as a highly unusual phenomenon. 16
When repetition does occur, it is usually in conjunction with a pictorial word or phrase which lends itself to expressive presentation. 21 SchUtz also believed that words in a recitative should not be rushed so that they can be clearly understood by the listener. Furthermore, rhythms used in Italian recitatives are dictated by the text itself. In calling for a "moderate" presentation, and a concern for the text, SchUtz shows his affinity to the Italian style.22 Another important composer of passion settings is Thomas Selle, who was the Kantor in Hamburg during the last 20 years of his life (1641-1663). He composed two settings of the St. John Passion, in 1641 and 1643. These passion settings exhibit many progressive traits from the Italian opera tradition. Selle's use of the recitative in both the choral intermedia23 as well as the dramatis personae is unusua1. 24 All of the recitatives are accompanied by obbligato instruments consistently assigned to a specific individual. Given Selle's apparent knowledge of contemporary Italian opera style, the melodic structure of the recitatives is quite conservative. 25 There is also special attention paid to the rhythmic notation based on rhythmic patterns of speech. Generally, Selle assigns one note per syllable. Johann Theile, a student of SchUtz, composed a St. Matthew Passion in 1673, while he was employed at LUbeck. A striking element of this passion is again related to the recitatives. "Word painting", melismatic declamation, and expressive melodic contours are, for the most part, completely absent in this work. Words are set in an unadorned fashion. 26 17
The St. Matthew Passion of Johann Ktihnhausen is his only surviving work. It was written in Celle, a town about 50 miles from Ltineberg where he served as cantor for most of his life. As to the correct date of this passion, published sources disagree. One source cites the work as early as 1676, while another cites it as late as 1700. Ktinnhausen's recitative style in this passion is very individualistic. 27 One essential characteristic of the stile recitativa is the avoidance of text repetition, except where a special musical effect would enhance the meaning of a specific passage. 28 When repetition is used, he inserts silence to portray a dramatic moment. Similar to Selle and Theile, Ktihnhausen's harmonic structure in the recitatives is quite simple. In all of these passion settings mentioned, the recitatives do not function on a higher "affective" interpretive level.29 We can formulate a fairly accurate concept of the compositional devices of the passion in Hamburg by examining the oratorios and specifically the recitatives of Georg Philipp Telemann. Telemann was musikdirektor of the Hamburg churches beginning in 1721. Telemann wrote 46 passion settings during his 46 years in Hamburg as musikdirektor. No composer had published nearly as many passions during his life than Telemann. By publishing so many of his compositions, Telemann made them generally accessible for all churches. This is why his reputation is so well known compared to Bach who was basically unknown throughout his life. To date, only three of Telemann's 46 passions have appeared in modern editions. f\Aattheson, one of the leading theorists of his day, cited Telemann's works when discussing rules of composition and 18 principles of style. 30 Hans Horner, a scholar from Leipzig, researched Telemann's Passiansmusiken. In Horner's study, information about the recitatives of Telemann is be found in letters exchanged between Telemann and a younger German colleague, Karl Graun. 31 In these letters, there is dialogue pertaining to the merits of Italian recitative in opposition to French recitatives. French recitatives were full of expressive qualities such as text repetition, melismas, and meter changes within a single passage. Graun and Telemann make no distinction between the compositional style of sacred or secular works. It is therefore safe to assume that the comments about stile recitativa apply to both sacred and secular music. One can make a further assumption that there were operatic influences in the recitatives of these passion discussed by Graun and Telemann. Graun, who wrote over 30 operas and only one passion, was well acquainted with both Italian opera and French opera. He frequently opposed the French approach to the recitative, specifically the use of arioso. Arioso is a metrical recitative passage with a walking harmonic bass-line-a bridge between pure recitative and the accompanied aria. Graun writes: 32
"It was by no means my intention to condemn French music altogether, for it would be narrow-mindedness to refuse to acknowledge the good in other nations; rather, I simply had wanted to say that I do not consider the French recitative style natural, thus I wrote that I had never seen any cogent example of French recitative owing to the fact that-in addition to its unsuitable introduction of arioso passages-it is too often diametrically opposed to musical rhetoric." 19
Telemann responded to this criticism made by Graun, and expressed his opinion that the introduction of arioso style within a recitative is an appropriate manner of expressing majesty.33 According to Homer, recitative in the French style became more prominent in Telemann's later passions after 1722.34 In addition to the arioso, Graun also objected to the constant meter changes in French recitatives. 35 He felt them to be unnecessary and awkward. The French style contradicted the natural rhythmic imitation of the speaker. In a later letter, Graun summarizes his opinions regarding recitatives:
"In summary, the French style of recitation doesn't please me in the least, and, as I have seen in my experience, it pleases nowhere else in the world save France; but once it steps across the border, it provokes only disgust. " Reinhard Keiser, colleague of Mattheson in Hamburg, was an influential composer in Mattheson's life. Keiser wrote more than 50 operas for the Hamburg opera and at least 6 passions. According to Mattheson, Keiser found many librettists who were interested in transforming the recitative style of Italian opera to sacred music, among them being Brockes, Postel, Konig, and others. The passion librettos were being written in verse form, and as a result relinquished strict biblical texts. In Keiser's passions, one sees the emergence of a specific style of scriptural recitative. The fundamental change in the stile recitativo, compared to his predecessors, is the function of the recitative in context to the passion as a whole. Previously, the recitatives formed the essence of the historia. Musical insertions such as the turba or crowd, chorales and 20 arias were used as narrative and explanatory material. Chorales were also added to provide congregational participation similar to the idea of the traditional responsorial passion. This is not the case in the Italian oratorio style used by Keiser. In his St. Mark Passion, narrative or explanatory material, dialogues or commentaries remain within the domain of the recitative.36 Expressive and sentimental elements are generally missing from the recitative. This approach achieved distinctions in expressive qualities between strictly narrative material and other portions of the passion such as aria, arioso, and choral movements. As Mattheson points out, church music in the new style was planned with a certain continuity of action and dramatic pacing similar to that of opera. 3 7 In Keisers passions, the recitatives of the evangelist pay close attention to the rules of good speech. This technique, referred to as sty/us narrativus was used by Mattheson in his sacred works as well. Mattheson writes in detail about his approach to the recitative in a enlightening journal article entitled "Des fragenden Componist" (The inquiring composer) from his periodical Critica musica. 21
CRITICA MUSICA
Critica musica, the first Gennan monthly music periodical to be published, first appeared in May 1722.38 It was intended to introduce new musical trends, ideas, and issues. It was partly a vehicle for Mattheson to defend the progressive musical trends he supported. Mattheson's sharp tongue, or sharp pen as it were, is witnessed in the forward of the very first issue.
The beauty of a garden cannot in itself check the growth of weeds, for the richer the soil, the more they will grow. In the wonderful garden of music, I have here and there torn up deep-rooted, obstinate, thorny, tenacious, disorderly, savage, barbarous brush with all my strength in order to throw it away. I have also frequently thought it would not easily come up again since it must have been reduced to ashes, root and branch, in the fire of reason. But look! no sooner is one spot cleaned up than there appears yet another scandalous annoyance reproducing ancient ignorance in rejuvenated garb. 39
It is clear that Mattheson felt it was his duty to enlighten his readers about the modernization of performance practices, and compositional techniques in modern theatrical drama. Today, it is also an important journal because there are announcements about new works and news reports of current events. Mattheson used this journal only once to publicize one of his own works. Interestingly enough, it was an announcement of the upcoming performance of his new passion oratorio, Das Lied des Lammes. Critica musica was published from 1722 to 1725. This journal can now be found in two volumes in an unchanged reprint of the original 22 edition. This facsimile of Critica Musica is one of the most important resources for Mattheson research and crucial for a detailed discussion of Das Lied des Lammes. The essay, entitled "Des fragenden Componist" (The Inquiring Composer) was printed in the fifth volume of Critica musica in 1724. This theoretical work is written in a question and answer format between Mattheson, and a young, inquiring composer. There are 63 questions on the "correct method of composing" a certain passion. This article is unique because it contains no musical examples. Mattheson's responses to various questions criticize the musical shortcomings of an earlier setting of a passion by a "world famous man". He does not disclose the composer's identity, but he is very likely providing criticism about the 1704 St. John Passion composed by Handel. The composer of this Postel libretto has been questioned. Most scholars, however, agree that historical evidence and references attribute Handel as the composer. Mattheson makes no apologies for this criticism. In fact, he sets forth three conditions to justify his action. The first is quoted:
"If it is to expose the mistakes of a world-famous man and to flaunt his errors in order to flatter myself, then my conduct cannot be approved of. But if my purpose is for God's honor and not my own, the edification of listeners, and the furtherance of knowledge ... then one should praise it on all accounts".40
The second condition for justification is the interval of time. It had been twenty or thirty years since this text was last set, hence the time was ripe for a new setting. The third condition really exposes Mattheson's strongest justification for this article. He felt it was time to write a new 23 passion setting. He stated that it is easier to write a new composition than to rework an oldet:. inadequate piece. It can therefore be implied that the following dialogue would include direct references to his Passion, Das Lied des Lammes. He never states that this specific passion is the one used; however, there are many reasons to conclude that Mattheson is referring to his own work. First, he boldly announced the upcoming performance of this new passion the previous year in 1723 in Critica muska. Secondly, even though there are no musical examples in the article, specific musical features are questioned and discussed in such explicit detail, they must be directly connected to Das Lied des Lammes. Finally, the criticisms take on a fairly personal tone, suggesting to the reader that this article was partly written to praise Mattheson's own abilities as a composer. It is in this article where Mattheson uses the term stylus narrativus, when defining the style of strict recitative. Principles to be carefully observed: 1. The avoidance of text repetition. 2. Syllabic declamation of text. 3. The utmost simplicity in the accompanjment. 4. Parlando Rubato-following natural accentuation, duration, and inflection of good speech.
The non-expressive nature of stylus narrativus is reserved for the narrator or evangelist. In contrast to this somewhat "lifeless" approach, such as points 1,2, and 3 above, Mattheson and Keiser set the role of Christ in a more expressive way called stylus luxurians communis; this style being more characteristic in wider range of pitches and more lyrical in character as well as greater complexity in the accompaniment. In 24
Keiser's passion, all but one of Christ's recitatives are accompanied by strings and would be examples of stylus luxurians communis. The one recitative that is not accompanied is from the portion where Jesus returns to the garden of Gethsemene and finds the apostles sleeping; Keiser, likely showing that the strings have also fallen asleep. Another common term used in defining recitatives in the Baroque period is stile rappresentativo. This Italian term is used to define recitative passages concerned with portraying an emotion or "affect" through musical devices: unusual chromaticism, wide intervalic leaps, complex harmonies, and varying textures of accompaniments. There are definite differences between stylus narrativus and stylUS luxurians communis; the former being very simple and non-emotional and the latter being more majestic, complex and emotional. The only surviving opera by Mattheson is Cleopatra (1704). It is our only link between Mattheson's compositional practices in the secular form and sacred oratorio. The comparisons in recitative style support the philosophy that Mattheson transferred the procedures of operatic style in the recitatives into Das Lied des Lammes. The step-wise melodic lines and simple harmonic language are the most obvious parallels. Martin Runke, a German musicologist, recently examined a number of oratorios in a computer-assisted study to discover the precise nature of the recitative in the Italian manner as practiced during Mattheson's time.41 Among the works considered was Mattheson's Cleopatra. Runke's study confirms that, despite idiosyncratic differences from one composer to the next, the melodic activity of the recitative 25 became strictly limited in form and style.42 Clearly, this information regarding the recitative style in Mattheson's works suggests a definite relationship between his operas and sacred works, such as Das Lied des
-- ... ~--~-..... -.-.-~ Lammes. 26
DAS LIED DES LAlVJMES
Written in 1723, Das Lied des Lammes is one of two surviving passions by Mattheson. The other surviving work is Der juer die Suende der Welt gemarterte und sterbende Jesus, translated: Jesus died as a martyr for the sins of the world. Written in 1718, this other passion can be found in one eighteenth-century source with no modern published edition. Composed in seventeen days, Das Lied des Lammes uses the Postel libretto with scriptural recitation taken from St. John, Chapter 19 and was likely performed on Palm Sunday. The opening "Sonatina" is written for a five-part string ensemble which accompanies all but one of the choral movements. There are also infrequent movements where obbligato instrumentation is used, both in choral movements and arias. Being true to the form of a Passion Oratorio, Mattheson employs the Evangelist, Jesus, and Pilate. The role of the chorus is cast as the crowd, the highpriests, and the soldiers who crucified Christ. Mattheson uses three chorale stanzas appropriate to a passion setting. The 2nd movement is the first stanza of Michael Weisse's sixteenth-century hymn, "Christus, der un selig macht" and retains the original chorale melody as published in Weisse's Ein neu Gesandbuchlen. The Postel libretto actually begins with a passage by the evangelist saying, "Then Pilate took Jesus and had him scorned". Mattheson, as we have witnessed, intends for a more dramatic beginning to the passion and adds the first chorale movement before the narration begins. He addresses this 27 in the Critica musica article. He states that the abrupt opening with a passage by the evangelist is unacceptable, considering the growth of the musical passion as a dramatic art form. The following quotation is taken from Melophile's (the young composer) dialogue.43
Melophile: Is it a good thing to begin a magnificent piece of church music with a short recitative?
Mattheson: A composer must find such a beginning naked and blunt. He has the right without offending the poet to insert a verse of a hymn of the like as a ripieno; for example, the first stanza of Christus der uns seelig macht, which explains what has happened to our beloved Saviour up to the scourging.
For the other two chorale movements Mattheson took stanzas from hymns by the famous Lutheran composer, Paul Gerhardt. Number 33 of Part II is the seventh stanza from 0 Haupt voll Blut und Wunden, using the traditional Hassler melody. The third chorale is used in the final movement. Its the tenth stanza of Als Gottes Lamm und Leve, using a variation of the 1542 chorale tune by Decius, 0 Lamm Gottes Unshuldig. This chorale is the basis for the title of this work. Typically labeled the Passion according to St. John, Mattheson chose to tie the title in with the symbolic sacrifical lamb theme of the passion settingwith the text, schlafe wohl, or "sleep well". Matthesonjuxtaposes the hymn-tune with newly composed material which finishes the work in a very gentle and introspecitve mood, and fits the concluding text extremely well. Mattheson's use of the aria falls neatly within the prevailing style of the early eighteenth-century operas in Hamburg. In these Italianesque aria movements, he employs the use of ornamentation, text 28 repetition, melismatic passages, and text painting through motivic devices and lyrical melodies supported by a variety of accompaniments. Through the utilization of these compositional devices, the dramatic nature of the arias in Das Lied des Lammes is evident, especially in light of the contrasting recitative portions. Within the realm of stile recitativo, Mattheson makes use of three general styles for the biblical account of Das Lied des Lammes.
1. Stylus Narrativus 2. Arioso, accompanied by continuo only 3. Arioso, accompanied by strings and continuo
These recitative styles, each having purpose and compositional intention, are all addressed in Mattheson's article in Critica musica. The stylus narrativus, which is considered the quintessential secco recitative, is reserved exclusively for the evangelist. Each time Pilate speaks, Mattheson sets the recitatives in arioso with only the continuo used for accompaniment. Each recitation made by Christ is also written as arioso; however, to establish a majestic and regal quality, these small aria-like movements are accompanied by strings. Referring directly to a quotation from Critica musica, Melophile-the inquiring young composer-poses the question regarding a melismatic passage on the word geisselt or "scourge". Mattheson responds:
"It really is not necessary. In an aria, in which some special consideration is to be made concerning the scourging, it may be appropriate to introduce a melismatic or florid passage; but in a recitative, where the matter is merely related and presented as though in speech, it appears, to be put plainly, absurd and tasteless.44" 29
The passage to which Mattheson is referring is from the 1704 St. John Passion by Handel found in example #1.
----ntj--- f\ • !'oo - . ---- .- e; --- -- ~~ • Da nahm Pi-latus Je-sum und geissclt------ihn. I l . I " e; ~ ~=: ~ ,r ~"'r mf r-:Jf---vfJf f r . . • -- I . I ..,~ I l' rr r
Example 1 (St. John Passion, Handel-1704)
Below is musical example #2 taken from Matthson's setting on that particular recitative passage to which he is referring.
-'
~ 00 nohm Pi- lo- tus Je- sum, und geis· Sol'It· ihn. I't
Iccn~inuo) 1 .J
Example #2 (Das Lied des Lammes, Movement 3) I. •
30
The style is simple, direct and declamatory in nature. There is no use of melismas, chromaticism, or rhythmic complexity to establish an "affect". This is well within the stylistic guidelines of stylus narrativus. After studying this compaIison, there seems to be little doubt that Mattheson is citing the older Handel Passion as a "weed in the garden of music". Again, we must return to Mattheson's concern. Is it the role of the evangelist to establish an "affect" through a more stylus luxurians approach? Although Mattheson opposes the use of "affective" techniques in the recitatives, he uses them in the following aria. Example #3 shows that Mattheson does employ the "affective" devices such as chromaticism, melismas, and ornamentation on the word "scourge".
IDa Capo} ,. II 40 - v l:Ja Capo} II
IDa Capo} ~ tr- " II ---.
v - dul- d~t. ~ ~elbst. doss Gott selbst.~t Gott die Gei- - sse!
" II
oJ Da Capo II.~~ ...... - - -
Example #3 (Das Lied des Lammes, Movement 4) 31
Through examples #2 and #3, one sees the distinction between the evangelist and the dramatic soprano aria which follows. More specific information concerning stylus narrativus is provided by Mattheson in Critica musica.
Melophile: In order that he should be crucified. Is it a good idea to depict this in the recitative of the evangelist with pathetic and dissonant intervals?
Mattheson: No, it would be tasteless and similar in character to the treatment of the word "scourge" discussed in question number 5. You see, even though one might introduce a passionate melisma on the word "crucify" to good advantage in a fugue, nevertheless, such a thing would be thoroughly inappropriate for the narrating evangelist-especially in view of its meloncholy nature. The stylus narrativus must be distinguished from the stile rappresentativo.45
Stile rappresentativo, a term previously mentioned, is used to define the practice of seventeenth-century monody which allowed, and even encouraged musically expressive devices in the recitatives. These devices would be melodies charactarized by everything that is opposed to stylus narrativus. Although, the question and answer is in reference to Handel's passion, Mattheson's quoted opinion will be demonstrated by examining the evangelist passage containing the word kreuzige or "crucify" found in J.S. Bach's St. John Passion, which was written the same year as Das Lied des Lammes. No recorded information regarding Mattheson's knowledge of Bach's Passion is available, and it is unlikely that he knew Bach's work. Mattheson does cite Bach's abilities as an organist, and later in his life praises Bach's Art of Fugue. This is another example of how unknown 32
Bach was during his life. To clarify his position on melismas in recitatives, Mattheson states that expressive treatment by the evangelist on the word "crucify" would be innappropriate. Bach's recitative appears in Example #4.
Evangelista
D. ii. ber •• nl·... ar. Ie • Ie er ihn. dill cr ee· kreu • • zi. eel ... ur. de. 1\ c 7 onto • I t
--&eD&1 Banono ,ranD
Example #4 (St. John Passion, J.S. Bach)
Example #5 shows Mattheson's treatment .of the same text.
Enngelisl " • • or Do ii·bl'ronlworlel er ihn, dosser ge·krf.>\J·zi·gel wiir·de . ..
~ContinuaJ n . 1 --
Example #5 (Das L~ed des Lammes, Movement 24)
It is apparent that Mattheson's treatment of the text differs from that of Bach. Mattheson was in no way specifically directing the preceding comment towards the Leipzig composer. This example was used 33 to show that Bach, considered the master of German Lutheran passions, used a recitative style different from Mattheson's. Mattheson was a man who knew Italian opera very well and promoted operatic compositional devices in sacred works. By examining all of the recitatives in Das Lied des Lammes, one can see a distinction within the recitatives, namely between the narrator, Pilate, and Jesus. This dramatic effect, which follows an operatic approach establishes a human quality within the drama. The evangelist is simply used to "narrate" the story. He recites the biblical account and states who is speaking. When a figure such as Pilate speaks, each time in an arioso, the listener immediately is given an intrinsic message of lifelike fervor and passion. It is as though the drama returns to center stage after comme~tary from the sidelines. Example #6 is this type of recitative. This author's translation is: "Pilate said to them, 'Take him and crucify him yourselves because I find no fault in Him'. And the Jews answered."
PiJ.IU. .L 5~~ -.-f~ - ~ A../fI.. v 8 Sprichl Pi· Ie· Ius zu ihn· en: SoU ich eu· ren Ko· nig krev- zi·gen? 1\ " oJ I'" /Cc:ltinuo) o!;1:1;fl!:O 1 34
/'h.. ..Ii 10
Soli ich I'U- ren Ko.. nig krl'u- zi-gen? i Oil' Ho-hen-Priesl-!.'r anl-wort- ~t- l'n: -.A A ... .. 1 : ...---- :at - Example #6 (Das Lied des Lammes, Movement 22)
The compositional device of alternating between secco recitative and arioso was used by many composers in the baroque period. Mattheson, however, saves exclusively arloso passages for Pilate and Jesus. There is never an instance when the evangelist sings in arioso style except when he is relaying a direct quotation from the Bible, or is reading something that has been previously written. Example #7 is such a quotation. The evangelist quotes from the Old Testament, "They parted my garments among them, and for my clothing they cast lots" (Translation by author).
10 " . ,.-'-"' 8 Auf doss pr-lUl- Ipi w\.ir-dp di~ Schrifl,dil' do !>D-ge-I: Si~ hQ-be-n mpi- np Klpi- ~r un-Ipr sich gP- Iri- Irl, Jl
I~ontlnuol : .. -- ..
" 20
B und ho-bPn \j. bpr ~in..n Rock dcrr. los_ gC'-wor- (pn. SoI 1u r .. Example #7 (Das Lied des Lammes, Movement 31 C) 35 After examining each recitative by the evangelist, there is one passage that contradicts Mattheson's position on the stylus narrativus. This contradiction is of concern. If, in fact, Mattheson had written the recitative as it appears, he certainly could not justify his stance on "non-affective" writing for the evangelist. This recitative preceeds the crowd's fugal reponse on "crucify". This author's translation is: "When the highpriests and servants saw him, they shouted and said ... " This recitative is found in Example #8. Pil.Iu, " ...- b. 5 ~...... b_*_ 1,,., i' • Und er S;Xichl Zu ih- nen: Se- ht'l, w~l~h_ ~in Mer.~h, welch_ ein Men~h! Se- h~l, ,. " oJ ., ! I:c".:!::~o) ...... 10 ... ~ A J'"~ " .- a r welch_ ein Mer.s:h! 00 ihn die Ho·hen·Pries·ler urd die Di~r so·hen, sch.'~!oIe und s;xochen: " '" .. ., 1- , g .. ~~- _'" - "If' Example #8 (Das Lied des Lammes, Movement 9) 36 The high intervalic leap on schrien, or"shouted", is written in an emotional style obvious by sight and sound. How does one address this contradition? Since Mattheson was so careful in avoiding "affective" writing, might he be higlighting the one time in the whole work when the crowd's response of "crucify" needed to be exaggagerated and out of character by the evangelist? Another possiblilty is, since the original score is lost, we have one edition upon which to rely. Could this be an editorial error? It is not through criticism of Beekman Cannon's edition that this question is addressed. This discrepancy cannot, however, be overlooked. There is no other example of this obvious violation of Mattheson's rules regarding stylus narrativus to be found anywhere else in the work. There are other recitatives where Mattheson could have set the word "shout" or "cry" in a similar fashion. Even though Mattheson was critical of the shortcomings of others, one may consider this passage "a small weed in Mattheson's garden" and draw conclusions regarding the work as a whole. Was the use of stylus narrativus a progressive tendency in Mattheson's day? By comparing it to other works, we see differences in style. Is this "lifeless" approach to recitative progressive or regressive? By examining the development of the German passion, we discern that other composers before Mattheson had used a similar style within the evangelist passages. Was this for dramatic effect, or concern for declamation of the text? In Mattheson's case, is the non-emotional approach in the evangelist more dramatic by forcing the emotion to come from the listener? 37 By drawing a parallel, we hear the evangelist's portions of scriptural recitation as though each listener is reading the text from the Bible. Mattheson allows his listener to "read" the scripture and to express an emotional response to the drama through the arias and choral movements. In addition, Mattheson allows the listener to hear the narration, and then in contrast intertwines Pilate, Jesus, and the Jews with musical material in a more dramatic and theatrical sty Ie depicting the human emotion of those people. By examining the evangelist from this angle, I would conclude that this approach certainly deserves critical consideration regarding its progressive nature. 38 CONCLUSION Mattheson was an interesting man. Although he had firm convictions and articulated them strongly, Mattheson was also a passionate and zealous writer. In the study of music, it is unusual that a composer wrote down his compositional convictions. It is a rare occurrence that a specific work is addressed in theoretical and rhetorical writings. We owe much to Mattheson for this. Regarding his music, he mayor may not compare to Bach, Handel, or others. This is a subjective decision to be made by the performers, directors and listeners. We must, however appreciate Mattheson's interest in theoretical writing which preserved compositional techniques and performance practices in the baroque period. His contributions in theory and opinion regarding the stylus narrativus in Das Lied des Lammes is also significant in the development of recitatives in German passions in the early and mid-18th century. This document, and a performance of Das Lied des Lammes, mayor may not change choral music or the historic progression of the baroque oratorio style. It will, perhaps, enhance one's understanding of Mattheson as a composer, and the merits of experiencing new and unknown literature from the most prolific period in the history of music. 39 ENDNOTES 1Beekman Cannon, preface, Das Lied des Lammes (Madison: A-R Editions, 1971)v. 2George J. Buelow, "Johann Mattheson," New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 20 vols. ed. Stanley Sadie (London: MacMillan, 1980) XI, 832-36. 3New Grove, X1.833. 4New Grove, X1.833. SNew Grove, X1.833. 6New Grove, X1.832. 7 Beekman Cannon, Johann Mattheson: Spectator in Music (Yale University Press, New Haven, 1947) p. 45. 8 Cannon, Johann Mattheson, 46. 9Cannon, Johann Mattheson, 47. 10Howard E. Smither, A History of the Oratorio, 2 vols. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1977) 117. 11 Cannon, Mattheson, 50. 12Johann Mattheson, Das Neu-Eroffnete Orchestre (Hamburg, 1713) 206. 13Basil Smallman, The Background of Passion Music (Dover, New York, 1970) p. 95. 14George Buelow, Hans J. Marx, New Mattheson Studies (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1983) p. 125. 1 5 Smallman, The Background of Passion Music 16Carl Shalk, Key Words in Church Music (St. Louis: Concordia, 1978) 303. 17Shalk, 303. 18New Grove, XV. 1 53. 1 9Radice, p.1. 40 20Radice, p. 7. 21 Radice, p.l O. 22Radice, p.l O. 23Selle's use of intermedium is related to the Italian operatic tradition in which larger opera seria is periodically interupted by material at hand. This was an idea which later compsoers, especially in Hamburg, expanded in their oratorio Passions. 24Mark Radice, Scripture Recitative from Schutz to Bach, diss., Eastman, U of Rochester, p.64. 25 Radice, p. 65. 26 Radice, p.78. 27Radice, p.82. 28Radice, p. 83. 29Radice, p. 84. 30New Grove, XV1I1.6S1. 31 Radice, p. 105. 32Radice, p. 1 08. 33Radice, p.l 08. 34Hans Horner, Georg Philipp Telemanns Passionsmusiken: ein Beitrag zur geschicte der Passionsmusik in Hamburg Leipzig: Universitatsverlag, 1933 p.122. 35Radice, p.l07. 36Radice, p.97. 37Radice, p.97. 38Buelow and Marx, New Mattheson Studies, p.128. 39Buelow and Marx, p.128. 40Buelow and Marx, p. 1 31. 41 41 Martin Runke, "Oas italianische Rezitativ bei den deutschen Komponisten des Spaetbarock," Ana/ecta Musicologica 17 (1976) 79-120. (This information was found in the Radice article, 8). 42Radice, 8. 43 Johann Mattheson, Critica musica, II, 44. 44Mark Radice, Johann Mattheson and the "stylus narrativus", Bach 18.3, 1987, pA. 45Radice, p.6. 42 WORKS CITED Buelow, George, and Hans Marx, eds. New Mattheson Studies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983. Cannon, Beekman. Das Lied des Lammes., preface. Madison: A-R Editions, Inc., Second Series, V.III, 1971. ---. Johann Mattheson: Spectator in Music. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1947. Horner, Hans. Georg Philipp Telemann IS Passionmusik: ein Beitrag zur geschichte der Passionmusiken im Hamburg. Leipzig: UniversiUitsverlag, 1933. Marx, Hans. "Johann Mattheson's Bequest." Early Music 10 (1982): 365-67. Mattheson, Johann. Das Neu-Eroffnete Orchestre. Hamburg: 1713. Radice, Mark. "Das Lied des Lammes: Johann Mattheson and the Stylus Narrativus." Bach 18.3 (1987): 3-9. Runke, Martin. "Das Italianische Rezitativ bei den deutchen Komponisten des Spaetbarock." 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