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Home , French Armed Forces, Kanak people, Louis Jacquinot, New Caledonia, Zoreilles

The Kanak Awakening of 1969-1976: Radicalizing Anti- in par

David CHAPPELL*

RÉSUMÉ ABSTRACT

Cet article examine les racines des “événements” This article examines the roots of the tragic tragiques des années 1980 en Nouvelle-Calédonie, “events” of the in New Caledonia, arguing en argumentant que le réveil kanak de 1969 résultait that the Kanak Awakening of 1969 resulted from a d’une convergence de forces structurelles puissan- convergence of powerful structural forces, such as tes, telles que la recolonisation du territoire par la the recolonization of the territory by in the France dans les années 1960, accompagnée d’une 1960s, accompanied by massive immigration during immigration massive pendant le boom du , a nickel boom, and the return home of radi- ainsi que le retour chez eux des étudiants kanak et calized Kanak and Caledonian students from France, calédoniens qui avaient été radicalisés en France, where they had experienced the May 1968 student- où ils avaient vécu la révolte des étudiants et ouvriers worker uprising. The gradual, multi-ethnic trend en mai 1968. La tendance graduelle vers l’autono- toward autonomy by the Union calédonienne had mie de l’Union calédonienne a été interrompue, been interrupted, but the advocacy of revolutionary mais la défense de l’indépendance kanak révolution- Kanak Independence polarized the population along naire polarise la population par des clivages ethniques ethnic and political lines. Today, France is again et politiques. Aujourd’hui, alors que la France est en granting autonomy to New Caledonia, but two train de redonner plus d’autonomie à la Nouvelle- visions of nationhood are in competition: remaining Calédonie, deux visions de la nationalité sont en loyal to France or becoming a . concurrence : rester loyal à la France ou bien deve- nir un état souverain. KEYWORDS: , radicalization, Kanak awakening, Foulards rouges, indigenous identity, MOTS-CLÉS : décolonisation, radicalisation, réveil polarization. kanak, Foulards rouges, identité kanak, polarisa- tion.

* Associate Professor of Pacific Islands History, Department of History, University of Hawai‘i at Manoa, dchappel@ .edu

Journal de la Société des Océanistes 117, année 2003-2 188 SOCIÉTÉ DES OCÉANISTES

In such a climate, the action of small groups of extremists can be an effective catalyst in a moment when the habitual political structures find themselves weakened. […] This demands that the Administration exercise particular vigilance. (Risterucci, French , New Caledonia, August 19691) In 1969, the leader of the [Foulards Rouges] movement was imprisoned along with some of my old school mates after a protest. It was a shock for me and marked the beginning of my awareness about the independence struggle. (Gorodé, Pacific Magazine, May 2001: 10)

The annual commemoration of 24th Septem- students returned from France, having experi- ber, the date in 1853 when a French admiral enced the May 1968 student-worker uprising. unilaterally “took possession” of the islands of A handful of Kanak and Caledonian youth pro- New Caledonia to help France compete with tested actively against the Gaullist reprise en England as a colonial power (LNC, 24/09/2002), main. Although they at first lacked a mass base, remains a contested identity symbol, despite except on Mare, they forced changes in local two negotiated peace accords since the tragic political discourse, organization and tactics, “Events” of the 1980s. This essay will examine because they felt that the indigenous and labor- the roots of those Events, arguing that the eth- ing masses might never regain control over nic and political polarization that caused inter- their own destiny. What developed were rival communal violence in the 1980s was not sim- visions of nationhood and of decolonization. ply a product of long-term racial tension or of ideologies. Instead, it emerged from a convergence of forces around the year 1969, Postwar Decolonization which pushed politics toward a more direct In the modern history of the , confrontation between self-determination and colonization after 1853 was an intrusion that colonial rule. New political parties and coali- redrew the political boundaries of New Caledo- tions, class divisions, a generation gap, tensions nia, inscribing on the islands new arenas of between tradition and modernity, changing identity formation2. It also assaulted the indig- demographic ratios, a nickel boom followed by enous Melanesian civilization on numerous a recession and increased economic depend- levels, defining its otherness against powerful ency, and outside influences from France and European cultural and economic assumptions. beyond, all contributed to a process that would Settlers claimed to bring peace and develop- culminate in the Events. ment and, through the , unity One powerful force was what anti-colonial to the divided inhabitants (Chatenay, 1993: radicals called the “recolonization” of New 328). Yet in practice, French colonization in Caledonia: had granted the territory sig- New Caledonia was one of the most extreme nificant powers of self-government in the cases of native denigration, incarceration and 1950s, and then withdrew them unilaterally in dispossession in . A frontier of cattle the 1960s. The Union calédonienne (UC), ranches, camps, mines and coffee which had dominated local politics for a gener- farms moved across the main island of Grande ation, objected strongly but was powerless to Terre, conquering indigenous resisters and stop this centralizing trend and lost many sup- confining them to reserves that amounted to porters. New immigration during the nickel less than ten per cent of the land (Saussol, boom of the late 1960s and early 1970s also 1979; Merle, 1995). In the Pacific , only helped to change the electorate to an anti- the British settler colonies in , New autonomist majority. A dramatic counter-force Zealand, and marginalized the appeared in 1969, the year when such Jacobin- indigenous people more. But New Caledonia ism reached its peak, because radical university never became what Alfred Crosby has called a

1. High Commissioner report to Secretary of State for DOM-TOMs (Départements d’Outre-mer et territoires d’Outre- mer), n° 310, 13 August 1969, Fonds 107W: 799, Archives territoriales de la Nouvelle-Calédonie (hereafter AT). 2. Indigenous , who have twenty-eight languages, became known as Canaques (later Kanak), from the Hawaiian word for person, kanaka, which traveled around the Pacific on trade ships and . The white settlers, however, became known as Calédoniens (later ), from British explorer ’s decision to name the main island of Grande Terre after (the old Caledonia). THE KANAK AWAKENING OF 1969-1976 189

“neo-”3 because Europeans remained a discriminatory indigénat and forced labor. Yet minority, as in Hawai‘i, where non-white labor- the goal was decolonization without separa- ers provided immigrant groups with a demo- tism, i.e. assimilation into equal relations with graphic majority4. Despite their myths of being the métropole so that France could regain its individualistic pioneers and prospectors, French lost status in the world community. Regarding colons exploited local resources using the cheap New Caledonia, French officials recommended labor of , Kanak forced laborers, or not only a liberal policy but also renewed indentured Asians and New Hebrideans. “After migration from the mother country to consoli- all”, a French administrator said in 1896, “coloni- date the French presence in the Pacific (Aldrich, zation is only a business” (Delignon, 1898:173). 1993: 55-56). Since the 1789 revolution, French Missionaries and a few humane officials tried republican thinkers had regarded the “nation” to aid the native people (Lambert, 1999), but as a willful construction that bound citizens the 1931 Colonial Exposition in Paris still por- together with equal rights (Bell), but clearly trayed them as savages, even loaning some to a there was potential tension between full integra- Berlin zoo in exchange for crocodiles (Mwà tion into the mother country and building one’s véé, 1996). What shook up this structure of own patrie. Meanwhile, the colonial domination was the fall of France in Charter of 1945 urged its members to promote 1940, when the mère patrie itself became, not only the socio-economic development of directly or indirectly, a temporary colony of “non-self-governing territories” but also their Nazi (Césaire, 1955). New Caledoni- political self-determination, adding the rather ans rallied to ’s equivocal caveat, “according to the particular on the 19th of , 1940 and deported circumstances of each territory and its peoples Vichy supporters and Japanese residents5. But and their varying stages of advancement”. Most the isolation from France in World War II colonial powers, including France, would inspired new visions of autonomy, albeit refuse even to submit information about their Rhodesian-style, and also made the territory overseas territories to the UN in the early post- more dependent on its regional allies. Aus- war era. In 1960, the UN would harden its moral tralia replaced as a buyer of New Caledo- support for decolonization, creating the Com- nian minerals, and a mili- mittee of 24 to monitor it, but the UN would also tary presence during the war caused a boom in recognize integration, in addition to free asso- the local economy. The wage-earning Melane- ciation or independence, as one way to end sian labor force outside their reserves tripled, colonial (unequal) status (Roff, 1991: 5-10). and more than a thousand Melanesians served Alarmed by the success of the “atheist” in the French armed forces, creating a new Communist Party in recruiting Melanesian political element after the war, when Melane- members after the war, the Catholic and Protes- sians would receive freedom of movement and tant missions organized associations in 1947 to citizenship rights. In addition, a local Commu- promote Melanesian rights and welfare. They nist Party emerged from the wartime alliance copied the mobilization tactics of the Commu- with the Soviet Union. It organized mine work- nists and groomed Melanesian leaders who ers, especially poor whites and Vietnamese, and began to speak, not of the diverse identities recruited Melanesians into an anti-colonial among more than two dozen indigenous lan- movement that still remained loyal to reform- guage groups, but of the native people as a minded postwar France (Kurtovitch, 2000). whole. Both church associations promoted At Brazzaville in 1944, Charles de Gaulle modernization and equal rights but also the pro- had promised new political rights and eco- tection of native reserves and customs. In 1951, nomic development to Free French loyalists in they supported Maurice Lenormand in the elec- the colonies, and in 1946 France abolished the tion for Deputy to Paris, and he won, benefiting

3. In his 1993 book, Alfred Crosby argues that European colonists brought along familiar crops and animals and so outnumbered indigenous populations devastated by conquest and new epidemics that they transformed the new lands demographically, ecologically and economically, thus replicating Europe in various ways. 4. Imagine if almost half the population of Australia, , or the United States were indigenous today, as the Kanak are in New Caledonia. How might it affect their “national” politics? 5. The government confiscated the property of local Japanese, later auctioning off their mines and other holdings to European residents. See Philippe Palombo (2002). 190 SOCIÉTÉ DES OCÉANISTES from the expanding Melanesian electorate. tlers demonstrated in Noumea. They demanded Maurice Lenormand was also careful to side the removal of Maurice Lenormand and the UC, with the petits Blancs against the ruling “fifty created a Vigilance Committee, harassed UC families” of the colon bourgeoisie. In 1953, the officials and barricaded roads, pushing the centennial of French annexation, he led the French Governor to dissolve the GC. A pied newly-formed UC to victory in the election for noir who migrated to Noumea would call that General Council, winning 15 of 25 seats action “the first serious stand against the expan- (including nine Melanesians) on a platform of sionism of the Union calédonienne” (Maresca, “two colors, one people” (Kurtovitch, 2000). 1980: 13-24; Chatenay, 1993: 267-73). Over the next generation, the UC won majorities in elections and built up the country’s social wel- fare system (Henningham, 1992: 51-54). In his A Decade of Recolonization vision of decolonization, Maurice Lenormand In the referendum of September 1958 that spoke of a unified Caledonian “personality” that ratified the new republic, 98% of New Cale- could democratically govern its own affairs, as donian voters chose to remain in the French the French constitution permitted to Community. Two months later the UC again do (Lenormand, 1953: 294-95). This progress won the TA election, with assurance from under the Fourth Republic culminated the loi- Paris that the loi-cadre would still apply. But cadre (Defferre) of 1956, which granted New the new French High Commissioner in Nou- Caledonia a Territorial Assembly (TA) elected mea, Laurent Péchoux, had experience in sup- by universal suffrage, which would in turn pressing native nationalism in Côte d’Ivoire. choose an executive Governing Council (GC) In 1959, with the support of Gaullist Premier whose local Vice-President and cabinet minis- Michel Debré in Paris, he began a decade-long ters would now have real administrative portfo- process of stripping away the powers of self- lios (Henningham, 1992: 55). government that New Caledonia had acquired New Caledonia had thus achieved a kind of since World War II. First, Laurent Péchoux autonomy under the leadership of a multi- took away Maurice Lenormand’s control of racial, progressive party, the UC, whose power the civil service, police and radio station. was based on gradual promotion of the indige- Then, invoking the law against accumulating nous majority and class-oriented appeals to high offices, he also forced Maurice Lenor- and Asian workers. But events in mand to give up being Vice-President of the Algeria would soon jeopardize those gains. GC in order to remain Deputy to Paris. Laurent French Socialists had campaigned in the 1955 Péchoux expressed satisfaction that his “rapid election on a platform of decolonization, and return backwards” had caused New Caledo- the loi-cadre was essentially their peace plan nia’s “definitive reattachment and confident for . But the independence war in Algeria relations with the Mother Country” (Péchoux, complicated matters, because it was a settler 1959). The UC began to lose leaders to the colony. Based on their experience in World opposition, and in April 1962, when Algeria War II, Gaullists saw the as crucial to finally won its independence, bombs were set French prestige and power and actively helped in Noumea. One in front of the TA failed to go to undermine the weak Fourth Republic. When off, but another exploded in the UC headquar- paratroopers sided with the pied noir Commit- ters. Ironically, the court convicted Maurice tee of Public Safety in in May 1958 and Lenormand for failing to prevent the latter even seized , Charles de Gaulle himself crime and took away his civil rights for five came out of retirement to found the Fifth years. Laurent Péchoux left New Caledonia Republic. Although he was willing to let Alge- that same year (Maresca, 1980: 28-38). ria go, he intended to hold on to the remaining The retaking of possession would continue in overseas territories (Kahler, 1984). New Cale- the 1960s, even though Western and donian loyalists felt that the loi-cadre had been , with UN help, became the first colonies inappropriate for their islands, and like-minded in Oceania to achieve independence, and the French officers helped to fuel their dis- chose Free Association with content. On the 18th of June 1958, the annual New Zealand. In September 1963, Secretary commemoration of Charles de Gaulle’s war- of State for DOM-TOMs Louis Jacquinot vis- time call to rally to Free France, Caledonian set- ited New Caledonia, but Roch Pidjot, Maurice THE KANAK AWAKENING OF 1969-1976 191

Lenormand’s Melanesian successor as Vice- aeronautic industries, because as an alloy it President, urged UC followers to boycott the hardens metals for armor, nuclear arms and official welcome. Soon afterwards, the loi Jac- missiles (Maclellan and Chesneaux, 1998; Yost, quinot stripped the GC of its ministerial powers, 1988). In late 1968, the new DOM-TOM Secre- leaving it only a consultative role. Paris would tary, Michel Inchauspé, said that France had a take over control of secondary and technical “duty” to control such strategic resources in the education as well, citing a lack of local funds “national interest” (FA, 6/12/1968). As Jean and trained personnel. The UC campaigned in Freyss has written: the 1967 TA election on a platform of restoring the loi-cadre and won 69% of the votes. In “nickel is considered, like oil, as an element of national independence […].” (Freyss, 1995: 82) early 1968, the TA voted 23-8 for internal autonomy and sent a delegation to Paris, but Rival versions of nationhood and decoloniza- DOM-TOM Minister Pierre Billotte refused even tion also clashed when the nickel boom stimu- to see them (Thompson and Adloff, 1971: 326). lated massive immigration. The population of In January 1969, the three lois Billotte took New Caledonia increased by one-fifth between away territorial control over mining, large-scale 1969 and 1971, as 15,000 French and Polyne- investments of 15 million CFP or more, and local sians arrived. By 1976, there were 25,000 new commune elections. In addition, Paris divided settlers, including about 2,000 pied noir exiles the New Caledonia into four subdivisions, from Algeria, who were “completely foreign to each administered by a centrally appointed the history of this territory and who were hardly sub-, fueling UC fears of departmentali- concerned with the slogan ‘two colors, one zation (Colombani, 1999: 59-67). Even loyalist people’” (Freyss, 1995: 26; Postel-Vinay et al., Caledonian Senator Henri Lafleur criticized the 1971: 32; Lyons, 1986: 122). Even local-born new laws as “an act of distrust” by France Europeans resented the who often (Lafleur, 1969). Self-determination in New brought with them better educational and Caledonia seemed dead. employment qualifications as well as attitudes Why this retrograde policy? Jean-Marie of superiority. As Frédéric Bobin notes: Colombani speculates that because nickel “During the euphoria of the nickel boom of 1968- prices were rising, and the UC was talking of 1972 there were numerous incidents of verbal and inviting outside investment from INCO of Can- physical abuse between Caldoches and newcomers, ada to counter the local monopoly held by the who were referred to as invaders.” (1991: 304) Rothschild-controlled Société le Nickel (SLN): Yet France actively encouraged this migra- “The French state had thus judged it necessary to tion by creating a special recruiting office. master the development of New Caledonia in the Noumea Mayor Roger Laroque said the terri- interest of course of its inhabitants, but also in the tory needed to “breed whites” (Bobin, 1991: interest of the nation.” (Colombani, 1999: 65) 304), and Premier Pierre Messmer told his DOM-TOM Secretary that the way to quiet local Billotte himself had told Le Monde (20/1/68) nationalism was to create a non-indigenous that he wanted to “put a brake on speculations” majority through “an operation of overseas col- about diversifying New Caledonia’s invest- onization” (Henningham, 1992: 62-63). ments. Certainly the profit motive was a factor, as nickel exports tripled between 1966 and 1969; in 1968 alone, the value of ore exports Building Castles in and rose 63%. Japan bought about half of those exports, and it was making about US $1 billion France has a revolutionary as well as a colo- a year from selling supplies to the nizing heritage. The republicans of 1789 and United States for its war in (Postel- after often proclaimed that their political values Vinay et al., 1971; Forsberg, 2000: 258, n.10). were universal and that its colonized peoples Yet France also had strategic ambitions, as should be grateful to assimilate to French laws, exemplified in its arms sales abroad and the language and civilization. Yet the metropolitan transfer of its nuclear testing program from media also represented non-Europeans as living Algeria to French in the mid-1960s. outside of history and used racist images to por- New Caledonia was an important naval base, tray both colonial subjects overseas and immi- and its nickel was crucial for the armament and grants (Blanchard and Bancel, 1998). In this 192 SOCIÉTÉ DES OCÉANISTES contradictory context, African and Antillean stu- thus included concepts of equal human rights, dents in Paris developed the idea of Négritude, a Third World liberation and class struggle. They celebration of black pride, and in the 1950s also met other students from all corners of the Cheikh Anta Diop argued that the ancient Egyp- empire and beyond, so that their stay in the cos- tians were black, so that “civilization” ultimately mopolitan “mother country” sometimes changed came from Africa. Pan-Africanism inspired their perspectives on their own homeland. To many students in France to see themselves as the which France were they supposed to assimilate, vanguard of independence that swept across the colonizer or the emancipator? Given the Africa (Guimont, 1998). In addition, the long settler-dominated power structure in New Cale- war over Algeria not only toppled the Fourth donia, and the mission reaction against Commu- Republic, and sent 900,000 Europeans fleeing nist organizing, the answer is not hard to find, across the Mediterranean from an Arab Socialist despite the moderate reformism of the UC. For- revolution, but also provoked intense debates mal education in New Caledonia had long been about decolonization and national identity the privilege of a small minority, until more state among intellectuals such as Frantz Fanon, Albert funds became available after World War II. Memmi, Jean-Paul Sartre, Albert Camus and Most Melanesians attended tribal missions Pierre Bourdieu (Le Sueur, 2001). and vocational training schools, while better- In the 1960s, a broader Third Worldism sym- off Caledonians usually attended the Lycée La bolized by the Non-Aligned Movement created Pérouse in Noumea as preparation for higher an almost millenarian opposition to imperial- . A training center for pri- ism (Willetts, 1978). It was the era of armed mary school monitors in Nouville and a trickle African liberation movements against Portu- into the seminary in Paita and the Lycée pro- gal and British settler colonies, the spreading vided some upward mobility for Melanesians. influence of the Cuban revolution, the Chinese In 1962, the first Melanesian earned a bacca- Cultural Revolution against revisionism, and laureat degree, but gradually more state schol- Ho Chi Minh’s second war against outside arships increased the flow of New Caledonian domination. That last struggle became a symbol students to France (Thompson and Adloff, to many radicals that US support for “freedom” 1971: 499-504). Not all university students in the Cold War often interfered with decoloni- became radicals, but among those who did, two zation (Rosaldo, 1993: 35). In fact, a growing main tendancies emerged: Third World leftism informal empire threatened self-determination. and indigenous nationalism, both of which U.S. multinational corporations, backed by the often allied against colonialism. economic restructuring that lending institutions In 1962, the Association des étudiants de la like the IMF6 and required for debt- Nouvelle-Calédonie et des Nouvelles-Hébrides relief, achieved new heights of power, exploit- (AECH) created a student bulletin, Trait d’union ing millions of Third World poor while often (TU). AECH was officially non-political, but TU backing corrupt dictators. Like Marxism, glo- articles soon addressed issues that returning bal capitalism promised rapid development, but graduates would face, such as competition for based on free trade, shifting production, and jobs from metropolitan migrants, over-depend- “efficient” economies of scale that transcended ence on the nickel industry to the detriment of nation-states (and labor unions). The quest for rural agriculture, and the marginalization of profit used slogans of peace, plenty, and democ- Melanesians. In 1965, AECH president and TU racy, and modernization theory recommended editor Jean-Paul Caillard highlighted New the smashing of tradition to free individualism Caledonia’s development needs and called for (Barnet and Müller, 1974; Peet, 1991). - a clearer policy, “conceived from the inside, pean and Japanese multinationals would also not the outside […]”. In the same issue, co- contribute to this “process in which the last sur- editor Max Chivot interviewed Apollinaire viving internal and external zones of precapi- Anova-Ataba, a Melanesian priest whose the- talism […] are now ultimately penetrated and sis celebrated Chief Ataï, leader of the largest colonized in their turn” (Jameson, 1984: 207). native revolt in 1878, as a heroic martyr for The university education that Caledonian and unity and freedom. Apollinaire Anova-Ataba Kanak students had to travel to France to obtain hoped that Melanesians and other Caledonians

6. International Monetary Fund, which like the World Bank was dominated by US interests. THE KANAK AWAKENING OF 1969-1976 193 could amalgamate, as the UC had been prescrib- May student-worker revolt, various New Cale- ing, and he regarded the recent loi Jacquinot as donians participated as individuals, and Jean- a regressive obstacle to the development of the Paul Caillard’s bloody photo after being beaten Caledonian personality (TU, June/Sept. 1965). by police appeared in L’Express and in the In 1966 Nidoish Naisseline, a high chief’s son, home press. Those who became radicalized by began a series of essays that borrowed inspira- the experience formed a Comité d’action pour tion from Aimé Césaire, Frantz Fanon and l’autonomie de la Calédonie et de la défense de Albert Memmi, among others. He was one of la France that supported the grassroots France the few Melanesians to study at La Pérouse of people who were demanding change, not the before moving to France, where he was influ- state alliance with private business interests that enced by liberation theology in a Protestant was taking away self-government in New Cale- lycée. In his higher studies in sociology at the donia. In TU, Jean-Paul Caillard defended the Sorbonne, he specialized in the search for iden- activism of New Caledonian students in France tity by young Kanak urban migrants, dialogued against complaints in the home press, arguing and demonstrated with Marxists and other rad- for an autonomy based on better education for icals but never accepted their ideological pater- both white Caledonians and Melanesians, so nalism (Naisseline, 2001). that outside interests could not dominate either Together, such young intellectuals devel- any longer (TU, Sept/Oct 1968). Nidoish Naisse- oped an anti-colonial discourse that adapted line added an essay about the three phases a ideological currents from many sources to the Melanesian student passes through: first he tries local needs of decolonization in New Caledonia. to assimilate, only to regret his lost identity, Nidoish Naisseline revalued the derogatory then he tries to reject western ways, and finally term Canaque (later Kanak), much as Aimé he becomes realistic. Rather than living in “an Césaire had done with nègre, arguing that imaginary future, or an idealized past”, he Kanak custom and Western civilization should decides to solve problems in the “most just” learn from and adapt mutually to each other, way, according to “his time” (TU, Dec1968). instead of expecting the indigenous civilization That December, the radical students formed to give way. Nidoish Naisseline noted with a new organization, the Association des jeunes irony that it was in France that he discovered Calédoniens à Paris (AJCP), which launched a his own “originality”, because he found more new bulletin in February, 1969, Canaque homme acceptance there than in Noumea, where he libre (Kanak Free Man). Max Chivot wrote in was taught to become French (TU, Jan/Feb support of autonomy for New Caledonia, 1966). He criticized the way colons used lan- because it had the natural resources to finance guage to create an inferiority complex among its own development and more trained leaders Kanaks, with petit nègre and the familiar voice. were emerging. All the ethnic groups should Nidoish Naisseline recommended that the edu- integrate, on the basis of equality and of mutual cated Kanak should speak proper French, sub- recognition of their own identities, and develop versively, “to bring into being a new type of better ties with Pacific neighbors. Nidoish individual”, an echo of Frantz Fanon (TU, Dec. Naisseline defended the activism of Kanak stu- 1967). Borrowing from Georg W.H. Hegel and dents, arguing that despite racist accusations by Jean-Paul Sartre, he said that the partial eman- the home press, they were not the dupes of left- cipation of Kanaks since World War II had ists. He reminded his readers of how the 1931 been a gift from whites that simply allowed the Colonial Exposition in Paris had also stereotyped slave “to eat at the table of the master”. The Kanaks to deny their humanity. He compared Kanaks needed to struggle like American Kanak radicals to the rebellious peasants in blacks for full recognition as equals to con- Brittany, anti-nuclear and protesters struct a better world (TU, Jan/Mar 1968). It was in Guadaloupe. In response to right-wing claims clearly colonialism, not France per se, that he that French settlers had developed New Caledo- was criticizing. nian resources and thus benefited Kanaks, By early 1968, student essays in TU addressed Nidoish Naisseline pointed out that Kanaks the recolonization of New Caledonia. One writer, were not even allowed into certain hotels in for example, supported the UC’s proposal to Noumea except as folkloric performers. In allow a second nickel mining company, such as Fanonian tones, he wrote that the systemic vio- INCO, to break the SLN monopoly. During the lence of colonial rule in New Caledonia left 194 SOCIÉTÉ DES OCÉANISTES those who wished to restore the Melanesian at first among some SLN workers, dissident pol- personality with only two choices: to dialogue, iticians and Loyalty Islanders. For example, in or to revolt. Capitalism and colonialism had June 1968, a small group of leftists who worked forced the native to struggle against both an at the Doniambo nickel processing plant had exploitative economic system and racial deni- founded a Marxist bulletin called Sikiss. They gration: resented the biased, superficial coverage of the May uprising in France and accused the local “a new combat is born, that of the liberation of the bourgeoisie, including the UC leadership, of native: to give him a chance, to see him finally restored to his dignity and responsible with all Cale- being colonial reactionaries. Sikiss defended donians for the happiness of everyone.” (Canaque Nidoish Naisseline’s controversial essays in TU homme libre 1, 1969) as being the first reflections by a native “out- side the narrow framework of established Clearly, the radical students were interacting ideas”. They offered up heroes ranging from with both the conservative home press, which Guevara and Mao to , an anar- was usually financed by local business interests, chist who had been exiled to New Caledonia and with global activism of which May 1968 after the of 1871, and criti- was one episode. Jean-Pierre Devillers, a Cale- cized the celebration of French annexation on donian literature student in Aix-en-Provence, September 24th as blind chauvinism. The edi- argued that the student-worker uprising had tor of Sikiss, Gerald Moglia, who was an active encouraged large numbers of people to redis- unionist, had won nearly a thousand votes in cover Marxism, but it was of a Third World the 1967 TA election, but Sikiss noted that pro- variety inspired by Che Guevara’s image of letarian consciousness was limited by a racist small groups of mobile guerrillas and Mao’s class system that pitted poor whites against mass line of party-peasant dialogue not the poorer Melanesians. Moreover, the nickel boom Trotskyist “cult of the theoretician”. Jean- immigrants, including from other Pierre Devillers recommended leadership that French Pacific colonies, were inclined toward was more representative of and responsible to opportunism, not revolution (Sikiss, AC). the grassroots, albeit disciplined by democratic centralism (Archives Caillard, 1969). In May Jean-Paul Caillard, Jean-Pierre Devillers and 1968, radical students and workers had destabi- others met informally with such kindred spir- lized France almost as much as paratroopers its in Noumea and planned ways to raise anti- and terrorists had in 1958. But the Fifth Repub- colonial consciousness. On the night of Satur- lic endured, despite a weakening of Charles de day, 12th July, their group painted on the walls Gaulle’s prestige that contributed to his down- of public buildings in Noumea revolutionary fall in April 1969 (Wright, 1981: 429; Thomp- slogans such as “Down with Colonialism, Free son and Adloff, 1971: 327-28). Meanwhile, Caledonia, and Independence Yes!”. Public Guevara’s Bolivian adventure had proven fatal, works employees erased the graffiti before and Mao’s youthful Red Guards provoked an Bastille Day on Monday, 14th July, but the pub- army backlash (Chaliand, 1978; Dirlik, 2000). licity caused a stir in the local press, which con- The radical New Caledonian students in France demned the “degradation of public edifices” were only a handful, comprising a study group and noted that the few young hotheads respon- called GAIAC (Groupe d’action pour l’indépen- sible, including Jean-Paul Caillard and Jean- dance accélérée de la Calédonie). Might the Pierre Devillers, had been arrested (VC, 16/7/ recolonization at home provide the necessary 1969). The radicals explained their actions, conditions to stir up anti-colonial action? After arguing that a colonial situation existed in New all, a small Communist Party had sparked the Caledonia, because people were not being pre- eventual rise of the autonomist UC. pared to control their own economic future, the elected TA had no real authority over law-mak- ing, the local ruling class owned the media and The Foulards rouges thus prevented the legal spreading of anti-colo- nial information, and the French administration In their summer vacation at home in 1969, “illegally” occupied the buildings where the Caledonian and Kanak radicals would try to graffiti had been painted (Archives Caillard). apply some ideas and tactics they had learned Sikiss praised the three young wall-painters as in “revolutionary” France. They found support patriots, but Jean-Pierre Devillers suggested that THE KANAK AWAKENING OF 1969-1976 195 they should try to form local action committees been outside the country and come into contact and, in particular, to mobilize Melanesian stu- with global revolutionary ideas, opened his dents (Sikiss, 7/1969; AT 107W: 667)7. eyes to the habitual second class status that One week later, Nidoish Naisseline arrived in missionary paternalism had persuaded Melane- Noumea on summer vacation, and being the sians to accept. After being refused service in a son of a high chief on Mare would enable him restaurant in Baie de Citrons, until he threat- to cause what became known as the réveil ened to make a scene, Fote Trolue wrote about canaque (Kanak Awakening). His anti-colo- his experience. Entitled “Are we not French?” nial reputation had preceded his return to it was printed in French and in the indigenous New Caledonia, because of his articles in TU languages of and Mare, and distributed. and Canaque homme libre, including a letter In fact, when Fote Trolue, Nidoish Naisseline printed in the latter that claimed he wanted and French administrators were attending a colons to be confined to reserves and made to chiefly marriage on Lifou, the tract was put dance the waltz and tango for black American next to each place set at the banquet. The police tourists. Drawing inspiration from the raised arrested thirty people, including several white fist protest of black American athletes at the radicals, and accused them of two crimes: call- 1968 Olympics in Mexico, Nidoish Naisseline ing for armed revolt, and publishing in indige- targeted the upcoming in Port nous languages without official permission Moresby, . He and other rad- (Trolue, 2001). The tract condemned , icals spoke to the apolitical Melanesian Cultural affirmed the Melanesian personality, called for Association8 and found some support. Late on an independence struggle, and urged Melane- 7th August, the night before the three graffiti sians to give up alcohol, to wake up and stop painters of 12th July went on trial, several cooperating with exploitative white colons. young Melanesians painted graffiti on public Misunderstood metaphors in the indigenous buildings. The new graffiti condemned colonial versions were sensationalized by the authorities racism and advocated a boycott of the Moresby and local press into an apology for “murder” games, because participation would conceal the and “racial hatred” (VC, 29/10/69). Clearly, only inequality of Melanesians at home; a few slo- one political version of France was permitted in gans were also anti-white. The next morning, New Caledonia. the white radicals, bolstered by the attendance As rumors circulated about a demonstration of their supporters, turned their trial into a polit- on 24th September, Nidoish Naisseline and ical platform and received suspended sen- some companions arrived in Noumea by plane tences with fines. Outside the Police Commis- from Mare on 2nd September and were arrested sariat that evening, Nidoish Naisseline and for carrying copies of the anti-colonial tract. He fifty other Melanesians demanded the release and six other prisoners were questioned by the of those arrested for the 7th August graffiti. police, while several hundred supporters gath- On 9th August, athletes from Mare wore fou- ered outside the Commissariat. At the end of lards rouges (red scarves) around their heads as the afternoon, the police would still not release they left for the Games, and Nidoish Naisseline those arrested, so Melanesians from Mare, who raised a fist in . Some Mareen athletes regarded Nidoish Naisseline as a high chief’s would later repeat that gesture in son and resented what they saw as colonial dis- (AT, 107W: 667). respect for his customary rank, pounded on the The next act in the Kanak awakening was door of the Commissariat and threw stones and provoked by tests of local segregation policies bottles at the building. The police charged and in restaurants, which in turn led to a tract, dispersed the crowd, at the cost of two police arrests and a momentous riot. Fote Trolue, now injuries, but the violence spread into the center a judge and then a student at Do Kamo, a Prot- of Noumea, where rioters used iron or wooden estant high school, recalls hearing the Foulards bars to smash streetlights, store windows and rouges (FR) speak at informational meetings. cars, attacking several whites and seriously He said their view of the local situation, having injuring a taxi driver. Thirty arrests followed,

7. Sikiss also pointed out that during the 1965 presidential elections, Gaullist slogans such as “No to Autonomy” had appeared on buildings, but they were not erased and no one was arrested. 8. The ACM was founded in early 1969 to promote Melanesian education and concrete rural development programs; backed by the religious associations and encouraged by Paris, it tended to be conciliatory. 196 SOCIÉTÉ DES OCÉANISTES and more trials and publicity. The local press Gaullist France had already “advised” Caledo- called the incident a carefully planned provoca- nians and revoked their autonomy. tion, but the radicals said the crowd acted spon- One member of the TA, however, had a differ- taneously. Either way, nothing like it had been ent view. Yann Céléné Uregei and several other seen in Noumea since the anti-UC violence of Melanesians had been distancing themselves 9 June 1958 . Afterwards, Nidoish Naisseline from the UC old guard since early 1968, when wrote: they began to resent paternalistic, conciliatory European leaders who did not fully support “We have decided to say no in order to define our- their motion for internal autonomy. These dis- selves […]. We struggle for Man and not against the White Man […]. The condition for racial harmony in sident Melanesians felt that their people had New Caledonia [is] for each ethnic group to develop inferior status because of too little educational its personality as much as possible and to respect the and economic aid. Yann Céléné Uregei had others instead of wanting to rule them, or letting oth- greeted Nidoish Naisseline at the airport on his ers rule them.” (AT, 107W: 1606) arrival in July 1969, attended his meetings, and tried to help him when in prison. In the TA dis- cussion of 2nd September, he called the UC One Country, Two Nations? motion of condemnation premature, because not enough was known about the origins of One week after the riot, a debate in the TA the radical tract. Yann Céléné Uregei praised revealed how the established political parties Nidoish Naisseline for the sound ideas in his were reacting to the FR. The UC introduced a essays: racism did exist in New Caledonia, and motion opposing independence, racism and the young protesters were not promoting it, as violent demonstrations; it condemned the pro- some claimed, but opposing it. The young sub- testers of 2nd September, demanded the pun- jects of Nidoish Naisseline’s father may have ishment of those responsible, asked the Admin- gone too far, Yann Céléné Uregei said, but they istration to remain vigilant and energetic in always showed devotion for a high ranking restoring order, and requested the public to chief. On Mare, two days before Nidoish Nais- keep calm and help restore an atmosphere of seline’s arrest, he and his friends had passed out ethnic harmony (AT, 107W: 1606). The UC had tracts, only to have the Administration send already been very critical of the graffiti paint- over 36 soldiers in two planes, to the shock of ers, accusing subversive young white leftists many inhabitants, who remained peaceful. of “seducing a few Melanesians who lacked Yann Céléné Uregei argued that the rioters had political maturity […]” (AC, 31/7/1969). Henri been provoked and were following custom: Lafleur of the Rassemblement calédonien responded positively to the UC motion, voicing “I am in complete solidarity with all these young dismay that their university students, many of people who seek, I think, to improve the daily life of whom were on territorial scholarships, would Caledonians, whether European or native, and who turn against their country: don’t seek, far from it, to kill whites as some pre- tend” (AT, 107W: 1606, TA 9/9/1969). “I would simply like to know […] if this affair doesn’t extend beyond the borders of New Caledo- Yann Céléné Uregei’s relationship with the nia. And, in the inquiry that will be done, it will be young radicals would fluctuate, but together very important to determine if our students are not they began to open space for more radical anti- under the influence of certain people, in France, who colonial Melanesian politics10. By mid-1970, sometimes give them advice which goes against the the radical students in France divided into two interests of New Caledonia and Caledonians.” (AT, 107W: 1606) groups, one white and the other indigenous; each would study the particular problems of Neither the UC nor its adversaries were their own communities and work to bridge ready to acknowledge that (a) their children the gap in understanding between them. The could have a political vision of their own, or (b) Melanesian group began to publish a journal

9. A white Self-Defense Committee distributed a tract after the riot, blaming Maoists for trying to ruin the ethnic peace in New Caledonia and vowing to descend into the streets to protect lives and property. 10. Protestant Pastor Raymond had moved in this direction in the mid-1950s, breaking from the mode- rate religious association he had helped to found and leading his new Free Evangelical Church toward stronger Melane- sian promotion through political reform and education. He too had turned against the UC. THE KANAK AWAKENING OF 1969-1976 197 called Réveil canaque (RC), which was first dis- of the Moral Rearmament Movement, which tributed after Nidoish Naisseline came home for thirty years had preached that capitalism again in August to be tried for the tract of 1969. was good because only a few employers were At the trial, he declared: not. The UC openly accused Gaullists of play- ing divide and rule by using Yann Céléné Ure- “It’s true, we wanted to commit two murders: that gei to split the party (AC, 15/12/71). In Septem- of the myth of white racial superiority and that of the ber 1972, the UC lost the TA election for the first myth of Canaque savagery.” time in almost twenty years, due to loyalist The Kanaks had no desire to dominate or immigration and the defection of both the harm white Caledonians, he said, but simply UMNC and Jean Lèques’s Mouvement libéral wanted to escape their assigned role of “head- calédonien. By early 1973, Yann Céléné Ure- less” bodies whom the European intelligence gei excluded Max Chivot’s AWA group (who needed to civilize: were publishing a satirical leftist journal) from the UMNC and broke with the FR, calling them “To the refusal of self that colonialism imposes on “extremists”. In July and again in October, he us we respond with the acceptance of self […] of the allied with the anti-autonomists to win elec- Canaque personality […]. We must struggle against tion as TA President, ironically becoming what racism because it prevents us all from posing the essential problem: that of class struggle. Unite, Jean-Paul Caillard called the “representative exploited peoples of Caledonia.” (CN, 19/11/1970)11. Melanesian” that local business interests had always wanted to head a loyalist majority (VC, RC called 1969 the Year I and likened the 14/11/1973). 2nd September demonstration to storming a Caledonian Bastille, because the Kanak people were no longer divided. It also regarded Chief Toward “Kanak Independence” Ataï of 1878 as a hero and criticized the statue in the center of Noumea that portrayed him At the January 1972 congress of the UMNC on kneeling to surrender (RC, 9/1970). Mare, hosted by Nidoish Naisseline’s father, The Foulards supported Yann Céléné Ure- some FR had chafed at the opening Christian gei’s candidacy for the TA Presidency in the prayers, which they said mocked their person- September 1970 election, but he lost to Jean ality. But officially the FR followed customary Lèques of the UC. This setback pushed Yann protocol and said they learned from their UMNC Céléné Uregei to resign from the UC along with elders that “Caledonian unity can only happen several other Melanesians in the TA to form a through respecting cultural differences”. They party of their own, the Union multiraciale de la criticized the presence of the bourgeois media, Nouvelle-Calédonie (UMNC). At the first UMNC which called the UMNC racist, and distin- congress in January 1971, he said that the UC guished between the colonial press and sympa- had become too bourgeois, had outlived its his- thetic white leftists in their movement: torical role for Melanesians, and kept them in submission and inferiority. The young students “We firmly believe that the theft of Canaque lands had opened a new phase of Kanak promotion, and the misery of workers represent two faces of a single reality. ‘Tribes, factories, united front’ is our when the indigenous people needed to choose slogan.” (RC, 12/2/1972) their own future while protecting their culture, and only internal autonomy would make that In March, Nidoish Naisseline was arrested possible (RC, 5/2/1971). The FR wanted inde- again, this time on his home island of Mare, pendence, but they allied with Yann Céléné and the result was more publicity for the anti- Uregei because he had supported them in 1969 colonial movement, which now attracted sup- and had now formed the first Kanak-based port even from the UC (AC, 19/4/1972). Nidoish party. But some worried that he was a dupe or Naisseline had challenged the authority of the too opportunistic. In July 1971, he traveled to sub-prefect on Maré to enforce French laws, France and Switzerland and met with Baron so two planes of police arrived to take him to Rothschild and other powerful financial leaders Noumea in handcuffs. AWA ran a cover cartoon

11. Nidoish Naisseline received a suspended sentence, as did the other prisoners, because the authorship of the tract and individual acts during the riot were hard to prove. A metropolitan lawyer from the League of the Rights of Man, Jean-Jacques de Felice, defended them successfully, and would again. 198 SOCIÉTÉ DES OCÉANISTES of Nidoish Naisseline on the cross as Christ, ten per cent of Grande Terre was under Kanak while Réveil canaque portrayed him with a tribal control, so Groupe 1878 prioritized the headband labeled Ataï. Although condemned to restoration of indigenous lands. In September six months in prison for “threatening a high offi- the radicals chose two symbolic targets, the cial”, Nidoish Naisseline defended his actions colonial statue of Ataï surrendering to Gover- on the basis of custom: the Administration had nor Olry in the Place des Cocotiers, and the recently confiscated 75 hectares of land on Maré annual commemoration of annexation (since without consulting Kanak chiefs, and he rejected September 24, 1973, the FR had regarded it as a colonial authority on Mare, despite the lois Bil- day of national mourning). Nidoish Naisseline lotte (RC, 19/5/1972). Typically, Les Nouvelles- and UJC member Jean-Jacques Bourdinat spray- calédoniennes wrote: “custom is no excuse” for painted the statue red and green and were later insulting an official (LNC, 22/3/1972). fined. But police continued to break up mee- The UMNC and UC both condemned Nidoish tings and demonstrations by the UJC, FR and Naisseline’s conviction in the TA and demanded Groupe 1878, including a protest in front of the the abolition of the Pierre Billotte laws, espe- Mairie joined by the Pacifist and Anti-Racist cially the change in commune elections, which Union. On 24th September, during the official they saw as a plot to break up the Melanesian parade along Anse Vata, Groupe 1878 and the tribes (AC, 28/3/1972). But tensions continued FR held a small rally. Elie Poigoune jumped among the UC, the UMNC and the radicals over over a barrier by the spectator tribune and called tactics and policies. In May 1973, young leftists for independence, followed by Henri Bailly. organized the Union jeunesse calédonienne Soldiers and police arrested them, along with (UJC), with support from the FR, Awa, some UC Groupe 1878 President Déwé Gorodé12, Berna- and UMNC members, unionists, and Alain Ber- dette Montéapo, and others. At the trial of Élie nut’s Mouvement populaire calédonien (MPC). Poigoune and Henri Bailly, the judge ordered With Max Chivot as president, the UJC sought the sympathetic audience expelled, but they sta- to unite young people to defend their interests ged a sit-in, until attacked by the police, who against colonialism: arrested a dozen more people. Three days later, all of the accused offered the judge roses; but “Let’s lose our inferiority complexes that our ene- Elie Poigoune got two weeks in jail and Henri mies created inside us to better exploit us.” Bailly eight days, and their arrested supporters, RC printed an essay entitled Toward a Caledo- including Jean-Paul Caillard, Jean-Pierre Devil- nian Nation, which rejected the neo-colonialist lers, Jean-Jacques Bourdinat, Déwé Gorodé, line that locals lacked the capacity to build a fra- Robert Casola and others got two to six months ternal country and would only degenerate into in prison. Sitting was apparently more criminal ethnic warfare if France withdrew. It cited the than jumping, and white provocateurs got lon- Kanak unity demonstrated by Ataï in 1878 and ger sentences. On release, several continued to the worker unity shown in the general strike of protest, painting public monuments and even 1971, arguing that massive immigration and burning the French , and were arrested colonial exploitation were creating a shared again (Le Kolonisé, 10/1974; FA, 22/10/1974). sense of national identity in New Caledonia, A persistent campaign of civil disobedience though each community could keep its own per- developed, including hunger strikes, tracts, sonality (RC, 5/1973). In August, the UJC voted petitions and support networks from New Cal- to support autonomy as a step toward indepen- edonia to students and lawyers in France, but dence, and by early 1974 its meetings sported a the Administration continued to suppress the Caledonian flag: red and green, with four stars protesters’ freedoms of speech and assembly, representing ethnic groups (Archives Caillard). and Paris ignored repeated demands by the TA After UJC meetings and FR demonstrations to restore autonomy. In January 1975, during culminated in more arrests on Bastille Day, the visit of the DOM-TOMs Secretary Olivier 1974, Kanak radicals from Grande Terre for- Stirn, a bomb was set (but disarmed) on the med Groupe 1878. Unlike the Loyalty Islands, desk of the President of the TA, and slogans which were entirely native reserves, less than painted on the walls said, “Kanak13 Independ-

12. She had written about gender issues for the FR and 1878, for example the multiple ways that Kanak women, espe- cially the educated, risked being alienated from their own people by colonialism (RC, 9/1972). THE KANAK AWAKENING OF 1969-1976 199 ence” (Bailly, Noumea, 2001). That same Kanak radicals saw this stark choice as either month, Groupe 1878 publicly called for revolu- departmentalization or independence, and the tionary Kanak independence (Poigoune, Nou- UMNC declared for Kanak independence. At a mea, 2000). They explained in their journal, conference in La Conception on 25th June, the Nouvelles 1878, that it meant: (1) the restora- UMNC, some Kanak members of the UC, the FR tion of all Kanak lands—France would have to and Groupe 1878 issued a communique calling pay compensation to non-Kanak landhold- for a referendum on Kanak independence, the ers— (2) the nationalization of all mines, (3) creation of a single Kanak party, and sending a the confiscation of small businesses to redis- delegation to the UN. A Committee of Coordi- tribute their wealth to the poor, and (4) the nation for Kanak Independence formed, to con- establishment of Kanak citizenship, which tinue discussion about how to define their goals could include non-Kanak who chose to remain (Nouvelles 1878 27, 1975). in the country and thus have the right to partic- ipate in the government. Groupe 1878 clearly regarded the return of Kanak lands as an essen- The Road to the Events tial precondition for future race relations. Along with other radical groups, it also strongly How exactly could Kanak independence be opposed 2000, the cultural festival achieved? As Groupe 1878 admitted: planned by Jean-Marie Tjibaou in cooperation with liberals in the French administration, call- “we don’t have arms, we don’t have the demo- graphic majority, and there is no political unity ing it a “sabotage of Kanak Culture” (Nouvelles among the Kanak people.” 1878 9, 1975). The FR espoused Kanak Inde- pendence in March and formed three branches, They decided to try electoral politics (Nou- one to work on each Loyalty Island. Déwé velles 1878, 9). As the FR and Groupe 1878 Gorodé also began to travel abroad on behalf of planned the creation of a formal party, a young the movement, first to the Nuclear Free Pacific Kanak named Richard Kamouda was shot to conference in in April and then to New death by a policeman in Noumea. The radicals York in June to speak to the UN Decolonization called it an assassination, demonstrated in protest Committee in June (Gorodé, Noumea, 2000). for two days and held meetings around the Meanwhile, Yann Céléné Uregei returned to country, adding new impetus to anti-colonialism. a stronger Kanak nationalist position. In May In January 1976, independence supporters met 1975, he traveled to Paris with a TA delegation in Amoa on the east coast of Grande Terre and to request a new statute for New Caledonia as launched the Parti de libération kanak (PALIKA), well as economic aid because of a fiscal crisis which launched a journal, Kanak, in February following the end of the nickel boom. President and held its first congress in May. PALIKA Valéry Giscard d’Estaing said he was too busy opposed the colonial domination of Kanak to receive them, and Stirn opposed a referen- culture and demanded the recovery of Kanak dum on autonomy because it implied future lands, developed a protest strategy of land occu- independence. Yann Céléné Uregei left in anger, pations. Quoting Mao, it also criticized both the telling Le Monde he wanted internal autonomy. UC and UMNC for not consulting the mass base Gaullist Premier met with the enough and called for “revolutionary combat” remaining TA delegates, and Maurice Lenor- (Kanak 1, 2/1976)14. PALIKA won two TA seats mand asked him to consider the autonomy pro- in 1977, while the UMNC lost supporters who posal. Jacques Chirac’s response TA: preferred autonomy as a goal and left to form the Union progressiste multiraciale (UPM)15. The “There is no choice: it’s the current statute former UJC became the Parti socialiste calédon- amended as much as possible or it’s independence, ien (PSC), one faction of which supported inde- because internal autonomy became outdated ago. And since no one wants independence, it seems rea- pendence, and the uc moved closer to a pro- sonable to consider amending the current project [i.e., independence stand (Caillard, Noumea, 2001; limited administrative autonomy].” (FA, 13/6/1975) Barbançon, Noumea, 2001).

13. Canaque was now spelled with K’s, though only later would it become gender/number neutral. 14. Meanwhile, loyalist opponents had formed an action committee against independence (CACI) nearby. 15. Yann Céléné Uregei sooned formed FULK (Front uni de libération kanak), which had ties with anti-western states. 200 SOCIÉTÉ DES OCÉANISTES

Most white Caledonians and other immi- between the FI and the RPCR. The resulting grants, fearing exclusion, fled toward the communique proposed to (a) abolish the colo- right, and loyalists were already manipulating nial situation by recognizing Kanak civilization dependent Tahitians and Wallisians into vio- as equal to the West, (b) recognize the legiti- lent action against pro-independence Kanak macy of the Kanak people as the first inhabit- (VC, 19/11/1969; AC, 12/6/1974). In April 1977, ants and their right to independence, while Jacques Lafleur (son of Henri) formed the accepting the historical legitimacy other groups Rassemblement pour la Calédonie (RPC), with as victims of exploitation, and (c) grant a stat- a platform of loyalist multi-racialism and anti- ute of internal autonomy as a transition to an act leftism; and in July 1978 he combined it with of self-determination. But the RPCR’s voters Jean Lèques’s MLC to form the RPCR (Rassem- would not accept such “demeaning” terms, blement pour la Calédonie dans la république) leaving the FI (soon the FLNKS16) to carry out its just in time for a visit by Jacques Chirac. Centrist plan to declare unilateral independence on Sep- Caledonians formed the FNSC (Fédération pour tember 24, 1984, since that goal could not be une nouvelle société calédonienne), allied with negotiated peacefully (Tchoeaoua, 1984: 103, the RPCR and had their own leader elected Presi- 107 ; Barbançon, Noumea, 2001). dent of the TA. By 1978, the Administration had begun integrationist programs of Melanesian promotion (through education and loans), some Conclusion added responsibilities for the GC, economic development, and land reform, as DOM-TOMs The post-1940 history of New Caledonia has Secretary Paul Dijoud showed sympathy for seen structural cycles of reform and repression. Kanak grievances (Ovington, 1988). But as Gradual multi-ethnic decolonization by the UC more anglophone Oceanian colonies became in the late 1940s and 1950s was interrupted by independent, PALIKA continued to demand full recolonization in the 1960s and 1970s, when the independence, and labor unions held major Gaullist regime in Paris unilaterally reasserted strikes. In June 1979, a new requirement that its strategic and economic interests, reinforced political parties win 7.5% of the votes to gain by a nickel boom and new immigration. Such a seats in the TA forced the UC, FULK, PSC, UPM and political and demographic regression could only PALIKA to unite in an Independence Front (FI), offend UC dissidents and young Kanak and Cal- which won 14 of 36 TA seats and began to attend edonian students returning from France. After Forum meetings (Association pour being educated in liberation ideologies and la fondation d’un institut kanak..., 1984). the practical experience of the May 1968 stu- For some, the election in May 1981 of Social- dent-worker uprising, a new generation began ist François Mitterrand as French President another cycle of self-government demands. offered hope for peaceful liberation. But for 1969 was a turning point, making September others the criticism by the new DOM-TOMs Sec- not only the month of the prise de possession (or retary, Henri Emmanuelli, of the colonial situ- the wartime rally to Charles de Gaulle) but also ation in New Caledonia was “hateful” (Chate- of the Kanak awakening. The outnumbered nay, 1993: 343). Moreover, political violence Kanak now had to assert their indigeneity as was already mounting in New Caledonia, as leverage, but calls for Kanak independence— exemplified in the assassination in 1981 of UC tied to socialism—polarized politics and ethnic militant Pierre Declercq, who was replaced as relations again. Attempts to find a middle Secretary General by Éloi Machoro. In 1982, ground failed (Cherrier, Noumea, 2001; Bar- Jean-Marie Tjibaou’s FI formed an alliance bançon, Noumea, 2001), until the Events forced with the FNSC that enabled him to become GC France and the RPCR to revisit the concepts once Vice President, but in July right-wing extrem- proposed at Nainville. As Georges Chatenay ists attacked the TA hall (LNC, 22/7/1982). At wrote in 1993: Nainville-les-Roches in July 1983, fourteen years after the first pro-independence graffiti in “History will say if, in the light of the Matignon Noumea, Socialist Premier Georges Lemoine Accords [of 1988], the FNSC does not merit a reha- tried a last-ditch attempt to negotiate peace bilitation […].” (Chatenay, 1993: 342)

16. Front de libération nationale kanak et socialiste. THE KANAK AWAKENING OF 1969-1976 201

Nothing is inevitable in history, but many Archives territoriales de la Nouvelle-Calédonie [AT], Kanak felt that their culture was “up against the fonds 107W et fonds Lenormand. 17 wall” . BARNET, Richard and Ronald MÜLLER, 1974. Glo- As for the argument that outside influence bal Reach: The Power of the Multinational Cor- caused the Kanak awakening or the Events, porations, New York, Simon and Schuster. such “advice” clearly came from both sides of BLANCHARD, Pascal et Nicolas BANCEL, 1998. De the political spectrum. Gaullist France had l’indigène à l’immigré, Paris, Gallimard Décou- tried to impose its own interests on New Cal- vertes. edonia, and when anti-colonialists pushed for BOBIN, Frédéric, 1991. Caldoches, Metropolitans something beyond autonomy, Paris promoted and the Mother Country, Journal of Pacific His- integration. The left side of French politics tory 26, 2, pp. 303-312. remains under-represented in New Caledonia, Canaque homme libre, 1969-1970. Radical student except perhaps in the militant labor unions and journal in France. 18 in PALIKA . Leftist radicals supported a multi- CÉSAIRE, Aimé, 1955. Discours sur le colonialisme, ethnic, class-oriented independence, while the Paris, Présence africaine (trad. 2000. Discourse on Kanak asserted their own identity as paramount Colonialism, New York, Monthly Review Press). in their version, which fellow “victims of his- CHALIAND, Gérard, 1978. Revolution in the Third tory” were expected to support. Today, after the World, New York, Penguin. bloodshed of the 1980s and two negotiated CHAPPELL, David, 1999. The Noumea Accord: peace accords, France is again granting auton- Decolonization without Independence in New omy to New Caledonia, over the next fifteen Caledonia?, Pacific Affairs 72, 3, pp. 373-91. years with a possible referendum on independ- CHATENAY, Georges, 1995. Itinéraire d’un enfant de ence afterwards. Critics warn that this auton- Thio ou Le Défi calédonien, Nouméa, Éditions Glo- omy may resemble the colon fantasies of World basia. War II, but the Kanak have achieved significant Cité nouvelle (CN), Journal of Christianisme Social, cultural recognition and politically control two University of Strasbourg. out of three , including important COLOMBANI, Jean-Marie, 1999. Double Calédonie : mining projects in the north (Chappell, 1999). d’une utopie à l’autre, Paris, Denoël. People seeking reconciliation speak of a pos- CROSBY, Alfred, 1993. Ecological : The sible “Kanaky New Caledonia”. Yet mining Biological Expansion of Europe, 900-1900, New industry development in the populous, multi- York, Cambridge University Press. ethnic, RPCR-controlled south continues to be 19 DELIGNON, Lucien, 1898. Les aliénations de terres neo-colonial in practice , and a new nickel et la colonisation libre agricole en Nouvelle- boom threatens still more immigration... Calédonie, Paris, Challamet. DIRLIK, Arif, 2000. Postmodernity’s Histories: The Past as Legacy and Project, Lanham, Rowman and Littlefield. BIBLIOGRAPHY France australe [FA], 1889-1970s. Daily newspaper, Noumea. L’Avenir calédonien [AC], Journal of the “Union FORSBERG, Aaron, 2000. America and the Japanese calédonienne”. Miracle: The Cold War Context of Japan’s Pos- ALDRICH, Robert, 1993. France and the South Pacific twar Economic Revival, 1950-1960, Chapel Hill, since 1940, , University of Hawai‘i Press. University of North Carolina Press. ASSOCIATION POUR LA FONDATION D’UN INSTITUT FREYSS, Jean, 1995. Économie assistée et change- KANAK D’HISTOIRE MODERNE, 1984. Contribution ment social en Nouvelle-Calédonie, Paris, PUF. à l’histoire du pays kanak, Nouméa, Éditions IKS, GUIMONT, Fabienne, 1998. Les Étudiants africains numéro spécial de L’Avenir calédonien 894, 232 p. en France (1950-1965), Paris, L’Harmattan.

17. See Nouvelles 1878 5, 1975, adding “We don’t want to be integrated into a system that is imposed on us from the outside”. 18. In 1981, PALIKA split into two factions, one that supported “scientific socialism” and has become the second lar- gest pro-independence party after the UC, and another that emphasized cultural nationalism and survives as the much smaller LKS (Libération kanak socialiste), mainly in the Loyalty Islands. 19. For example, the controversy over the INCO project at Goro/Prony, which offers only 10% royalties to the Southern and Territory, compared to the 51% controlled by the North in its partnership with Falconbridge. 202 SOCIÉTÉ DES OCÉANISTES

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