SCOTTISH MIGRATION TO IRELAND

( 1585- 1607)

by

M.B .E. PERCEY AL -MAXWELL

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Master of Arts.

Department of History, McGIII University, Montreal. August, 1961. PREFACE------

LNTBODUCIIQN------

CHAPJER ONE

Social and Economie Conditions ln Ulster and Scotland----- 17

CHAfTER IWO Trade and lts Influence on Migration------34

CHAPTER TtREE

The First Permanent Foothold------49

CHAPTER FOUR

Scottlsh Expansion in lreland------71

CHAPTER E 1VE Religion and Migration------91

CHArTER SIX

The Final Recognition of the Scottish Position ln lreland------107

CQNÇLUSIQN------121

BI8LIOGRAPHY------126

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Ali populations present the historian with certain questions. Thelr orlglns, the date of their arrivai, thelr reason for coming and finally, how they came- ali demand explanation. The population of Ulster today, derlved mainly from Scotland, far from proving an exception, personifies the problem. So greatly does the population of Ulster differ from the rest of lreland that barbed wire and road blocks period­ ically, even now, demark the boundarles between the two. Over three centuries after the Scots arrived, they stiJl maintain their differences from those who inhabited lreland before them.

The main body of these settlers of Scottish descent arrived after 1607. The 'flight of the earls,• when the earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnell fied to the continent, left vast areas of land in the hands of the crown. Although schemes for the plantation of Ulster had been mooted before, the dramatic exit of the two earls finally aroused the English to action. The plan took affect ln 1610. However, long before this date Scots had begun to settle. ln tact, the plantation of Ulster merely contlrmed and enlarged an already existlng state of affairs. This thesis attempts to explain the course and causes of this migration from 1585 to 1607.

The dates in the tltle of the thesis are not meant to be taken as rigid boundarles. ln certain instances events that occurred before 1585 are relevant to the general topic and are discussed. Up to 1585, and indeed after, the English made successive efforts to expel the Scots. The reason for this apparently arbitrary choice of the year 1585 as a -iii -

point of departure ----is that it marked the last tlme that England succeeded in her efforts at expulsion. The next year, the Scots returned to remain for evermore. The same date, or approximately the same date, coïncides with striking events ln Scotland. ln 1584 the old earl of Argyle died leaving a minoras a successor, while the next year James Stewart, or the earl of Arran as he became, tell from favour at the Scottish court. From that time on, James VI became king of Scotland ln tact as weil as in name.

The pattern followed in this thesis aims at four objectives after tracing briefly the earl ier contacts between freland and Scotland, and English policy in lreland. First, lt contrasts the economie and social conditions in Ulster and the west of Scotland and examines the trade between these two areas at the end of the sixteenth century. Secondly, it describes the course the migration took from the establishment of the first permanent foothold of the Scots in Ulster to the end of the phase of expansion that began ln 1594, approximately, and ended in 1603. At this point the general narrative is lnterrupted for a consideration of the third objective of the thesis, namely an examination of the rel iglous influences at work on the migratory movement. The discussion of the impact of religion is inserted here as it can only be understood within the context of the developments that occurred between 1585 and 1603. The fourth objective follows the chapter on religion and deals with the effect that the accession of a Scottish king to the throne of England had on the migratory movement. Finally, the thesls ends with a short conclusion - iv -

ln which the reletive lmportence of the factors that tended to stlmulate Scottish migration ere balanced.

Although no pretence ls made to total origlnality, sorne of the ground covered has not been explored before. From the genere! point of vlew, the migration of Scots to lreland before 1607 has usually been treated ln isolation and not as part of a process Jeadlng up to the plantation of Ulster wlth Scots. More speclflcally, trade between Scotland and lreland has only had passlng reference made to it in works on Irish trade in the sixteenth century. Also, the extent of the land grants to the Scots in lreland between 1603 and 1607 has received remarkably little attention, probably because the Jater grants were so much more extensive.

The perlod between 1585 and 1603 has received fuller treatment

than the perlod between 1603 and 1607. G.A. Hayes~cCoy, for instance, has given a very full account of the movement of Scottish mercenaries to Jreland ln his book, Scots Mercenary Forces in lrelpnd (!565-16Q3.) part!y because this aspect has been wei 1 covered previously, and partly because little evidence exists to suggest that the mercenaries settled permanently in lreland, the present work has only mentioned the mercenaries when they tended to affect the general course of migration.

Finally, before moving on to the main body of this work, 1 acknowledge,with more thanks than cao adequately express,the advlce, ald and encouragement of Dr. W.S. Reid, my Director of Studies. My - v - thanks also go to the Woodrow Wilson Fellowshlp Foundatlon for thelr extremely generous support, to Mrs. Pat Straka, who has so klndly typed this thesis, and to Mr. Stefan Straka, who has been good enough to raad through the final draft.

- 2-

The connexions between lreland and Scotland reach far back. Geographically close and to sorne extent ethnically similar, the lnhabitants of the Western Isles of Scotland and those of Ulster bad constant communication with each other since the times of St. Columba and the Dalriadic kingdom, if not before. So near akin did these peoples appear to outsiders that the central government in Scotland 1 referred to its lslesmen as Irish, though, from the point of view of government the Isles deflnitely constltuted part of Scotland.

One notable characteristic of the relations between the two countries stands out. With few exceptions, any migration of population 2 that took place moved in one direction - from Scotland to lreland. The first Scots to be granted land in lreland by the English were the Galloway princes of the dynasty of Fergus. These entered into alliance 3 with the English king against Scotland until they died out in 1234. A second group of migrants of far greater significance consisted of the gallowglass. The word gallowglass literally means a young fighting man of foreign origin, the term foreign referring not so much to Scotland

1. Hamjlton Papers 1, pp. lxxiii and 398. 2. The Delriadic kingdom presents the most strlking exception to this. The dowry of Margaret O'Cahan provides another. She married Angus Og of lslay, the supporter of Bruce, With ber she took 140 men from each surname in the O'Cahan country. These bec&me the Munroes as they came from the Roe country in Derry. (See Grant, J.F., The Lordshjp of the Isles. Edinburgh, 1935, p. 212.) 3. Grant, J.F., Socjal and Econgmjc Deyelopment of Scotland Before !6Q3, London, 1937, p. 152. - 3-

4 as to the Norse extraction of the lslesmen.

The Irish chiets employed the gallowglass as mercenary troops both against the English and rival chlefs. Although they began to enter lreland tate ln the thlrteenth century, belng flrst mentloned in 5 the Irish records ln 1290, not until the rise of Bruce in Scotland dld they assume signlficant numbers. From the North they spread throughout the other provinces of lreland, eventually settling on the 6 land and becoming integrated with the native population.

Bruce•s success in Scotland affected the flow of gallowglass because one leader of the Macdonalds in the Isles, Angus Og Macdonald, supported Bruce ln his struggle for power white another, Alexander of Isla, dld not. After Bruce had triumphed, he imprlsoned Alexander.

The latter1 s six sons, faced with overwhelming odds, did not wait to suffer a similar or worse tate. lnstead, they fied to lreland, each 7 leadlng bands of followers to serve as gallowglass.

The invasion of lreland by Edward Bruce in 1315, curiously enough, only indlrectly stlmulated migration. Before the Bruce invasion, the English had established fairly strong settlements around Carrick- fergus, Belfast, Armagh and Carllngford. Ali of these, with the possible

4. Hayes-McCoy, G.A., Scots Mercenary Forces jn lreland (1565-1§03.) Dublin, 1937, p. 15. 5. Anna 1s of Loch Cé. year 1290.

6. Hayes~y, op. cit., pp. 54 and 70. McKerra 1, A., "West Hi gb land Mercenarles in lreland," Scottjsh Hjstorical Revjew. XXX, 1951, p. 5. 7. McKerral, A., op. cit., p. 8. - 4-

exception of Carrlckfergus, suffered annihilation under the Impact of the Scots. As a result, the local Gaels overran ali of the east of 8 Ulster. Although the remalns of Edwerd Bruce's army went home as 9 f~st as possible ~fter its final defeat ~t Faugh~rt ln 1318, it had

opened the w~y for those Scots who mlght wish to come after ft. With the Irish ln command instead of the Engllsh, Scots who decided to enter lreland met little opposition; on the contrary, the native Irish probably welcomed the Scots as addltlonal support in thelr

struggle ~gainst the Saxons.

The first settlement of Scots, as opposed to frequent rafding parties, came through the marriage of John Mor Macdonald with Margery 10 Blsset, helress to the Glynns of Antrim. At this time the Macdonalds

ruled the Isles. Known ~s the Lord of the Isles, the chief of the clan Il stiJl maint~lned seml-independence from the klngs of Scotl~nd. John Mor

8. Hore, F.H., "The Bruces in lreland," Ulster Journal of Archeology. VI, 1875, p. 75.

9. M1Sklmln, S., History of Çprrlckfergus. Belfast, 1823, p. 19. JO. Grant, l.F., The Lordsblp of the Isles. Edlnburgh, 1935, p. 219. Hill, G., The MacDonnells of Aotrlm, Belfast, 1873, p. 21. 11. The Lords of the Isles lnherlted thelr lands and titles from Somerled. After Somerled, succeeded flrst Somerled1 s son, Reginald, theo his second son, Donald. Donald 1 s son, Angus, obtained the title after bis fatber's death. Angus had three sons, two of whom are lmport~nt. The eldest, Alexander of lslay, we have already met as the opponent of Bruce. The second son, Angus Og of Klntyre, obtained lslay on his brother's imprlsonment. Angus Og was followed by John, his son, who became first Lord of the Isles and ~rried Robert ll's daughter. The flrst Lord of the Isles bad two sons, Donald and John. Don~ld, belng the eldest, lnherited the Lordship; John, known as John Mor and mentloned above, recelved large grants ln Kintyre and lslay. (See Grant, Lordshjo of the Isles. p. 396.) - 5 - elreedy owned lerge tracts ln Scotlend, thus through his merriege lerge ereas of both lreland end Scotland were combined under the ownershlp of one man. Reflecting this combinetlon ~as John Mor's tltle of Lord of Dunyveg end the Glynns, e title adopted by ali the future chiefs of the clan he founded, Clan lan Vor or Clen Donald 12 South. This clan became deeply involved in subsequent movements of population from the Isles to lreland.

The historien of the Macdonalds of Antrim, George Hill, perceives e direct correlation between the decline of the family in 13 the Isles end the tlde of immigration from Kintyre to Antrim. This could weil be true for the fortunes of the Macdonald family. grew st88dily worse in the fifteenth century till the fourth Lord of the 14 Isles, John, forfeited his tends to James IV in 1493. The next year the chief of Clen Doneld South, John Mor of Dunyveg and the 15 Glynns rebelled on his own account. Jemes crushed the new uprlsing quickly; consequently, many Macdonalds, including the heir to the chieftainship, Alexander, took refuge ln Ulster.

Alexander returned to Scotland after Flodden in 1513, and etter James V had acceded to the throne, soon regeined royal favour.

12. Grant, Lordship of the Isles. p. 372. 13. Hill, op. cit., p. 205. 14. Grant, op. cit., p. 205. 15. Not to be confused with the founder of the clan. - 6 -

Under the auspices of this king, he returned to Ulster in command 16 of an army of 8,000 men with which he added the Route to the rest 17 of his land in lreland. The demise, theretore, of the Lordship of the Isles had a striking ettect on the migratory movement. Not only did it release a large number of tighting men tor service, it pushed the interests of war-loving chiefs in the direction of lreland, at first simply because they could no longer contend with the growing power of the central government of Scotland, and later in frank alliance with that government.

As the sixteenth century opened, Clan Donald South faced increasing competition from other clans. Part of the reason for the decline of the Lordshlp had been the growth of other clans under the auspices of royal support, this caused Clan Donald to split into a northern and southern section. The former controlled not only the Sleat district of Skye but also Trotternlsh and the islands of North Uist, Colonsay and Oronsay. The latter ruled South Uist, Elgg, Gigha, part of lslay and Jura as weil as large portions of the peninsular of Kintyre on the mainland, ln between the two divisions of the Clan Macdonald lay the Macleans, a subslduary of the Campbells, who, ln turn, faced the Clan Donald South from the mainland. The power of the Campbells had lncreased ever since James Ill made their

16. The Route denotes, roughly, the land north of the Glynns and to the east of the river Bann. 17. Hi Il, G., "Cian-Donnell Scots," Ulst. Journ. Arch. IX, 1861-62, p. 301. - 7 - 18 chief into the earl of Argyle ln 1457.

With this picture of the Isles ln mind lt ls now possible to turn to see the nature and varlous etfects of the population movement to freland during the slxteenth century up to 1575.

The Scots that went to lreland durlng the sixteenth century can be divided into two main streams, both evolving from movements already discussed. First, the mercenary trade continued; secondly, the settlement in Antrim finally established ltselt. From the point of view of permanent migration, the mercenarles of the sixteenth century were not of great Importance as very few of them remalned in lreland. Even so, at this point both streams are worthy of examination as the mercenary trade dld have an affect, if only indirectly, on settlement.

Durlng the sixteenth century the Irish chlefs needed more 19 mercenary support than the gallowglass could provide. The reason for this reached deep into the political state of lreland during this century. The English government, having become stable and strong, could exert increasing pressure on the semi-independent Irish chlefs outslde the Pale. Also, a series of chiefs attempted to gain supremacy not only over the foreign English, but also over their native rivais.

18. Hayes-McCoy, op. clt., p. Il 19. Falls, C., Elj;ebeth's Irish Wars, London, 1950, p. 79. - 8 -

This situation created the need for l8rge bodies of mercen8rles which only Scotland could provide.

The 'new Scots,' 85 mercen8ries of the slxteenth century were. c8lled, differed markedly from the old g811owgl8ss. Unlike 20 the latter, they did not settle. lnste8d, they returned to Scotland 8fter they had completed their service. Moreover, while sorne Irish chiefs ln the south did employ 'new Scots' occ8sionally, they found most employment in the north, the 18st real stronghold of Irish independance.

ln Ulster, during the second half of the sixteenth century, three great chiets 8rose. Ali of these, Shane O'Neill, Tirlough Luine8ch and the earl of Tyrone derived much of their power through their 8bility to hire Scots to torm the backbone of their fighting forces. The O'Neills h8d two principal rivais, to the west l8y the O'Donnells, also employers of mercenaries, chiets of Tyrconnell, to the east threatened the growing body of the Macdonalds of Antrim.

Thus we see 8 v8rlety of conflictlng groups. First and toremost was the English power, now trying to control the whole country; secondly, there were the Irish chiefs squabbling among themselves, 8nd finally, the encroaching Scots. Our chief concern will be wlth events ln Ulster under Tyrone, the last of the three great

20. Ct. p. 3. - 9-

chiefs of the O'Neills. However, we must have some understanding of events in Ulster when the other two chiefs held sway as weil as an idea of the English attitude towards the Scots during this period. For it was by exploiting the weaknesses of both English and Irish that the Scots established themselves.

The English were tully aware of the d8nger of Scottish

incursions. As early as 1533 the Irish council complained to Cromwell 21 that: "the Scots also inhabith now buyselly a great part of Ulster. 11 To prevent further incursions, in 1556 the government made illegal: "the bringyne in of Scotts, reteyning of themyn and marrieng with 22 themyn."

Yet the mere passage of laws could not deter the continued Scottish migration. Although various expeditions were launched against the Scots, no sooner had such expeditions wlthdrawn than the Scots returned. This happened under the deputyship of St. Leger and agaln under Sussex. Each time after the triumphant English army returned to the Pale, the Scots re-established themselves in thelr former lands.

Under Elizabeth, the English government devised new tactics. At first it tolerated the Scots. ln 1561 Elizabeth granted an indenture

21. Stote Papers. lrelond, Il, p. 172. Quoted by the editor of The Annois of the Kjngdgm of lrelaod. VI, Dublin, 1856, p. 1895.

22. 3 and 4 Philip and Mory, Cap. XV,- lrjsh Statytes. Quoted in Hayes-McCoy, op. clt., p. 84. - 10 - to James Macdonald of Dunyveg for twenty-one years for land between 23 the Bush and the Baon. Since James spent much of his time in Scotland, a clause ln the indenture stated that Sorley Boy, James' 24 brother, should rule the lands and pay the rent. There can be little doubt that the reason for this toleration was that Shane O'Neill was at the time in astate of rebellion. Elizabeth preferred to deal with one enemy only at a time.

ln 1563 Shane submitted. The next year he proposed to prove his loyalty by attacking the Scots. The government accepted his suggestion enthusiastically. First Shane secured his flank by subduing the O'Donnells, then, in 1565 he turned against the Scots. ln May of that year he took them by surprise at Balleycastle, taklng Sorley Boy Macdonald and James Macdonald prisoners. The latter soon died of 25 wounds.

Shane's trlumph appeared total. He dominated the O'Donnells and was recognized by England. Moreover, he had expelled the Scots 26 completely. However, success went to his head, and he soon began to

23. Historlcal Mss. Comission, XXI., Salisbury Mss., Part 12, p. 57. 24. James and Sorley Boy Macdonald were the sons of Alexander of lslay, who had had to flee Scotland after the collapse of the Lordshlp of the Isles in 1493. James succeeded his father cjrca 1540. 25. Hill, The Hacôonnells of Antrim, pp. 123 and 133. 26. Falls, op. cjt., p. 93. -Il- raid the Engllsh Pale. Obviously the English government had to take qulck action to suppress the obstreperous Irish chief. With this in mind, Elizabeth sent Sir Henry Sidney over to restore order in Ulster.

At the same time the 0 1Donnells rose against Shane. Shane 1 s position swiftly changed. After a defeat at the hands of the 0 1 Donnells, he turned to the Scots for aid ln May of 1567. lt requlred little effort on the part of the latter to trump up a quarre! durlng the negotiations, 27 stab Shane to death, and release his prlsoner, Sorley Boy.

Desptte their execution of the rebel Shane, England welcomed the Scots no more than before. Elizabeth, at the same time as rewarding 28 them for their action, asked them to leave. Meanwhile, Cecil and Sidney worked on a plan to fortify the coast of Antrim to prevent further 29 Incursions from Scotland.

lt seems certain that Sorley Boy himself did leave Ulster after his release from captlvity. The extent to whlch his retainers followed hlm remains less clear. Tirlough Luineach, Shane•s successor as tanist of the O'Neills, employed sorne of Sorley Boy's men. Hill claims that Sorley Boy made sure that the settlers remained on their land, while Hamilton maintalns the Scots evacuated north-east Antrim,

27. Bagwell, R., lreland Uoder the lyd9rs. Il, London, 1890, p. 117.

28. Hamilton, Lord E., Ellzpbethan Ul~ter. London, (no date,) p. 42. 29. Bagwell, op. cij., p. 126. - 12 -

~ keeplng Rethlin Island only. At any rate, sorne of the Antrlm Scots did leave, tor the English estimated that after Sorley Boy's departure, 31 Jess than a thousand Scots remained in Jrelend.

Part of the reason for Sorley Boy's easy acceptence of the English terms ley in events in Scotland. A quarre! had arisen between the Cempbells and the Macdonalds, the latter were now led by Angus, the son of the James Macdonald, who had died in lreland while a captive of Shane. Sorley Boy must have patched up this dispute, for on November 17, 1567, he returned to Antrim with sixto seven hundred men, includlng ~ some Cempbells. lmmediately he demanded a title to his lands. Although the English did not grant hlm his demand, they could not expel him due to trouble in the south from the Geraldines. Thus, Sorley Boy settled down unmolested until the colonizetion schemas of 1572.

During this lull, the ali iance between the Scots and Irish took on new solidity. Tirlough Luineach feared that after Shane's reverses and death, the English would wreak vengance on the weakened tribe O'Neill. The Scots, on their side, now Shane lay in his grave, no longer bore a grudge. Tirlough, therefore, had little difficulty 33 ln arranging to merry James Macdonald's widow, Agnes Campbell. The wedding took place in August, 1569 on the island of Rathlin. At

30. Hill, oo, cit., p. 146. Hamilton, oo. cjt., p. 43.

31. State Pep. Eliz. freland, XXIII, 15, 1. Quoted in Hayes-McCoy, oo. cit., p. 97. 32. Caleodar of State Papers, lreland. (1509-1574,) p. 355. 33. Agnes Campbell was the daughter of the fourth earl of Argyle. - 13 - the same tlme and place Agnes• daughter by James married Hugh Manus 34 0 1 Donnell. Thus the Scots had now infiltrated turther than ever betore.

With Agnes came a considerable torce of mercenaries. ln addition, and perhaps more important, she provided good counsel. She managed to steer Tirlough through a middle course between active defiance and total submission to the English. As a result of this, English opinion of her varied according to which way she happened to advise Tirlough at the time of the comment. ln March, 1577 the 35 Lord Deputy complained she gave "lewd counsel" to her husband. Six months later another official descrlbed her as dutiful to the 36 Queen. Agnes followed this course not so much out of a devotion to her husband as from a desire to obtain the Irish lands of her first husband for the sons she had had by him, Angus and Donald Gorme 37 Macdonald. After James Macdonald's death, his Scottish lands immediately went to the eldest son, who became Angus of Dunyveg. Rightfully, the land in lreland should also have gone to one or other of the sons. lnstead, their uncle, Sorley Boy, claimed it, presumably on the grounds that James Macdonald had left him to admlnister it.

34. Hayes-McCoy, op. cjt., p. 100. Falls, op. cit., p. 82.

35. C.S.P. Ire, (1574-1585,) p. 107.

36, lbjd., Il, p. 121.

37. This Donald Gorme should not be contused with Donald Gorme Mac dona 1d of S 1eat. - 14 -

As Sorley Boy took possession of the land and neither James• sons nor thelr mother had sufflclent strength to expel hlm, Agnes almed to secure the rights of her sons elther through her new husband or the Engllsh.

The marrlage of Agnes wlth Tlrlough Luineach and tts lmplied alliance between Scots and Irish naturally aroused England's alarm. The government consldered various counter measures such as releasing Mary Queen of Scots, then a prlsoner ln England, ln return for Engllsh occupation of a castle in Galloway, or stirrlng up strife 38 between the clans in the Isles. Yet nelther of these proved a feaslble means of stopplng the Scottlsh migration.

ln 1572 Elizabeth granted the earl of Essex and Sir Thomas ~ Smith the rlght to colonize Ulster. Although other motives lay behtnd the expedition besldes the desire to rld Ulster of Scots, the English certalnly hoped the schema would attaln this end as a valuable by-product. lndeed, when Essex landed ln the fall of 1573, he attempted to reassure a susplclous Tlrlough that the colonlzers only meant to protect the Irish from the Scots.

The Irish remeined unconvlnced. The Engllsh expedition met lncreasing opposition from both the Scots and the Irish who often combined

38. Calendar of Scottlsh P;pers, Ill, pp. 163 and 371.

~. Bagwell, op. cit., Il, p. 244. - 15-

to repel the foreign invaders. The contlnued friction culminated in a clash between Sorley Boy and Essex on the banks of the Bann in 1575. The Scots suffered defeat belng driven into Tyrone. Not long after, Essex ordered a naval expedition against Rathlin Island where Sorley Boy had sent his wite and children. The island tell with little

difficulty; ali the inhabltants were slaughtered. Sorley Bo~ furious with rage, attacked Carrlckfergus ln revenge. He slew most of the ~ garrison, and drove away the townsmen's cattle. Sir Henry Sidney, who had landed in lreland as Deputy tor the third time on September 14, 1575, went north to pacity the enraged chief. Sorley Boy asked for peace and to be allowed to hold the Route and the Glynns from the Queen. As he was not sure of Tirlough's attitude, and in no position to fight a combined Scottish-lrish force, Sidney made a truce though he did not comit himself on the land question. Not long afterwards, Tirlough's wite appealed to the Deputy to transter these lands from Sorley Boy to Angus, claiming she could better pay for them than her 41 ex-brother-ln-law. Sidney turned down her request however. Th us, by failing to grant the lands definitely, the Engllsh left them ln Sorley's hands so long as he had sufticient force at his command to keep them. Meanwhile, Essex's attempts at colonlzation had to be abandoned due to the continuous opposition of both the Irish and the Scots.

~. Bagwell, op. cit., Il, p. 303. 41. Ca!endar of Çarew Mss., Il, p. 352. - 16 -

The continued presence of the Scots ln Ulster did not represent a change in Engllsh policy. They remained only so long as the Engllsh lacked sufficient strength to throw them out. The next year, when Sidney granted the Archblshop of Armagh and Primate of lreland a license to take parsons, native and foreign, into his protection, he 42 made a specifie exclusion of Scots, even underlinlng the word. On the other hand, the Scots had no intention of rellnquishing their hold on the Route and the Glynns. The rewards ln Ulster awaltlng the bold loomed too large for any hope of Scottlsh restreint.

Before golng on to trace the course the migration took, lt is necessary at this point to pause to examine the social and economie conditions that prevailed both ln Ulster and in the west of Scotland at the time. As trade made up an important part of the economie scene, the part it played in bringing Scotland and lreland into contact ls also pertinent. Both social and economie conditions formed an integral part of the migratory movement. Behind the overt stimulee to each departure of Scots from Ulster throughout the period under consideration lurked the often intangible but perpetually active economie and social forces.

42. Hist. Mss. Comm. Apoendix to the Thjrd Report, p. 227. SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CONDI Tl ONS IN

ULSTER AND SCOTLAND - 18 -

Ulster's physical features at the end of the sixteenth century must have daunted ali but the most hardy. Constant references in the letters of the English officiais to the rigours of the climate testify to its distastefulness. A country composed of bog and woods held little attraction for Englishmen as a place to settle. When they trled, as under Sir Thomas Smith in 1572, the leaders found their followers constantly tried to escape back to England. Yet even 1 English commanders testified to the truitfulness of the land. The Scots, too, reallsed weil the amount of spoil obtainable from lreland. Between May and harvest time the Scots made frequent raids into 2 Ulster from their "barran islands." ln flsh, too, the country abounded, so much so that O'Donnel 1 gained the name, on the continent, 3 of king of tish. Thus, while the land might deter the Englishman accustomed to comtort, to the Jess spoilt Scottish lslander his Gaelic- 4 speaking brothers in Ulster appeared weil ott.

The social organization of Ulster lent itself to external intrusion. Large numbers of semi-independent chiefs constantly warring wlth each other provided no social cohesion. Under the Irish system of law, the succession to the principal chleftainships depended, not

1. Hill, G., "Gieanings in Fëlllily History from the Antrim Coast," The Ulster Journal of Archeçlogy, VIII, 1877, p. 127. 2. Calendar of State Bapers. lreland. (1574-1585,) p. 445. 3. Calend§r of Carew Mss., 1, p. 308. 4. Mathew, O., The Celtjc feoples and Renaissance Europe. London, 1933, p. 289. - 19 -

5 on lnherftence, but on election or force. Slnce the clan, Jnstead of one man, owned the land, sons of such parsons as Shane O'Neill 6 were left without land after thefr father 1s death. The smaller lots of land pessed to males by gavelkfnd, each man of the sept, bastard or legal, received an equal portion at every death of a land- 7 owner. Such inheritance laws led to a number of customs detrlmental to a stable society.

Ffrst of ali, each petty chief tended to gather as many men 8 as possible around hlm to aid him ln his clelm to be tanist. Secondly, when tenure lasted only for lite, the great chfefs bad no real interest in improving the land as ln ali probability thefr children would not beneflt. This tended to keep the country in a most uncfvllized state. As late as January, 1598, an official reported to the Prlvy Council

5. Davis, Sir J., A DlsÇQyerle of the True Çayses Why lrelond was Neyer Entlrely Sybdyed and Broyght Uoder Qbedleoce of the Crown of EngiOQd, yptll the Beainnjng of His Mo jesty 1s happy Reloo, 1612. (See Morley, H., (ed.) lreland Under Ellzobeth and James 1, London, 1890, p. 291,) 6. Stote Papers, Il , p. 1• Quoted by Hore, H.F., ( ed.) "Morsba 1 Bagenal 1 s Peser i pt ion of U1 ster Anno 1586, 11 lLl.i:t· ~. 6ŒJl., Il, 1854, p. 1.38. 7. Davis, op. cit., p. 291. 8. A typfcal exemple of this occurred when Jo 1583 Tfrlough Luineach lay ln a drunken stupor for several days. Shane's sons, bellevlng hlm to be dead, lmmedlately combfned wlth the Scots to exclude Hugh O'Neill, baron of Oungannon, from succession. Great must have been their consternation and Ire when the effects of the drinking bout passed off and Tlrlough arose from the dead. (See C.S,P. Ire., (1574-1585,) P• 446.) -.20 -

thet the people of 0 1Donnell 1 s country were, "living ali yet without 9 houses." Thlrdly, since ell meles received equal treetment under gevelktnd, ali, es Sir John Davis put lt, "held themselves to be gentlemen," end therefore ebove the erduous tasks requlred of e tiller of the land. Finelly, slmply because the people had become accustomed 10 to perpetuai ravages elther et the hands of natives or foreigners, Il they purposely refralned from meking the country worth wastlng. Although Sidney found the Glynns and Route ln 1575, nfulle of corne and cattle ••• ," perhaps lt ls slgnificent that this land belonged to the Scots. Corn dld grow ln other parts, but more stress seems to have been placed on raising cattle, for these could be driven into the woods es soon as the Engllsh arrlved on the scene.

For accounts of the social conditions of Ulster at the time, sources remain sketchy. Due to the Ellzebethen Englishman•s desire to paclfy Ulster, Information on the polltlcal divisions and conditions proves more plentlful.

The earl of Tyrone, when justifylng himself tor the hanglng of Hugh O'Neill, declared there exlsted no law ln Ulster, "but certain 12 customs. 11 Politlcal divisions within the terrltory, therefore, presented

9. C,S,P. Ire., (1599-1600,) p. 26. Davis, op. cft., p. 292.

10. Under the Irish system of coign and livery, a soldier could legally rob the lnhabltants of a terrltory to support hlmself and his horse. The Engllsh dld not hesltate to adopt the native custom. (See Davis, op. cit., p. 293.) 11. Hore (ed.) qp. cft., p. 139. 12. Bagwell, R., lrel8()d Under the Tydors, Ill, London, 1890, p. 219. - 21 - falrly fluid boundarles. Ill deflned at the best of times, their permanence suftered from constant shifts ln power between contending parties; any politlcal map of Ulster at the time deplcts only a sketchy approximation. Nevertheless, ln order to comprehend the complex situations that developed Jeter, an understanding must be galned of the respective terrltorles of the principal landowners in Ulster at the beglnnlng of the period under consideration.

ln 1584 Sir John Perrot attempted to bring sorne English order to the native chaos. He reduced the "unreformed parts of Ulster" lnto seven shires, namely: Armagh, Monaghan, Tyrone, Coleraine, Donegal, Fermanagh and Cavan; "though in his time the law was never executed in these new countles by any sheriffs or justices of assize, but the 13 people left to be ruled stiJl by their own barbourous lords and laws." ln the "reformed," or prevlously formed counties, of Down and Antrim the standards of law and order reached little higher. ln the former, it ls true according to the Marshall, Sir Henry Bagenal, writing in

1586, Sir Nicolas Bagenal own~d Newry and Mourne while his neighbour, Sir Hugh Mclnnis (McEnys,) paid trlbute to the Queen. On the other hand, turther north, the Kell ies were "greatl ie effected to the Scott" whi le

13. Davis, op. cjt., p. 329. -22-

Oufferin wes described es inhabtted by "a bastard sorte of Scottes." 14 North of Strangford "River" the Little Ardes belonged to the Savages. Their land bordered on South Clandeboye from which they were otten ralded. Thus Oown presented only a slightly Jess lawless picture than the rest of Ulster. Antrim, too, Ill merited the adjective "reformed" 15 tor neither the English nor the Irish could keep out the Scots.

Antrlm consisted of three main divisions: North Clendeboye to the south; the Glynns, m2tde up of seven baronies along the eastern coast starting from Lerne in the south; and finally, the Route, bounded on the west by the river Benn and to the east by the Glynns. The borders of the Route to the south remain vague. lt seems to have penetrated south to about half the length of the river Bann. North Clandeboye, at the tlme Bagenal wrote, had been dlvlded between Brian McPhelim's and Hugh McPhelim 1 s sons by a recent order of the Oeputy. Since the sons of Brian McPhelim had the older clalm, the last was still, however, ln dispute. The Glynns made up the Blsset inheritance. lt was in this area that the Scots first established a permenent foothold in Ulster.

14. The Sevages settled ln this area when John de Coursey lnvaded Ulster. 15. The data for this description of Ulster stems from rather heterogeneous sources. "Mershal Bagenal's Description of Ulster Anno 1586, 11 l.!.l.i.t· Joyr. Arch., Il, provldes the bulk of the information. Added to this were the results of e somewhat lnaccurate survey conducted ln 1574, (See Çal. Çor. Mss., IV, p. 451.) And a map of Antrtm and Oown drawn by John Speed, first published ln 1610. (See Ulst. Joyr. Arch., 1, p. 123,) - 23 -

The Route used to belong to the McQuilllns. Here, by 1586, as shall be related later, the old inhabitants had lost territory to the Scots.

Three rulers held a tenuous control over the rest of Ulster. Tirlough Luineach controlled the O'Cahans' land between the rlvers Foyle and Bannas weil as the northern section of Co. Tyrone. The southern section he rented to the earl of Tyrone for 1,000 marks a year. ln addition, Tyrone possessed Armagh ln which the O'Hanlons made up the chief sept. The split in the county of Tyrone represented a split in the power of the O'Neills. Tyrone slowly took over Tirlough's position. Almost from the beginning he refused to pay his rent to Tirlough; by 1593 the latter resigned his position entfrely to the 16 earl keeping only the land around Strabane.

Present day Donegal lay entirely in the hands of the O'Donnells, save for the peninsule of lnishowen which belonged to the 0'0oghertys. This last sept paid trlbute to both the O'Neills and O'Donnells as weil as sufferlng yearly raids from Scotland.

To estlmate the population of Ulster in 1585 poses an almost impossible task. What follows represents only an attempt at a guess. The total number of fightingmen, excluding Scots, enumerated by Bagenal adds up to approximately 6,300. The unsettled conditions of the perlod

16. The Four Masters, Aonals of the Kjngôom of lreland.· V, Dublin, 1856, p. 1935. - 24 - and district would point to a relatively high proportion of warriors to others. If the proportion is assumed at the rate of 1:1 for men, we get 12,600 males. Doubling the figure to include females, we arrive at a figure of approxlmately 25,000. Such a number indicates a very scattered population over such a wide area, thus Ulster could easlly afford Scottish additions. Whatever the value of the final figure, the flrst does represent something concrete; for we shall see that the Western Isles could supply just as many fightingmen and concentrate them in a small area. With such a disunited and scattered native population, the only serious opposition facing the Scots lay in the English power to the south.

Ulster, therefore, almost invited invasion. Yet had conditions at home been prosperous and peaceful, the Scots might weil have refused the invitation because of the English attitude. That they persisted indicates prevailing conditions in their homeland provided sufficient stimulus to outweigh the threat of the English barriers.

The background to the scene ln the Isles at the end of the sixteenth and beginnlng of the seventeenth centuries portrays a catalogue of ills. The klngdom of Scotland had suffered a series of minorltles since the fourteenth century. With a weak central government, the nobles, never obedient, waged perpetuai war against each other and the crown. Relations with England were marked by a long series of - 25 - defeats for Scotland culminating wlth Solway Moss in 1542. The power politics of the day left no respite to the poor, unhappy northern realm. England and France competed to gain control of the Scottish crown. Then, when the Reformation came, it too added another faction to an already factious nation. Under the burden of ali this strife, the machinery of government often broke down entirely. The party in power could seldom do little more than maintaln its position, the 17 country had to shitt for itself.

At the root of Scotland's internai woes lay the nobility. Unencumbered by such checks that their Engl ish or French counterparts bore, the Scottish nobility went freely on their feuding way. Their position resembled that of petty kings. The lite, honour and possessions of their underlings became their persona! responsibility. An insult 18 to a retainer constituted a causus bellj. lnstead of a court of law, the battlefield settled the issue. Only under James VI did royal authority finally establish itself. A lawless country does not quickly submit; thus the slow enforcement of the law produced, tor a time, as much misery as its absence.

Conditions in the Highlands and Isles presented the same picture, only perhaps worse. James divided the inhabitants of the

17. Grant, I.F., The Soçiol and Economie Deve!opment of Scotland Before 1603, London, 1930, pp. 229 and 237.

18. Hume Brown, P., 11The Scottish Nobility and their part in the National History, 11 The Scottjsh Hjstorjcol Revjew, Ill, 1906, p. 161. - 26 -

Highlands into two categories: first those of the mainlend, "that ere berberous for the most pert and yet mixed with some show of civility," secondly, he distlnguished those inhablting the Isles, who, 19 "are ell utterly berbarous without any sort or show of civllity." James• opinion of the lslenders reflected his difficulty ln controlling them. Even when royal decree did eventuelly penetrete into these remote parts, justice took effect only slowly. For example, in one case a plracy occurred et the mouth of Loch long in 1587. Slxteen 20 years later the offender paid the fine otf 500.

As in Ulster, part of the difflculty of extending the rule of law to the west ley in the lsck of communications. The Highlands, of course, possessed no roeds; ponies furnished the only means of transport unless the traveler wished to rlsk being smeshed on granite 21 rocks end go by ses. Generelly, the only educated people seem to have been the clergy though the earl of Argyle 1 s signature exists on 22 e document deted 1559. ln spite of these primitive features, the Isles end Highlands constituted a far from stetic society. ln dress the old linen tunfc slowly wes giving way to the belted plaid or tartan trews, while the poetry of the erea shows declded changes in meter end

19. Quoted with no reference ini Wlllson, D.H., King James YI pnd 1, London, 1956, p. 119.

20. Macleod, R.C., "Sidel ights from the Dunvegen Charter Chest," ~. Hlst. Rey., Il, 1905, p. 356.

21 • .lltl.Q.. ' p • 360 •

22. !UQ., p. 359. - 27 - 23 form durlng the perlod. Thus, elthough the west presented an archalc plcture generally, changes had begun.

ln part, the west benefited from lts Isolation from the rest of Scotlend. The system of feulng thet ceused so much upheevel ln the 24 rest of the country never effected the Highlands. Unllke the rest of Scotland, land measures had their origln ln this area ln Scendanavlan custom, even so, land tenure resembled far more the feudal system than that brought by the Vikings. Gaellc Institutions stiJl survived in part; nevertheless, the acceptance of the king of Scotland as lord by the old Lord of the Isles marked the beglnnlngs of the inroads of 25 feudal !sm.

The social organfzation, es opposed to the land tenure system, marked, perhaps the strongest link with the Gaelic past. This system resisted ali attempts at change for longer than any other Institution. As late as 1759 Adam Smith, in his Wealth of Nations. recounted that the 26 clan chief had total crimlnal jurlsdictlon over his people. The bond

23. Grant, oc. clt., p. 474. 24. lbjd •• p. 285. Feuing was the system of leasing land tor long tenure (lite end heirs.) When introduced many of the previous owners of land tound themselves dlspossessed. 25. Ibid •• pp. 325 and 487.

26. lbjd •• P• 327. - 28 - between a clan chief and his clansmen depended on a basis of mutual rel lance. The chief received certain dues from the rest of the clan plus a specified amount of hospitality when he visited them. ln return they held their land in the name of the cheif and expected him to look 27 after their interests against external anemies at ali times. Wlthin the clan a distinctly aristocratie structure prevailed. The kinsmen of the chief, legal and otherwise, considered themselves above the rest 28 of the clan. Only they could particlpate in the fighting.

The effects of the clan system and its consequent feuds in the sixteenth century were disasterous. ln times past ali had fought. The Highlands had not differed from any other part of Scotland. As the rest of the country became settled, the continued strife of the Highlands stood out in relief agalnst an increasingly pacifie background. The chief always had to maintain his position in the eyes of his followers. This too often involved a successful raidlng party on his neighbour. Moreover, even within the clan the kinsman of a chief mlght find himself dispossessed of his land by a succeeding chief. This agaln led to much 29 armed argument. As the sixteenth century progressed, the effect on

27. Grant, op. cjt., pp. 516 and 517.

28 • .!Jüs!., pp. 409, 410 and 521.

29. l!û.Q.., p. 526. - 29 - the country grew worse. ln 1569 in Kintyre, of 344 rent-paylng merklands, 30 31 Sti lay wasting. By 1605 this last figure had increesed to 113. The biarne for this example of devastation lay as much on the efforts of the king to paclfy the land as it didon internai squabbles.

Economie conditions in the Isles and Highlands must have suffered from the troubled social and polltical envlronment. ln general the people supported themselves from agriculture; cattle provided the principal source of incarne. When the herring came to Scotland's shores in the middle of the sixteenth century, those on the west coast gained an addltlonal means of support. Men from the western ports dld most of the fishing. Nevertheless, the lslesmen tried to obtatn an income from the fish. ln 1586 the burgs complained of varlous Highland chiefs 32 levying atoll on them for the right to fish. Certatnly the herrlng must have been in sorne demand, for the government took care to see that 33 when scarce they remained ln the country and were not sold abroad.

The state of fertil ity of the land again presents a difficult problem to the historian. ln the preamble to the commission to the duke

30. A merkland originally meent the amount of land obtalned for one year's rent of a merk or mark (13/4.) Pennant, wrlting in his~ of Scotland in 1772 states this should support 14 cows and four horses. (See Oxford Eool jsh Oictjpn;ry, VI, Oxford, 1933, p. 175.) If we estimate at the rate of three acres per animal unit, one merkland would equal around sixty acres. 31. Grant, gp. cjt., p. 526.

32. Regjster of the Prlyy Coyncll of S00tland, IV, p. 121. 33 • .!.!U5l., p. 243. - .30 - of Lennox to be lieutenant ln the Isles they are described as, 11 belng 34 enriched with incredible fertility of corn and pleny (sic) of fish." Certain islands, even today, do furnish a worthwhile crop. Others grow hardly anything else but heather. We cannot accept this description as applying to ali the Isles, and must suspect that this account represented a dressing to make a hazardous commission more palatable. Whatever the state of agriculture ln the area at the time, the population 35 exceeded the ability of the land to support it.

The description of Ulster concluded wlth an account of the various landowners, the territory they held and an estimate of the probable population. A similar description of the Isles and Highlands is relevant here tor a comprehension of the contrast between Ulster and western Scotland and many of the motives that lay behind the mlgratory movement.

Already the division of the ownershlp of the Macdonald lands 36 between Clan Donald North and Clan Donald South has been described. ln 1585 the former was led by Donald Gorme Macdonald of Sleat and the latter by Angus Macdonald of Dunyveg. ln addition to these two, the principal chiefs in the Isles were the earl of Argyle, head of the clan

34. Beglster of the Prlyy Qoyncll of Scotland. VI, p. 255. 35. Grant, Qp. clt., p. 526.

36. See p. 6. - 31 -

Campbell; Lechlen Macleen of Duert, chief of the M&cleens, and 37 Roderick Macleod of Harris. Wlthln the Isles two principe! politicel 38 groupings begen to crystal ize at the end of the sixteenth century. The Campbells, who controlled Argyleshire as weil as Lismore and Seil, combined with the Macleans in opposition to the Macdonalds, who had prevlously dominated Isles' politics. This comblnetion between Campbells and Macleans constituted whet might be celled the modern party. Archibald, the fourth earl of Argyle, adopted the Protestant religion, thus he creeted a Protestant stronghold in the west. The flfth earl, also celled Archibald, succeeded hlm ln 1558. When he 39 died in 1573, his helf-brother, Colin, obteined the tltle. Under Colin the bonds between Macleens and Campbells became firmer, for he took for his third wife the youngest daughter of Lachlen Maclean. Another of Maclean's daughters married Macleod of Harris, thus through marriage, the Campbells cemented a formidable alliance ageinst the 40 Macdonel ds. Colin died in November, 1584 leaving a nine-year-old boy, Archibald, to succeed him as the seventh earl. With the death of the 41 old earl, the Macdonalds and Macleans now dominated the scene.

37. Tytler, P.F., Hjstory of Scotland, VI, Edlnburgh, 1895, p. 296. 38. Hayes-McCoy, op. clt., p. 141: 39. The Scots Peerese, 1, p. 338, et seg.

40. "Observations of the Deane of Limerick for the West Isles of Scotland, 11 Moltland Club, LXVII, 1847, p. 43. 41. C,S.P. Ire., (1574- 1585,) p. 537. The Scots Peerpge, 1, p. 346. - 32 -

lachlan Maclean of Ouart, besldes owning Mull, controlled the islands of Scalpay, Comantra, Coll, Tiree, loing, and on the main- 42 land, Morvern as weil as sorne of lochquhalr. ln addition this clan split the islands of Jura and lslay with the Macdonalds. The last island provided a constant source of irritation between the joint owners.

Other clans also existed but need not be mentloned here as they played little part in the migratory movement. The number of flghtingmen, however, possessed by ali the clans, is relevant, for it throws llght on the question of population. A detailed description of the Isles sent to lord Burghley in 1593 enumerated the number of warriors possessed by each chief. The total of these reached 6,000 men. Moreover, the informant stated that those who tilled the ground did 43 not fight. This means that the rest of the population had to support six thousand men who never helped to produce food. When we consider that the number of flghtingmen avallable to the chiefs in Ulster amounted to about the same, the extent of the surplus of population in the Isles becomes apparent. If confirmation is required of the inability of the Isles to produce sufficient food tor their inhabitants, lt cornes from lreland. English officiais there reported that the Scots, "if unable to

support themselves ln their own country," ralded lreland between May 44 and harvest time.

42. Calendar of Scottish papers, Xl, pp. 253 and 254. 43. lbjd., pp. 253 and 254.

44. c.s.p. lre.,(l601-1603,)p. 667. ~., (1574-1585,) p. 445. - 33 -

Generally, then, in both Scotlend and lreland the social and economie conditions provided a climete fevoureble for migration. Only one importent economie connexion between the two countries remains to be dlscussed. This is trade. To this the next chapter is devoted. Q.lia.f.I~B. IltQ

TRAPE AND 1TS 1NFLUENCE ON

MIGRATION - 35 -

No exact assessment of the influence of trade on the migratory movement from Scotland to lreland can be made. lt undoubtedly dld play sorne part, but the records remaln too scanty to permit any ffrm statement of the extent of its influence. Henry Bagenal in concluding his description of Ulster, written in 1586, wrote:

11 1t may eas Il y be perceaved by this s 1en der and briet description of Ulster, what hath ben and ar the reasons why this Province hath b'Q from tyme to tyme more chargeable to Her Ma te then any ether, as namlie, •••• the confininge so nere to the Isle of Scotland, and the conynuall comerce which the lrlshry have wlth the people of those parts, occasionethe the often cominge ln of them, to the greate hurt of this Province and the subjectes which dwell there." 1

Here the word commerce probably meant contact lnstead of its narrower, more modern definition. Ali the same, trade represented an essential aspect of this contact. The prupose here is to establish the form the trade took, and then determine as far as possible the extent of its responsibility tor the emigration from Scotland to freland.

The goods traded between lreland and Scotland can be dfvlded into two categories, those used tor peaceful purposes and war material. Few records supplying data on trade of the former type have survived. More information on the latter type exists due to the polltical Implications

1. Hore, H.F., (ed.) "Marshal Bagenal's Description of Ulster Anno 1586," Ulster Journal of Archeology. Il, 1854, p. 157. - 36 - of the export of munitions to the Irish rebets. The Engllsh carried on a perpetuai correspondance with the Scottish government ln an attempt to stop it. Of the two, the trade in war materials probably had most affect on migration; nevertheless, sorne attention must be given to the commerce ln what today would be cal led non-strategie goods.

Wrlting about 1598, Fynes Moryson related that the "Westerne parts" of Scotland exported to lreland red and plckled herrlngs, sea coal and aquavitae (the ancestor to Scotch whiskey) white she lmported 2 yarn, cow hldes and sllver from lreland. ln addition to these commodlties, the entries ln the Ayr Burg Accounts make frequent references 3 to imports of "lreland buirdis" or tlmber, corn and sorne beer. ln one case the purpose for the timber is specifled as, "to the kirk," and probably most of that whlch the Accounts have left record went into buildings of varlous sorts.

The quantltles for this purpose never reached large amounts. Much larger shipments of Irish tlmber went to Scotland for the con- struction of galleys. The wood for shipbuilding came malnly from Munster and was shlpped elther first to Dublin, Carllngford or Carrickfergus and then to Scotland, or it went directly from the 4 Munster ports of Arklow, Wicklow or Wexford. The completed galleys

2. Moryson, F., An ltlnerary, IV, Glasgow, 1908, p. 182. 3. Pryde, G.S., (ed.) "Ayr Burg Accounts 1534-1624," Scottish Hlstory Society, Thlrd Series, XXVIII, 1937, pp. xlvi, lxxix, 43, 56, 192, 223, 234, 243 and 254.

4. Çalendar of State Papers. lreland, (1509-1574,) p. 385. ~., (1601-1603,) p. 667. - 37 - provided the Scots wlth the meens to cross to lreland, thus the tlmber trade had a considerable bearlng on the migratory movement. freland produced one more wood product that sold weil ln Scotland, hoop staves. Although the Irish produced hoop staves in many places, those that went to Scotland seem to have been made ln the north as the Scottlsh 5 merchants went to Strangford to collect them.

Of Scottlsh exports of non-strategie goods to lreland little record remalns. There must have been sorne as Irish marchants returning from Scotland and Scottish marchants golng to freland to purchase goods must have tried to make the journey with a cargo. The dlfficulty is that trade between the two countries can be traced only when records survive of government efforts to suppress an fllicit shipment of goods, or when customs dues were pald at the port of entry. Naturally the government seldom made efforts to prevent non-strategie goods from enterlng the country, and any papers recordlng the dues levied at the Irish ports have long slnce succumbed to the vicissitudes of Irish 6 politlcs. Thus while sorne record of Irish goods entering Scotland has survived, although even Scottlsh records of the day ln this respect are far from complete, accounts of non-mllltary Scottlsh goods entering

5. C.S.P. Ire., (1599-1600,) p. 71. 6. For a fuller account of the lack or total absence of Irish commercial records durlng the slxteenth century see: Longfield, A.K., Anglo­ lrlsh Trade jo the Sixteenth Century. London, 1929, p. 23. - 38- lreland are almost nonexistent. A few references in the State Papers of the countries concerned are ali that remain. These confirm Fynes Moryson's statement that the Scots exported herring and aquavitae to lreland. They also indicate that the Scots sent any wine to lreland 7 for which they could not find an outlet at home. F 1nell y, we have evidence of Scottish marchants conductlng very profitable trips to lreland although it must be actnitted that the sourc·e of the profit came more from p 1racy than trade.

A Dublin marchant, Thomas Copran, complalned bitterly to the Scottish Privy Councll in 1586 that whlle trading in the north of lreland a marchant of Ayr, Robert Jameson, attacked hlm at sea and robbed hlm of goods worth~200 sterling. At another tlme, Copran added, a certain Adam Mont gomer i e had taken ~ 600 steri i ng from hi m in a 8 similar manner. Such sums must have provided strong incentlves for Scottish marchants to make further journeys to lreland. These morsels of information furnlsh about the only direct proof of Scots taklng non- military goods to lreland.

If the case for the exist•nce of strong trade contacts between Scotland and lreland rested only on such a slender foundation, lt could only be accepted with numerous reservations. Fortunately, an examination

7. C.S.P. Ire., (1598-1599,) p. 80. JjUUi,, (1599-1600,) p. 472. Çplend§r of Scottlsh paoers, X, p. 532. 8. Reg. p ,'c. Scot., 1V, p. 72. - 39 -

of the Scottish domestic scene edds more positive data in support of the vlew thet considerable trade occurred between the two countries. Throughout the sixteenth century the western burgs of Ayr and Glasgow 9 increased ln Importance ln relation to the other burgs of Scotland. An incident that occurred ln 1591 lndicates that this growth stemmed from an Increment in trade wfth lreland as much as from any other country.

At the beginning of 1591 an lrishman, Sir Brian 0 1 Rourke of Conneught, fied to Scotland after commiting numerous acts of rebellion

agalnst the English includlng, et one point, the tying of Elizabeth 1 s

picture to a horse 1 s tall end dragging lt in the mud. News of his 10 arrivai in Glasgow reached the English via James VI in February.

Elizabeth lmmediately asked that the Scots should arrest 0 1 Rourke.

After sorne delay, James complled wlth her request, and on March 16 the Il Scottlsh Prlvy Councll lssued e warrant for the arrest of the lrishmen. O'Rourke, heorlng of the order, went lnto hidlng, but by the beginnlng of April he hed been betrayed into the hands of the euthoritles, who 12 Took him To England where he was leTer executed. The s lgn i fi canee of this event, apperenTiy unconnected with Scoto-lrlsh trade, ley ln the reaction of the western burgs.

9. Grant, J.F., Soçjal and Economie Qeveloproent of S00tland Before 1603, London, 1930, p. 353.

10. Cal. Scot. Ppp., X, pp. 470-71. Il. Reg. P.C. Scot., IV, p. 597. 12. C.S.P. Scot., Il, p. 598, -40-

After the Irish rebel's final capture the burghers of Glasgow protested lmmediately, though ln vain. They asked that his departure for England be delayed white they had ttme to lntorm the king concerning the disasterous affects the news of his arrest would have on their trade 13 with lreland. The burghers of Ayr, too, deplored the "lamentablll apprehension." ln a minute of the town councll of Ayr on Apri 1 8, they agreed to comply with a request from Glasgow to help find and punish the woman who had betrayed O'Rourke to the authorittes. They dld so on the grounds that as most of the trade done by the towns on the west coast of Scotland was with lreland, ali towns had suftered as a result of 14 O'Rourke's capture. When the English ambassador, Robert Bowes, thanked the king on Elizabeth's behalf at the end of April tor his cooperation over the 0 1 Rourke incident, James took the opportunity to point out, as Bowes reported, that as a result of the O'Rourke atfalr: "The Townes of Glascoo and other coastlnge on lreland have bene earnest peticloners to the Klnge to moove her majestle to gyve order for the preservaclon of their 15 trades in freland." The immediate and earnest representations to the king on the matter proves the extrema importance to the towns on the Scottish west coast of the trade with lreland. Nor were the fears of the western ports concerning the jeopardy to their trade presented by 0 1 Rourke's

13. Cal. Scot. Pap., X,pp. 495-6 14. Paterson, J., History of the Qountles of Ayr and Wigtowo, 1, Edinburgh, 1864, P• 15. 15. Cpl. Scot. Pop., X, p. 505. - 41 - arrest untounded. ln June of that yeer, the Irish seized end pllleged ships from both Ayr end Irving in retelietlon tor the betreyal of their 16 chief. The trade about whlch the towns were so concerned may have been wlth the Irish rebels, but there is no Indication that the goods concerned conslsted of war materiels at this time. The tirst report of a shipment of munitions reaching the Irish rebets from Scotland only 17 occurred three yeers later. lt may be concluded, then, that the trade up to 1594 included only those goods of a non-military nature, and that although the records of its existence have practically vanished altogether, it was of sufficient volume to raise strong reactions among the population of the ports from which it was conducted when it was threatened.

The munitions trade thrived from 1594 onwards solely on account of the rebellion of the earl of Tyrone in Ulster. The course of this rebellion ls Jargely irrelevant ln the present context. Here Jt is sufflcient to state that of el 1 the uprlsings during Elizabeth's relgn, it posed the greatest threat to English authority in lreland, and that it lasted from 1594 to Elizabeth's death in 1603. Also, Philip Il of Spain sent considerable funds in support of Tyrone as a means of sapping England's strength. lt was wlth this Spanish money that the Irish purchased war material from Scotland.

16. Cal. Scot. Pap., X, p. 532. 17. C,S.P. Ire., (!592-1596,) p. 281, - 42 -

Although the tirst shipment of lead and powder to reach 18 Tyrone landed in the Route in October 1594, the trade in munitions did not reach sufticlent proportions to alarm the English seriously until the tollowing year. ln May of 1595, an English agent in Glasgow warned George Nicolson, who was deputizlng tor the absent ambassador, Robert Bowes, that several towns had become engaged in the trade and 19 advlsed hlm to get lt stopped. Nicolson took the advice and persuaded James VI to Issue a proclamation torbidding further shipments of aïd to the Irish rebels. The preamble of the proclamation prohibiting the trade noted that:

"··· sindrie of his Majesties subjectls, lnhabltantis within the schirefdomis of Lanerk, Rentrew, Dunbartane, Tarbett, Bute, Air, Wlgtown, and bailierles of Kyle, Carrick and Cunynghame, daylle turnissis the rebellls of lrland with victuallis, weaponls, poulder, bullett and uthir munitloun of weir ••• " 20

If the number of towns listed represented the truth, the proclamation testitied to the widespread extent of the trade. Nearly ali the ports on the west coast of Scotland must have sent somethlng to lreland.

The Scottlsh government•s order to lts subjects to deslst from future trade with Tyrone went largely unheeded. Those living in

18. C.S.P. Ire., (1592-1596,) p. 281. 19. CQI. Scqt. pap., Xl, p. 586. 20. Reg. P.C. Scot., V, p. 223. - 43 -

the burg of Glasgow, it is true, refrained for a while from engaging in the forbldden commerce. On the other hand, during July, Tyrone sent three agents to the Lammas fair at Glasgow where these same citizens had no hesitation ln selling marchandise to them; the Irish then sent their purchases to Arran, Bute and "sundry other parts" whence the 21 goods were shipped to lreland.

When Nicolson heard of these operations, he did not wait to act through the king. lnstead, on the strength of the previous procla- mation, he took matters into his own hands and sent his agent, Roger Aston, to Glasgow to prevent the continuation of the trade. Aston swiftly

carried out his orders. He obtained the arrest of Tyrone 1 s men and had the cargo on their ships examined. The search only revealed, however, some wine and aquavitae so the men had to be released. ln reporting these events to Nicolson, Aston unwittingly threw light on Glasgow•s trade in general. He obtained assurances from the Provost of Glasgow that the marchants of the town would not transport forbidden goods, nor trade at ali with the rebets, then he went on: "Seeing that town (Giasaow) stands chiefly by the trade of lreland we have bldden them to transport 22 their wares ••• (to towns) ••• where her Majesty•s good subjects dwell." Here was clear confirmation of the importance of the Irish trade to the principal port on the west coast of Scotland.

21. Cal. Scot. fap., Xl, p. 664.

22 • 1b i d • • p • 69 1• - 44 -

For a time, Nlcolson's efforts seem to have been effective, for the number of reports of munitions reaching Tyrone from Scotland feil sharply. By 1597, however, the traffic had agaln risen to new helghts. The first shlpment that reached Tyrone ln 1594 had a value of 23 J300. ln 1597 Alexander Steward, a marchant of Glasgow, sold more than 24 h.,ooo worth of powder atone to Tyrone. The same men also sent Tyrone three Scotttsh craftsmen to manufacture small arms in lreland. So serious dld the trade contacts between the Irish chief and Scotland now appear in the eyes of the government ln freland that the Lord Oeputy appealed to Sir Robert Cecil to get Elizabeth to intervene personally with James for the suppression of the trafflc.

Although Tyrone contlnued to receive supplies from Scotland, nothing was done until the next year in May when James again lssued a proclamation forbidding ali trade with the Irish rebets on pain of death. Throughout 1598 the king continued to publish proclamations to the same eftect white ali the time assuring the Engllsh that he was doing everything in his power to entorce obedience from his subjects. But ali was in vain.

For a tlme after the proclamations came out the flow of supplies dwlndled, but soon the lure of the Spanlsh gold ln Tyrone's hands proved too great 25 an inticement to the Scottish marchants, and trade began again.

23. C.S.P. Ire,. <1592-1596,) p. 281 24. Ibid&. (1596-1597,) p. 362. 25. C.S.P, Scot., Il, p. 756. C.S.P. Ire., (1598-1599,) pp. 421, 422 and 424. - 45 -

lt would be tedious to enumerate each proclamation issued during the following yeers and eech report that proved the proclamations ineffective. lt is sufficient to state that the passage of munitions from Scotland to lreland continued right up untll 1602 ln splte of repeated orders from Edlnburgh that it should stop. To supplement the Scottish government's efforts at prevention, the Engllsh began to patrol the waters between lreland and Scotland wlth warshlps. Yet the Scots even evaded this strategy. They conflned thefr activftles to the winter when the toul weather prevented any efficient patrolling. They also restricted the ships they used to small ones ranging from ten to 26 twenty tons. Such vessels could hlde more easily and land in lnnumerable places, making control practlcally Impossible. Among ail the reports of munitions reaching Tyrone, not one recounted the capture of a Scottlsh ship engaged in the trade. lt must be suspected, too, that the king dfd not have a strong aversion to his subjects growfng rich ln the trade so long as lt dld not jeopardize his position with England. As one report put it, after Nlcolson had complained to James about his merchants' actlvlties: "··· the Scots King dfd put them to the horn on Fridey, and 27 restored them again the Saturday tollowlng."

Only when England's future ln lreland looked serfously threetened dfd the Scottlsh king take positive action to lfmlt the trade. Durfng

26. Hfstorical Manuscrlpts Commission XIX, Spllsbury Mss., Part 10, p. 255. At the time a vessel of 120 tons would have been consldered large.

27. .JR.ùl. - 46 - the fait of 1601 the Spaniards landed at Kinsale and two months later Tyrone joined them wlth an army. On November 6, 1601 Edinburgh issued 28 yet another proclamation forbidding trade with the rebels. ln this instance, for the first and only time, the authorities in Scotland followed up the order with action. ln Oecember, marchants and fishermen 29 of Irving, Glasgow and Kilbride were convlcted for having traded with the rebets in defiance of the proclamation. Even so, sorne of those concerned suffered little penalty. · Atthough the marchants from Irving and Kllbride were denounced as rebels, those from Glasgow managed to 30 obtain remission. Later, seven of the merchants from Irving had to be released from the horn as they had been in lreland at the time the government lssued the proclamation and were, therefore, unaware of it. Others had never gone into rebel territory and had only traded in those 31 parts loyal to Elizabeth. This confusion after the attempt to implement the proclamation demonstrates the difficulties that faced the Scottish government in enforcing the ban on trade with the rebets.

The last mention in the records of the traffic in munitions occurred in May, 1602. On this date the Provists of Glasgow, Renfrew and other western seaports were summoned to Edinburgh to explain why 32 they had permitted trade with the rebels. Although their tate is not

28. Reg. P.C. Scot., VI, p. 304. 29. This referred to West Kilbride in Ayrshire.

30. 1bi d. , p • 324.

31. J..!ûst., p. 342. 32. C.S.p. Scot., Il, p. 813. - 47 - recorded, Jt is of little consequence anyway as the trade was, by this tlme, doomed. ln lreland the English had gained the upper hand. The Spanlsh expedition had failed. With its demise ended foreign aid to Tyrone. ln turn, the end of Spanish funds meant the end of Irish purchases of munitions in Scotland. No longer could the western Scots reap large rewards at relatively little rlsk. Of the trade thot con- tinued directly after Tyrone's submisslon ln 1603 no record remains. The social and economie dislocations assoclated with the aftermath of the rebellion must have adversely affected trade with Ulster, but it is unllkely that the decline was permanent.

ln turning from the nature of the trade to the affect it had on migration very little direct evidence can be cited. One case has been shown of the timber trade furnishing the raw materiel for the construction of ships which the Scots used to cross to lreland. ln another instance the commercial potentialities of lreland did serve as an attraction to Scots. Fynes Moryson reported that the Irish fishermen were too Jazy to cope with the demands of the market: "Hence it is that ln many places they use Scots for tlshermen, and they together wlth 33 the Engllsh make profit of the lnhabitants' sluggishness ••• " But the part played by trade in migration was not that so much of participation as of preparation. lt constltuted a highway of information between

33. Moryson, F., A Qescription of lre!and. (See Morley, H., (ed.) lreland Under Elizabeth and James ·1, London, 1890, p. 423.) - 48 - lreland and Scotlend. lt ls only against the background of the close contacts between the two countries, of whlch trade ls perhaps the most striking feature, thet the movement of Scots to lreland can be seen in proper perspective. This applles not only to the prellmlnary period of migration between 1585 and 1607, which will be descrlbed in the followlng chepters, but also to the later phase when larger numbers of Scots moved to lreland durlng the plantation of Ulster. Q..ttae.r.s.a I..ttB.s..&.

THE FIRST PEBMANENT FQOJHQLO - 50 -

Up to this point the settlng to the scene rather than the scene itself has been under examination. Now that such a setting has been provided, lt is time to look at the nature of the migration, bearlng ln mind that the social and economie forces already described were continuously at work.

The first permanent foothold obtained by the Scots in lreland was established under the leadership of Sorley Boy Macdonald although he was by no means the only Scottlsh chief involved. After the efforts at colonization by the earl of Essex and Sir Thomas Smith from 1572 to 1 1575 had failed, Sorley Boy remained in practical, if not legal possession of much of Antrlm for almost a decade. Agnes, the wife of Tirlough Luineach, stlll had ambitions for hersons by her prevlous merriage. She belleved that they had a better right to the land in the Glynns than thelr uncie, Sorley Boy. Yet she did not press her efforts to wrest it from hlm at this time. Perhaps under pressure from his wife, Tirlough raided Sorley Boy's territory in 1577, but the relations between the two chiefs soon healed, for two years later Sorley Boy's 2 son married Tirlough's daughter. Although other mlnor dlsturbances also occurred, including a raid led by Angus Macdonald of Dunyveg, none of these held much significance. ln tact, during the years between 1575 and 1583 comparative peace prevailed in Ulster.

1. See p. 15.

2. Calendar of State Papers. lrelaod, (1574-1585,> p. 163. - 51 -

From 1582 the English began to revert to thelr old policy, followed ln Shane O'Neill's time, of turning the Irish against the Scots. ln this way they hoped to rid lreland of the latter for ever. Tirlough Luineach had for seme time maintalned a body of Scottish mercenaries obtained through his wife. ln accordance with the new pollcy, the Engllsh approached Tirlough with the suggestion that he should replace his Scottlsh soldlers with English ones. He agreed to do so, but with unforseen results. When he dlsbanded his Scots, lnstead of returning to Scotland as expected, they moved to Clandeboye to settle, thereby creatlng a considerable disturbance. This furnishes one of the only examples of a body of "new Scots" decidlng to settle on the land.

The adoption of English troops instead of Scots created a rift between Tirlough and Sorley Boy. So far the English change ln policy seemed to have succeeded even if the disbanding of Tirlough1 s Scottish mercenaries had led to disconcerting results. The government took the next step in the spring of 1583. Jt relnforced McQuillin, Serley Boy's principal opponent in the Route. With this support, McQulllln immediately proceeded to attack Sorley Boy in an attempt to 3 regain that part of his land whlch the Scots had occupled. Had McQulllin succeeded, the Engllsh might wei 1 have obtained a decisive victory. But Engl ish policy rested on the foundation of Tirlough's

3. The Four Masters, Annals of the Kjngd9m of lreland. V, Dublin, 1856, p. 1811. - 52 - continued loyalty to the Queen, this was like building on an Irish bog. Serley Boy quickly healed his relations with Tirlough and together they inflicted defeat on McQuillin.

The Engl ish policy of turning the native Irish against the Scots had proved bankrupt. Although the two might be separated tor a short time, they drew together again as beth found their interests best served by doing so. Although the Engl lsh persevered ln their attempts to bring Serley Boy to his knees, they continued to meet with failure. ln reply to an Engl ish demand for his submission ln 1584, Serley Boy hautlly replied he had never submltted in the past and had no intention 4 of beginning then.

Meanwhile, ether parts of lreland showed signs of serious opposition to English authority. To deal with the deteriorating situation, the government in England sent over three experienced soldlers, Sir John Perret as Deputy, Sir John Norrls as President of Munster and Sir Richard Bingham as Governor of Connaught. With them arrived a strong body of troops. Perret arrived on June 21, taking the sword of office 5 the next day. After a period of preparation, he set off in July to quell disturbances in Munster. No sooner had he arrived than reports 6 reached him from the north of an impending invasion of Ulster by the Scots.

4. C,S,P. Ire., (1586-1588,) p. 51.

5. The Four Masters, op. cjt., p. 1819. Perret, Sir J., The Chronjcle of lreland (1584-1608). (Edited by Herbert Wood,) Dublin, 1933, p. 24. 6. Perrot, op. cjt., p. 24. - 53 -

Here lt ls necessary to glanee at the Scottish scene to determine the causes for these aggressive Scottlsh intentions. Two clans, the Macdonalds and the Macleans, were principally involved but for dittering reasons. Wlth Perrot•s arrivai in lreland came rumeurs that he would expel the Scots once and for ali from Ulster. Sorley Boy took fright at the rumeurs, and appealed to his relatives ln the 7 Isles tor aid.

With the Macleans, the situation presented a more complex plcture. Llke the Macdonalds, they too had connexions ln lreland obtained through marriage. Shane O'Neill, Tirlough Luineach's pre- decessor, had married Katherina Maclean, Lachlan Maclean's aunt. By 8 her, Shane had had two sons, Hugh and Con. On Shane's death, Tirlough Lulneach became the O'Neill. As we have seen, this meant that by

Irish law Shane 1 s sons lost ali right to thelr father 1 s lands and title. lnstead of accepting the consequences of tanist law, Hugh and Con departed for Scotland to remain with thelr cousin, Lachlan, to await an opportunlty to return to lreland. By 1584 the lrishmen had persuaded their Scottish klnsmen to support their claims ln Ulster, and the Macleans had fitted out an expedition to this end.

The Macleans landed with 1,500 to 2,000 men, including some

7. The Four Masters, op. cjt., p. 1819. 8. Calend§r of Scottlsh Papers. VIII, p. 42. - 54 -

9 Campbells and "inland Scots," in O'Donnell's country in early August. To counter the threat that the M&cleans posed to the peace of Ulster, Perrot moved north, reaching Newry on August 29. At the same time he dispatched shlps to eut the Scots' supply route and way of retreat. The Macleans obtained word of this combined land-sea counter-offenslve only just intime. They returned to their galleys quickly, and escaped 10 the interceptlng Engllsh sea force by barely an hour. Of Shane's sons, Hugh returned to Scotland with his cousin Lachlan Maclean, white Con seems to have remained in lreland to be taken captive later by Il Tirlough Luineach.

Sorley Boy, meanwhile, had obtained support from his nephews in Scotland to the extent of 1,600 men. These he added to his own followers that numbered three or four hundred to make up a considerable 12 force. lt is to be noticed that although Agnes and her sons claimed sorne of the land then occupied by Sorley Boy, when the English threatened the Scottish position in lreland as a whole and tried to turn Macdonald against Macdonald,the Scots sank their differences to present an united front. Although the English shlps had forced the departure of the

9. The presence of the 11 inl~md Scots" aroused suspicions of the Scottish king's compllcity ln the landings. However there was no truth in the suggestion. 10. C.S.P. Ire., (1574-1585,) pp. 520 and 524. Cal. Scot. Pap., VIII, p. 289. Il. Bagwell, R., lreland Under the Tud9rs, Ill, London, 1890, p. 219. 12. C.S.P, Ire., (1574-1585,) p. 524. - 55 -

Mecleans, Sorley Boy's troops stlll remalned as a strong threat to English rule. Perrot, therefore, advanced from Newry to the river Baon where he divided his forces. Sir John Norris led one half of the army up the west bank, while the Deputy, with the other hait, moved up the east bank. Most of Sorley Boy's forces returned to Scotland when confronted with this English advance, Sorley Boy himself first sought refuge in the woods of Glenconkene and later made his way to Rathlln 13 island. Meanwhile, Parrot moved on to beslege the castle of Dunluce on the northern coast of Antrim. On his arrivai here on September 15, the Scottish commander told Perrot that he was holding the castle in the name of the Scottish king. Had the declaration been true, it would have put an entirely different complexion on the nature of the Scottish penetration into Ulster than thot which had exlsted prevlously, lt would have meant thot lt was a part of the policy of the Scottish government to try to encroach on Elizabeth's dominion. Yet no other evidence supports such a view. ln tact, when Sorley Boy submitted to the English the next year, he admitted the Scottlsh king had 14 played no part in the Macdonalds' activitles. The Scottish government, therefore, may be absolved from any implication in the

13. Perrot, oo. clt., p. 31. The Four Masters, op. cit., p. 1819. Çalend§r of Corew Mss., Il, p. 380, Glenconkene corresponds to present day south-west Londonderry. This area ls some distance from Rathlin island thus Sorley Boy must have taken a considerable time to reach the island. Probably Sorley Boy hod not reached Rathlin island by the time Parrot took Dunluce. 14. C.S.P, Ire., (1586-1588,) p. 76, - 56 - lslesmen's attempts to establlsh a foothold in Ulster.

By the use of artillery that he had transported by sea, Parrot managed to make the Scots surrender in two days. Now Rethlin Island remalned the only foothold left to the lslanders. This the Deputy prepared to lnvade, but failed to do: "because the waters might 15 have ri sen and stopped my return tor want of br 1dges (sic.) 11

lnstead of tollowlng up his victory at Dunluce with a turther military venture on Rathlin Island, Parrot adopted a different tactic. He trled to separate Sorley from clan support. Agnes had contlnued to plead tor recognition of her sons' rlghts ln lreland. The day after Dunluce tell, the Deputy accepted her suit to grant her second son, 16 Donald Gorme Macdonald, an indenture of the Blsset lands made up of two- thirds of the Glynns. The terms of the indenture stated tnat Donald should paya rent of cows, and provide 80 footmen each year for the Queen's service. From the indenture Parrot excluded Olderfleet castle, keeping it ln the Queen's hands. He also made Donald guarantee not to keep Scottish-born retalners or "convey" any part of the Glynns to anyone else. Finally, Donald Gorme had to agree to serve against Sorley 17 Boy and any other "foreign Scot." Parrot hoped by imposing these terms

15. Cal. of Çarew Mss., Il, p. 380 and 383. Perrot., op. cit., p. 32. 16. Not to be confused wlth Donald Gorme Macdonald of Sleat. 17. C.S.P. Ire., (1574-1585,) p. 534. - 57 - to turn nephew ageinst uncle. Apparently he had little understanding of the bonds of loyalty in the Scottish clan. Such a policy might work for a short period, but it did not provide a permonent solution. ln this case Donald Gorme never began to comply wlth the terms of the grant. ln October he was descrlbed by the Engllsh as "not honest," white durfng the next months he openly attacked the English at Lisburn 18 in Clandeboye.

After the tati of Dunluce, Sorley Boy departed from Rathlin island for Scotland, but only to gather new forces to help hlm regain 19 his position in lreland. ln November the fifth earl of Argyle dled. During a convention of chiefs cal led on account of the death of the earl and held on the Island of Bute, Sorley managed to get his claims in lreland confirmed. As the year ended, he possessed a reserve force 20 in Rathlin Island of 1,300 men led by Donald Gorme's brother, Angus. ln spite of ali Perrot efforts, the Scots stiJl presented a serious threat to Engllsh rule in Ulster.

The year 1585 saw further efforts on the part of the English to keep the Scots out of Ulster. That they proved more successful this

18. C,S,P. Ire., (1574-1585,) pp. 539 and 547. 19. llisl·, pp. 530 and 536. 20. Bagwell, op. cjt., Ill, p. 138. The tact that Sorley Boy could draw upon the support of Donald's brother confirms Perrot•s tai lure to split the Macdonalds. - 58 - year than ln the previous one was due to a combinatlon of larger English forces and political developments in Scotland which sapped Sorley Boy's strength.

To withstand the growing body of Scots, Perrot dlspatched Sir William Stanley from Munster to garrison Balleycastle, and Sir Henry Bagenal to Glenarm. The latter arrlved at his destination on Oecember 30, 1584, and immedlately had a skirmish with 2,000 Scots 21 under the united leadership of Donald Gorme, Angus and Sorley Boy. The Scots withdrew from Glenarm and went on to attack Balleycastle. On New Year's nlght Stanley only narrowly managed to beat off a Scottish attack. Betore the Scots could renew their attacks, events in Sèotland obliged them to reduce their torees.

While Angus Macdonald of Dunyveg had been helping his uncle in lreland, the Macleans and others had delivered a series of attacks on his lands in the Isles. These raids necessltated Angus' quick return

21. C.S.p, Ire., (1574-1585,) p. 547. - 59 - 22 to lslay. After spending a short time there building up his defenses, he went to Edinburgh where he obtained the king's support tor his 23 struggles in the Isles.

The return of Angus Macdonald to Scotland induced Sorley Boy to sue tor terms. He asked Perrot to restore the lands which he claimed to have held tor the last torty years. ln return he offered to pay the same rent tor the Route and one-third of the Glynns as he had previously 24 paid for the Route and ali of the Glynns. These terms reflected Sorley Boy's weakened position.

22. C.S.P. Ire., (1574-1585,) p. 549. Perrot, writing to Burghley on January 31, reported Angus' departure. This precludes the posslbility that a proclamation lssued in February by James VI on Elizabeth's request calling on Angus to return to Scotland had anything to do wlth his return. (See Çalendpr of State Papers. Scotland. 1, p. 493.) Parrot believed that Angus left lreland either because of fear of the forces the Deputy was musterlng or because of "a breach" between Angus and Serley. Perrot's misinterpretation of the cause of Angus' departure reflected his desire to create such a breach. The onslaught on Angus' land by the Macleans seems to provide a far more tenable explanatlon tor Angus' return to Scotland. 23. Begister of the Prjyy Qouncil of Scot!and, Ill, p. 739. Why the king supported hlm remains unclear. Perhaps James interpreted Angus' arrivai ln Edlnburgh after the proclamation ordering him out of lreland as a sign of obedience. If he did, he was mistaken - see the previous footnote. 24. C.S.P. Ire., (1574-1585,) p. 551. Donald Germe Macdonald stiJl held the othee two-thirds of the Glynns. Sorley Boy's offer implies that at one time he had paid rent though there is no record of it. - 60-

Perrot spurned a conciliatory pol icy. lnstead of accepting the offer of a settlement, the Deputy marched into the Glynns at the end of February. Sorley Boy fied to Toome castle only to be met by Tirlough Luineach, a recent convert to the English cause, barring his 25 passage over the Bann. Sorley Boy then retreated north while the Deputy advanced through Donald Gorme•s country, the Route and finally, during the middle of March, over to Rathlin Island. Everywhere the Engllsh went they devastated the country. This energetic if destructive pollcy had the eftect of forcing Sorley Boy and his nephew out of lreland agaln. Yet, despite their achievement, the English realised it was one 26 thing to get the Scots out of Ulster but quite another to keep them out.

Even after Sorley Boy had departed, a few Scots remained 27 under the leodership of his son, Alexander McSorley. When Rathlin island tell, the latter promised to submit and give up ali claims to the Route if he, instead of Donald Gorme Macdonald, might have the Glynns. Angus Macdonald, too, petitioned in April to be allowed to own the Glynns, 28 promising at the same tlme to keep out ali Scots. The Engl ish apparently lgnored both requests for no evidence of further correspondance

25. C.S.P. Ire., (1574-1585,) p. 553. 26. J!UUi., p. 556. 27. Although the sons of Sorley Boy should, strictly speaking, be surnamed Macdonald, here they are given the surname McSorley as this helps to avoid confusion, and that is the way English officiais referred to them. 28. Ibid., p. 560. The grounds on which Angus Macdonald could ask for the Glynns instead of his brother rested on the tact that the latter had torfeited his right to them by his acts of rebellion. - 61 - on the matter remains and Alexander McSorley soon left for Scotland. The English seem to have abandoned their former and perhaps wiser misgivings of thelr ability to defend Ulster against future incursions by the Scots. lnstead, a false sense of confidence prevailed. As one ott 1ci a 1 expressed i t: "the Scots in U1 ster took sma Il fear of being supplanted at first, but their hearts are now broken, their goods 29 preyed, and they shrowd themselves in secret corners." By Apri 1 24, 30 Perrot could boast to Walsingham: "The Scots are clean banished again."

Perrot made a similar remark in June in a note to the English Privy Counbil, but this marked the last time he could do so. At the same time both Alexander McSorley and Angus Macdonald had begun to plan to return to lreland. Angus and his mother, Agnes, went to the Scottlsh 31 court to obtain the king's intercession on thelr behalf. Angus, ln ali probability, would have received the Glynns at this point had not new developments arisen in the Isles that prevented him going to lreland 32 to make a settlement with the government there.

29. C.S.P. Ire,, p. 561. 30. Cgl, C;r. Mss., Il, p. 403.

31. lbjd., tl, p. 403. 32. C.S.P. Ire., (1574-1585,) p. 575, Hayes-McCoy in his book Scots Mercenary Forces jn lreland, Dublin, 1937, p. 165, states that the English recognized Angus' claim. They did, it is true, expect him and his mother to, "conclude about the Glynns" on August 10. However, nothing is ever said of an agreement at this time. Moreover, Angus could never have gone to lreland to make the agreement because, as we shalt see, other matters kept him in the Isles. - 62 -

During the summer of 1585, Lachlan M&cleen of Duart killed severe! followers of Donald Gorme Macdonald of Sleet in an unprovoked attack. Angus Macdonald, while trying to arrange compensation, went to Lachlan Macleen at Duart where the latter promptly imprisoned hlm. Only when Angus agreed to hend over to the Macleens of Duart the western part or Rhlnns of lsley dld Lachlan release hlm. Subsequently Lachlan went to lsley to clalm his newly-won territory. Angus, having pretended to have forgotten the previous Incident, lnvited Lachlan to a feest at Dunyveg. During the course of the evening, the Macdonalds set upon the 33 Mecleens, made Lachlan a captive, and massacred ali his followers, Not untll 1587, and only efter the intervention of the earl of Argyle and the king, did Lechlen Maclean obtain his freedom. During the period of this spectacular duplicity in the Isles, Angus Macdonald, naturally, participated little in Irish affelrs. The only Scot active ln lrelend was Alexander McSorley.

Alexander landed in the Route leading about 800 men et the 34 end of July, 1585. The Scots obtalned some Irish support, and a few weeks atter landlng engaged the English, under Captaln Francis Stafford, neer Carrickfergus. Although nelther side won e decisive victory, the lslanders retreated ecross the Bann after the sklrmish. Here, the baron 35 of Dungannon met the Scots and forced them to recross the Benn.

33. Browne, J., Hlstory of the Hjghlands, 1, Edinburgh, p. 206. 34. Parrot, op. cft., p. 45. C.S.P. Ire., (1574-1585,) pp. 574 and 575. 35. Later thet yeer to become the earl of Tyrone. - 63 -

Alexander then retreated north through the Route under pressure from Stafford. Somehow, despite the leck of artillery, the Scots managed ~ to retake Dunluce at the end of October. For a time Alexander remalned at Dunluce within easy reach of relnforcements coming from Scotland. From this position he could either flee to Scotland if Engllsh pressure became too intense, or launch an offensive it he saw

an opportunity to do so successfully. After walting for three months, he decided to pursue the second alternative even though he had received

no support from his father. He advanced with 500 men on the weak Engllsh garrison then statloned at Strabane under Captaln Merryman. By means ota trick the English commander managed to rout the Scots desplte his interlor numbers. Shortly after his victory Merryman killed Alexander 37 and sent his head to Dublin.

Neither the English nor the Scots could claim a complete vlctory. While Dunluce remained ln Scottish hands the door to the north stfll lay open. If the Scots did come ln any numbers, the Engllsh knew that they could only expel them at high cost in men, money and materiel, ali of whfch they could ill afford. Sorley Boy, on his slde, had lost his eldest son. Also he had tailed to regain by force the land he had held for so long. Because ot the stalemate, both sides were ready for a settlement.

~. C.S.P. Ire., (1574•1585,) p. 584. No account occurs of how the fortress tell. lt is just mentioned by Parrot as havlng fallen. One can only speculate that elther the garrison was betrayed or starved lnto submlssion. 37. c.s.e. Ire •• (1586-1588,) p. 40. - 64 -

As eerly es the end of February, 1586, the council in lrelend received en order from the Queen to negotiate reasonebly with both 38 Sorley Boy and Angus of Dunyveg. Before the death of his son, the latter had wavered between submlssion end defiance. The death of his son end the lack of forces to retallete finally induced the old chief to submit so thet ln April he wrote e latter to the Deputy asking for perdon. Due to previous failures on the part of the lslesmen to keep 39 their word, sorne doubt existed of his sincerity at the time. Ali the same, the government went ahead with its plans for conciliatlng the Scots. ln May it formed a commission to deal wlth the Scots in Clendeboye.

The instructions glven to this commission reflected the new attitude held by the English towards the Scots, and the contents of the instructions marit e falrly detailed examlnatlon. The commissioners were to grant land to the Macdonalds on condition that no more Scots would enter lreland. Sorley Boy was to be granted half of the Route and to be made a denizen, while to Angus Macdonald of Dunyveg was togo the Glynns of Antrim. Since he might wish to spend most of his tlme ln Scotlend, he was to be allowed to farm the Glynns out to Sorley Boy. One most significant pert of the instructions speclfled that neither of the two Scottish chiefs concerned should be ellowed to bring more than

200 followers from Scotland. Ali raiding of the Queen's Irish tennants

38. C.S,P. Ire., (1586- 1588,) p. 32.

39. .uw!,., pp, 45 and 46, - 65 - 40 was forbidden, as was ali trade between the areas granted and Scotland. 41 Flnally, a breach of any of these terms was to lead to forfaiture. The attempt, as evinced by these instructions, to establlsh a settlement of Scots ln Antrlm completely separated from their homeland betrayed a slngular fallure on the part of the English to comprehend the strength of the bonds that tied Scotland and lreland together. When the Engllsh could not even restrain the Irish from encouraging the Scots to enter Ulster, it was unrealistic to suppose that they could make the Scots do so. The policy as formulated in the instructions to the oommlttee ignored ali the famlly, geographical and economie ties that bound the

Scots in Antrlm with those in the Isles. Yet, ln spite of the flaws in detail, the Instructions dld recognize the inability of the Engllsh to keep the Scots out of lreland. Thus the setting up of the commission dld mark a step forward to legalizfng the actual situation.

Once the commission had been set up Jt acted swlftly. After the 11 humble suit11 of Agnes and the submisslon of Angus, the government granted hlm the Glynns for the rent of sixty cattle per year and the service of eighty footmen. This grant occurred on May 16, and the terms differed only sllghtly from those specified by the instructions to the 42 conm i ss ion • The main difference conslsted of a reduction of the number

40. This concern over trade glves another indication that trade between Scotland and freland encouraged migration. 41. c.s.e. Ire., (1586-1588,> p. 69. 42. Ibid., p. 59. - 66 - of Scottish-born followers Angus might brlng wlth hlm to lreland. lnstead of the 200 mentfoned in the instructions, he could only bring thirty. Such a small number could not possibly forma satisf8Ctory settlement. This suggests that the population already inhabltlng the Glynns, though perhaps malnly of Scottish origin, had been born in lreland. As with the previous grant to Donald Gorme Macdonald, Angus' brother, the English excluded the castle of Olderfleet from the terms of the grant.

Sorley Boy Macdonald dld not submit as quickly as his nephew, Angus. After some hesitation, he eventually declded to come in, and 43 in June entered Dublin under protection. One passage in his submission revealed Sorley Boy's attitude toward his lands in lrelandi

"For being a man born out of this realm, and gotten large possessions in the same (lre!ond,) whereupon 1 lived, though 1 might c!alm none by inheritance 1 have very considerately presumed to think 1 might as weil hold it os 1 got it by strong hand." 44

Although he submitted, he stiJl claimed thot part of Ulster that he had won by 11 strong h'ond"- the most fertile holf of the Route. McQuilltn, olso in Dublin at the time Sorley Boy submitted, objected 45 strongly to such a grant for it could only be made at his expense.

43. C.S.P. Ire., (1586-1588,) p. 75. 44. Col. Çpr. Mss., IV, p. 490. 45. C.S.P. Ire., (1586•1588,) p. 75, - 67 -

ln spite of McQuillin 1 s protests, Sorley Boy received an indenture slgned on June 18 ln which he obteined pardon, denlzatlon, constableship of Ounluce cestle and the four most fertile "twoghes" 46 or terrltories of the Route. This he obtalned for the yearly rent of sixty cattle and the provision of twelve horsemen and forty infentry- men per year. McQuillin received the four remaining, less fertile, 47 territorles of the Route for a similar rent.

Sorley Boy had received liberal terms. While Angus had obteined the Glynns, most of these had already belonged to his father before him. McQuillin only obteined the legal right to helf the land he had previously considered he owned. The English had granted Sorley Boy, on the other hand, territory he admitted he held only by the right of torce. Small wonder, then, that Fenton reported Sorley Boy departed from the Irish 48 capital pleased with his lot whlle McQulllln felt disappointed.

McQuillln did not cease to oppose this grant to the Scots on his departure from Dublin. When Sorley Boy died ln 1590, his son, James McSorley, clalmed his tather's lands. McQuillin contested James•

46. C.S.P. Ire., (1586-1588,) p. 83. These consisted of the territory between the rivers Bann and Boys (now the Bush) and the territorles of Balleymoney, Loughgiel end Ounseveridge.

47. ~., p. 98. Although McQuillin reveived an equal area, the difference in quality left hlm disappointed. He complalned he received only "the desert and barran country."

48. .llili!·' p. 92. - 68 - rlght to the lends, argulng Perrot should never have granted them in the flrst place. The case is of sorne interest because when lt came before the Privy Councll in London, Perrot- then in England and no longer the Lord Oeputy - was asked to explaln why he mede the grant to Sorley Boy. The ex-Deputy replied that he had acted in order to induce Sorley Boy to obedience and thus to put an end to the frequent Scottish reids on Ulster. Then he added that McQulllin, "was not able to Inhabite his whole countrey nor to defende it from the Scottes, and yet hed notwithstandinge the graunte of the sald 4 territories sufficient, 49 yea more than he was able to meinteine." Although Perrot was defending himselt ag8inst meladministration whlle giving this explanatlon, there dbes not seem much reason to dbubt his word as McQulllin obviously had not been able to detend his lands. Moreover, Perrot's reasons for his action conform with the other evidence indicating that the sparseness of Ulster's population acted as an incentive to Scottish migration and settlement. The Scots came to till up a vacuum. The English trled to keep them out by force at great expense. Only in 1586, after the contlnuous campaigns of 1584 and 1585, did they recognize the futil ity of further efforts.

For the next tew years Perrot's grants paid dividends in the form of peace among the Antrim Scots. Sorley Boy, now legal owner of the land tor whlch he had fought so hard, remained quiescent tor the

49. Acts of the Prjvy Councjl of England. XIX, pp. 50 and 51. - 69 - rest of his lite. Angus Macdonald of Dunyveg, meanwhfle, spent most of his tfme in Scotland.

The year 1586, therefore, marked the end of the ffrst phase of Scottish settlement and migration to freland. Between 1586 and 1593 numerous raids occurred, but none of the Scots involved ln them remained for any length of time. During one of these in 1586, Donald Gorme, brother of Angus of Dunyveg and former owner of the Glynns, was kil led. Durfng enother the Macleans again returned to freland ln support of Hugh MacShane. This time, Hugh wished not so much to supplant Tirlough Luineach asto establi~h his right to succeed hlm instead of the earl of Tyrone, the only other contender for the position of the O'Neill. After a brief raid into the earl of Tyrone's country, the Macleans returned to Scotland though Tyrone captured Hugh and hanged him from a thorn tree thus directly insulting the Macleans. Later, when Tyrone rebelled, this event had a strong affect on his ability to obtain ~ aid from the Isles.

The second phase of Scottish settlement in freland took place under James and Randal McSorley, sons of Sorley Boy. As we have seen, when the old chief died in January 1590, McQulllin contested James' title to the lands. At flrst, when the Privy Council decided in favour of the Scot, he appeared to be quite content to keep

50. C.S.P. Ire., (1588-1592,) pp. 123, 132, 133, 226 and 298. - 70 -

only those lands he inherited from his father. ln 1593 the first indication of the future policy of the McSorleys occurred. For the first tlme James McSorley began to claim not only his own land, but 51 also some of that still remaining in McQuillln's hands. The Scots had begun to expand their territory.

51. C.S.P. Ire., (1592-1596,) p. 145. Q..tiàf.l.E.R f..Q.!J.R

SCOTT!SH EXfANS ION IN !RELANQ - 72-

From 1594 to 1603 the principal manifestation of the migratory movement was the expansion of territory controlled by the McSorleys. James McSorley domlnated the scene till his death ln 1601. After his death, his brother Randal took over his position. A third brother, Neece, although somettmes helping his brothers, played a relatively minor role in the actlvltles of the family.

Tied ln wlth the Scotttsh expansion in lreland under the McSorleys was the earl of Tyrone's rebellion in lreland and the desire of James VI to impose royal authorlty on the Isles. The main affect of Tyrone's rebellion on migration arose from the unsettled conditions it created in Ulster. The McSorleys exploited the turbulent political situation to add to thelr terrltory. ln addition, the rebellion stimulated large forces of mercenarles to cross to lreland durlng 1594 and 1595. Although only a few of these mercenaries settled in lreland, their presence was symptornatic of the conditions in the Isles that dtd lead to emigration. The final factor, James Vl's poltcy towards the Isles, bore much responslbillty for these conditions.

ln lreland ln 1593, Ttrlough Luineach, old and unable to maintatn his position agalnst the encroachments of the earl of Tyrone, ftnally gave up his title as tanist to the earl. For a time Tyrone actually asststed the Engltsh government ln lreland in represslng dissident elements, but by the begtnnlng of 1594 his attitude had changed. ln combfnation wtth the popular chief of the O'Donnells, Hugh Ruadh, - 73 - he waged almost constant rebellion against the Queen until the day of 1 ber death.

Durlng this period when Tyrone's rebellion flrst broke out, the pollcy the McSorleys were to follow throughout the ensuing years first began to take shape. This policy was guided by the desire, not only to remaln in lreland, but to expand the terrltory they controlled there. To do so they bad to play off ali sldes against each other. Sometimes they were allied to Tyrone, sometlmes they fought him or intrigued against hlm. They were not even above fighting their cousins, the Macdonalds in the Isles. They cannot be blamed for this attitude for ali parties in Ulster dld the same. Tyrone, for Instance, alternately al lied himselt with the McSorleys and attempted to rfd Ulster of them, always he was susplcious of them tor they presented a contlnuous possible threat to his flank.

The ftrst indication of the McSorleys 1 intentions Clllme at the beglnnlng of 1594. At this time Angus Macdonald of Dunyveg reported

1. Bagwell, R., lrelpnd Under the Tudprs. Ill, London, 1890, p. 237. The overt reason for Tyrone 1 s rebellion was his quarrel with the Marshal, Sir Henry Bagenal, who he deemed bad taken mllltary credit from hlm. Yet Bagenal owned land around Newry in a position to threaten Tyrone 1s independence. This in part explalns the antagonlsm held towards Bagenal. Besldes this, Tyrone now bad displaced Tirlough. His ambitions drove hlm on to attempt to gain total independance from England. - 74 - through his agent in lreland, McNeece, that the Irish rebets and James McSorley had approached him to get hlm to provlde mercenaries in return 2 for land in lreland. Angus, stlll loyal to Elizabeth, retused the ofter. Later that year a conflict arose between McNeece and McSorley. Angus had togo to lrelend with slxty followers to relnforce McNeece. When he departed agein for Scotland in July he reiterated his loyalty to Elizabeth in e letter to the commander of the garrison at Carrick- 3 fergus. Apparently, at this time Angus Macdonald had no intention of aiding the Irish rebets.

Angus' kinsman, Donald Gorme Macdonald of Sleat, not owning any land in lreland nor owing loyalty to Elizabeth, had fewer scruples. He accepted the offer from Tyrone that Angus had refused. At the end of July, 1,800 men of the clan Donald North lended in the Route by the Bann where James McSorley joined them. Although the main destination for these wes Tyrconnell to help O'Donnell, McSorley seems to have used some of them to better his own position. Soon efter the force arrived, he leunched an attack on McQuillin end by August of that year 4 most of the Route lay ln Scottish hands.

The mejority of the mercenaries remalned only a short time in lrelend as Donald Gorme of Sleat had to return to Scotland to support

2. Calend8r of St§te Paper§, lre!and, (1592-1596,) pp. 216 and 217. 3. Ibid •• P• 258. 4. Caltndar of Scottish Papers, Xl, p. 420. Qoleodar of Carew Mss., Ill, p. 93. - 75 - 5 Argyle in the latter's growing conflict with Huntly. Yet ebout 6 300 to 800 seem to heve remeined in lreland, though whether they remllined permanently cennot be stated. lt is quite possible that they did for so profiteble did Donald Gorme find the expedition that 7 he promised to return "soon after Candlemas."

ln Scotland, just as Tyrone's rebellion in lrelend gave rlse to the demand for mercenaries in lreland, James VI implemented a policy towards his lslanders thet had the affect of drlving them over. The young king deslred to bring order to a part of his realm that hed felt the hand of royal authority only occasionally before. As he wrote:

"First in the cair we haif of planting of the Gospel amang these rude, berberous and uncivill people, the want whairof these yeiris pest no doubt has been to the grite hazard of mony poore scull is being ignorant of thair awne salvation. Nixt we desire to remove ali such scandalous reproaches aganis that state, in suffering a pairt of it to be possessed with such wilde savagels voide of Godls feare and our obedience, and heirwith the losse we have in nocht ressaving the dew rentis addebit to us furth of those Yllis, being of the patrimonie of that our crowne." 8

5. This conflict culminated in the battle of Glenllvet fought on October 3. 6. Cpt. Scot. Pep., Xl, pp. 457, 458 end 477. 7. lbjd •• p. 477. Candlemas occurred on Februery 2. A report from a spy in Argyle's camp in October, 1594, revealed just how profitable the expedition must have been. Argyle~ too, had been asked to provide troops; in return, instead of land, he was offered,i: 8,000 (Scots.) (See Ibid., p. 457.) The earl refused the offer but no doubt Doneld Germe of Sleat did not. 8. Collectanea Rebus Albanicls, p. 115. Quoted in Grant, I.F., Social and Economie Development of Scotland Before 1603, London, 1937, p. 536. - 76 -

The removal of the "scanclalous reproaches" took much tlme

and effort to complete. ln the 1elghties the crown attempted to gain control by the passage of numerous acts calling on chlefs to disband 9 their flghtfng forces. Such measures lacked the essential corollary of the means of enforcement. As the Engllsh ambassador polnted out when a force of Hfghlanders was preparing to cross to lreland, although the king wished to stop them, neither he nor his principal subject in 10 the area, the earl of Argyle, had sufflclent means to do so. Neverthe- less, James continued his efforts to impose law and order on the lslanders, in 1591 he even imprisoned Angus Macdonald of Dunyveg and Lachlan Maclean of Ouart for severa! months. When he freed them, lt Il was only after he had exacted a fine of 10,000 marks from both.

However, the king 1 s pollcy never really began to succeed till January, 1595.

At this time the king issued a proclamation inststing that every lord was to be "answerable for ali he may conrnand." ln other words, the offenses of followers would be charged to the chlets, and ali men had to have a chief. Those who had none found themsèlves 12 outlawed.

9. Grant, op. cit., P• 536.

10. Col. Scot. Pap., Xl, P• 499.

Il. Ctleodor of Border Papers, 1, P• 376.

12. ~~~. ~~:t. fgp., Xl, P• 523. - 77 -

The affect of the new proclamation was to make it impossible for many Hlghlanders to remain ln Scotland. As outlaws in their own country, they had to seek a llvelihood elsewhere. The month followlng its declaration James Campbell of Lawers, the English agent in the Isles, had to bribe a certain M'Condochle "and others" who had been, 13 "pressed by this new order against them," not to go to lreland. Later, Campbel 1 asked his brother-ln-law to supply M'Condochie wlth 14 land in order that he might live by other means than war. Others also reported the same conditions. 11 1 fear," wrote an informant of the English ln April, 1595, "such of the broken men who are not 15 answerable to the law wi Il go to lreland." Agaln, Nicolson, in a latter informing Sir Robert Bowes of the impending departure of mercenaries that year in July, wrote: "··· 1 hear that the men togo 16 over look tor great lands and living to dwell in lreland." Thus, just as Tyrone's need became great, the Scottish king gave added incentlve to the lslemen togo to lreland in the rebel earl's service.

The only reason why the expedition did not set sail as scheduled was because the English government had taken precautions in the Isles to prevent them doing so. Up to this tlme, Elizabeth had

13. Cal. Scot. Pap., Xl, p. 528.

14. ~ •• p. 555.

15. 1!2.i..st· ' p. 580. 16. 121&., p. 633. - 78 -

relled on maklng representations to James VI and Argyle to stop the Hlghl8nders crossing to lrel8nd. Although she repeated this procedure 17 atter Donald Gorme Mecdon8ld of Sleat's expedition of 1594, she realised she would h8ve togo beyond the normal diplomatie channels If she hoped to prevent turther Incursions of Scots into lreland. Wlth this end in mlnd, she exploited the animosity that existed between the Macleans and the Macdonalds and the desire tor vengance on the part of the former agalnst Tyrone tor his action ln hanglng Hugh 18 MacSh8ne. By January, an Engllsh agent, John Colvllle, h8d secretly establlshed hlmselt in the Isles wlth Lachlan Maclean. Wlth the Macleans holding themselves aloof from the plans to invade freland, no body of Macdonalds could depart tor tear of havlng thelr undefended homes devastated during thelr absence.

By February, 1595 Angus Macdonald of Dunyveg, due to bribes from Tyrone, had joined with Clan Donald North ln the scheme to ald 19 the Irish. Four thousand Scots stood ready to set sali for Ulster. Yet because of the danger of havlng the hostile Macleans at thelr back, the Macdonalds could not leave. ln March Angus Macdonald made strenuous efforts to win the Macleans to benevolent neutrality at least. He even

17. Cal. Scot, Pap., Xl, p. 473. Historlcal Mss. Commission, Appegdlx to the Slxth Report, p. 610.

18. Ç;t. Scot. Pap., Xl, p. 500.

19. JR!g., p. 557. - 79 - promlsed to hand over the disputed terrltory ln the Rhlnns of lslay to win them over. Either the rancour agalnst Tyrone, the memory of the past lniquities of the Macdonalds, or the hope of Engllsh gold induced Lachlan Maclean to refuse ali otters. lnstead, he hlred 600 men who remalned poised as a threat to the Macdonalds.

The Macdonalds only set sail tor lreland on July 18, 1595 wlth 3,000 men atter Maclean had had to dlsband his men havlng run out 20 of tunds to pay them. Even though the expedition tinally managed to depart, Jt never provlded decisive ald to Tyrone. Had it arrlved in lreland intact, ft would have been too late to be of much use to Tyrone. As lt turned out, only a small traction of the torce ever reached hlm. The delay ln the Isles had given the Engllsh sufflclent advance notice of the expedition to prepare tor its Interception. Three plnnaces attacked the lslesmen's fleet near the coast of lreland, sank many of the galleys and drove the remainder ashore on the Copeland islands, 21 just off the coast of the Ards. There, Captatn Thornton, the English commander extracted a promls~wlth pledges to guarantee tt, from Angus 22 Macdonald that the Scots would return home lmmedlately. 2.3 24 Generally, the Scots kept thelr promise. Only Angus' son

20. Çal. Scot. Pap., Xl, pp. 628 and 647. 21. Ibid .. p. 677. c.s.e. Ire., <1592-1596,> p. 359. 22. C.S.P. Ire., (1592-1596,) p. 370.

23. Col. S00t. Pop., Xl, p. 684, 24. There ls no Indication of the name of this son. lt may have been James of Knockr ln say. - 80- defled his fether 1 s orders, end jolned Tyrone with 600 followers. Even this force dld not remeln long wlth Tyrone. ln September Angus became reconclled wlth his son. Subsequently, the latter recelved e 25 grant from his fether of e portion of the Glynns. This grant is the only Indication that settlement occurred as a result of the mercenary expedition of 1595. The son seems to have remained in 26 lreland after the grant from Angus. lt ls reesonable to suppose that he retalned sorne of his tollowers wlth hlm. ln vlew of the preval ling conditions in the Isles thet exlsted after James Vl's efforts to estebllsh his authorlty, Jt also appears probable that other Scots moved over to Ulster to settle ln the Glynns at this tlme. Thus, elthough any statement on the matter must be partly speculative, the mercenary movement of 1595 did add slightly to the number of Scots permanently movlng to lreland.

After 1595 no more large expeditions from Scotland set sali to help the Irish rebels, even though Tyrone and his friends made 27 strenuous efforts to build up such a force. From this time forth

25. c.s.e. Ire •• (1592-1596,) pp. 386 and 408. 26. l2JJI.., ( 1596-1597,) p. 69.

27. Heyes~Coy, G.A., Scots Merceoory Forces ln lre!and, Dublin, 1937, p. 312. One of the principal reasons for this was that on the death of his wlte, née Mabel Bagenal, Tyrone returned his mlstress, a Macdonald, to Scotland, and married agaln. The Macdonalds regarded this behaviour towards thelr kinswoman much in the same !ight as the Macleans vlewed the hanglng of Hugh MacShane. (See Falls, c., Elizabeth's Irish Wars. London, 1950, p. 194.) - 81 - the mercenery movement ceesed to be of much consequence to the migration of Scots to lreland elthough occesionally a snall force of mercenarles dld cross to lreland. lnsteed, the focus of attention must turn to the McSorleys' graduai &equistlon of a larger territory. At the seme time Tyrone's rebellion end James Vl's increasingly vigorous measures agelnst the lslesmen contlnued to work as a catalyst to the McSorleys' expansion.

James McSorley's attitude towards Tyrone's activlties ln 1595 remained equivocel throughout. ln July, 1595, he sent Tyrone some horsemen. The government, by meens of a latter from his brother Randal, 28 then a hostege ln Dublin, warned James agalnst such action. After Tyrone's efforts that year had ended in defeet - partly due to the fallure of the Scots to arrive soon enough or in large enough numbers- James protested his Innocence. He admitted he sent ald to Tyrone, but claimed he did so only to placate the eerl and protect himselt from retribution at the hands of the earl's superlor forces. Finally, he suggested that the government should release his brother so that they 29 could both aid the English ln the suppression of Tyrone. James

McSorley 1 s pollcy was, ln tact, to try to malntain friendly relations with both sldes ln order to ensure his own preservation.

28. C.S.P. Ire., (1592-1596,) p. 331. Randal seems to have been made a hostage tor the good behaviour of his brother some tlme in 1593. At leest, betore this date there is no mention of his presence ln Dublin. 29. lR!d., p. 413. -82-

The next year, 1596, James McSorley was not as successful in keeping at peace wlth the earl. Tyrone could never be certain of the position of the Scots. He therefore made a concerted effort to expel James from Ulster altogether using, as a pretext, the latter's usurpation of McQulllln's land. James McSorley, on his slde, reallsed that unless he made his position more secure, Tyrone mlght posslbly succeed ln expelllng hlm from lreland. Both sides attempted to gain Engllsh support betore engaging in a struggle wlth the othee. McSorley 30 submitted to the Lord Deputy ln February, 1596. Two months later 31 Tyrone promlsed to do the same. Almost as soon as the earl bad made this promise, reports reached Captaln Eggerton, the commander of Carrickfergus, that Tyrone had gathered ali his forces to "banlsh" James McSorley. Wlth Tyrone's help, McQulllin recovered a fort pre- 32 vlously lost to the Scots. At this point Angus Macdonald arrlved 33 ln the Route wlth 600 men. Tyrone, taced with this reinforcement of his rival, altered his tactlcs. lt must have become obvlous to hlm that he could not hope to crush the comblned torees of James McSorley and Angus Macdonald of Dunyveg. lnstead of crushlng them he divlded them. First he signed a truce for a month, then he slgned a permanent

30. Çal. Çar. Mss., Ill, p. 242. 31. Açts of the Priyy Qoyncjl of Eoaland, XXV, p. 416. Moryson, F., An lttnerary. Il, Glasgow, 1907, p. 199. 32. C.S.p, Ire., (1592-1596,)pp. 531 and 536. 33. Ibid., (1596-1597,) p. 30, - 83 -

agreement by which Jemes McSorley regained the tort in dispute with 34 McQui Il in. Tyrone then maneged to gat Angus, with his men, to leave Ulster. After Angus• departure, he persuaded McSorley without much 35 dlfticulty to usurp the Glynns, Angus• son, who it will be remembered had received part of the Glynns from his father, immediately set off to gather sufficient forces from his father in Scotland in order to 36 win back the Glynns. But Angus Macdonald was in no position to sand men to lreland. James VI had just summoned an army, the main objective 31 of which was to torce Angus into submission. The struggle between Angus Macdonald and his king continued until October when the former tlnally had to submit and sand his son, James Macdonald of Knockrinsay, to court as a pledge for the future good behaviour of Clan Donald South. 38 Angus himself had to go to court also betore the year was out.

The next year, 1597, the various parties concerned made a number of significant alliances. Although these had little affect on migration during the year in which they took place, they did affect it the following year. At the start, Angus Macdonald seems to have made

34. C.S.P, Ire., (1596-1597,) pp. 30 and 33. 35. lbjd •• pp. 69 and 72.

36 • .JJll.ç!. 1 p • 69 •

31. Register of the Prjvy Council of Scotland, V, p. 309.

38. 1b i d. ' p • 321 • - M - 39 a pact with Tyrone. tmmediatety after this agreement Tyrone again tried to reestablish McQuill ln in the Route. James McSorley, in reaction to the Macdonald-Tyrone alliance, cultivated the Scottish king as an ally. This arrangement suited both parties as James McSorley naturally wished to retain the Glynns and James VI wished to weaken the troublesome Macdonalds in the Isles as much as possible.

ln an attempt to exploit his position to the utmost, James McSorley, now not only asserted ownership of the Glynns in freland, but also claimed sorne of Angus Macdonald's lands in Scotland as weil. To plead his case he went to Edinburgh. There his claim was turned ~ down, but to console him the king bestowed a knighthood on hlm. Sir James, as he had become, then returned to lreland to continue his policy of graduai expansion.

Towards England, James McSorley ali this time had maintained sturdy independance. One memorandum reaching Sir Robert Cecil urged 41 the cultivatlon of the McSorleys as a counterweight to Tyrone. Sir John Chichester, who had replaced Captain Eggerton at Carrlckfergus,

39. c.s.e. Ire., (1596-1597,> p. 249.

~. Cal, Border Pao., tl, p. 320. Another incident shows the close feelings between the king and McSorley. lt was reported erroneously that Angus Macdonald had kil led McSorley. The king, in retal lation, immediately cast Angus' son, then stlll acting as a pledge for his father in Edinburgh, into prison. (See 121&., p. 371.) 41. C.S.P.Ire., (1596-1597,) p. 362. - 85 -

vlewed the McSorleys - Randel had by now obtalned his release from 42 Dublin- wlth less equanimity. He noted they only agreed to serve

the Queen If pald to do so as though they considered themselves toreigners, who could hire themselves out as mercenaries, lnsteed of subjects wlth an obligation to render service. They refused to pay their rents, and had broken down the casties of Glenarm and Redbay whlle they had tortlfled Dunluce, ali actions calculated to weaken English authorlty and strengthen their own. Sir James dld ask, ft ls true, tor permission to arrest ali Scots transporting munitions to the

rebets. But this request, too, can be given a disloyal Interpretation. If he had the sanction of the government to seize the munitions golng to Tyrone, he obtalned war supplies at no cost to hlmself, and, in the eyes of the Engllsh, qulte legally. There is no record of the government granting hlm his request, ln view of later developments, lt seems unlikely that lt ever did.

To settle the question of the McSorleys' loyalty, Sir John Chichester arranged a meeting with Sir James early in November. 8oth sides arrlved at the meeting place with large forees of armed men as both sldes suspected - probably correctly - the other of treachery.

42. C.S.P. Ire., (1596-1597,) p. 397, Randal may have been released ln preparation tor an agreement between the McSorleys and the Engllsh for a joint campaign agalnst Tyrone. He had obtained treedom by September, 1597, -86-

The result was not a parley but a battle in whlch the Engllsh came 43 off worst and Sir John lost his lite. The McSorleys crowned thefr success that year by the capture of Olderfleet castle by bribery in 44 Oecember. The year 1597 hed not been partlcularly important from the point of view of migration, but the alliances that had occurred durlng its course did affect both the expansion of Scottish-owned territory ln Ulster and migration that took place ln the followlng year.

Sir James' breach with the Englfsh necessitated another vfslt to his ally, James VI, ln order to obtaln reinforcements. He and his brother Randal went to the king who granted them permission to recruft as many men as would voluntarily go wlth them. They lssued a proclamation in Ayr asklng for volunteers, and returned to freland with 45 about 150 men. On their return, Sir James repalred his relations with Tyrone and resumed his attacks on McQuillin. By May the Scots were mentloned as controlllng not only the Route and the Glynns, but 46 also parts of Clandeboye and the Ards.

43. C.S.p. Ire •• (1596-1597,) p. 467. Sir James later explained he had advanced at flrst with a small party. When the Engllsh charged, he feil back to his main torce. Then, reluctantly he ordered his followers to retaliate, this they had little difficulty in dolng as the English cavalry had got stuck ln a bog. The Englfsh clalmed Sir James purposely led them into the bog and then attacked them.

44 • .JJU.sl., p. 492. 45. jJUUt., (1598-1599,) pp. 10 and 24. tt is unlikely that James VI had any anti-English Intentions ln granting the McSorleys request. He desired mainly to bolster the anemies of Angus Macdonald of Dunyveg, his own most bitter opponent in the Isles,

46. jRig., pp. 85, 161 and 169. - 87 -

The second main impetus to migration that year occurred as a result of the Scottish government•s continued policy of bringing order to the Isles. ln the late summer the Maclean~acdonald feud flared up again when Lachlan Maclean, through a favoured position at court, obtained the title to the Rhinns of Jslay. When he landed on lslay to claim his newly granted territory, James of Knockrlnsay, who had by now obtained release from Edinburgh, contested the royal decision by force of arms. A battle ensued in which Lachlan Maclean !ost his 47 lite. The death of Lachlan Maclean and the defiance by the Macdonalds of royal authority infuriated the king causing him to renew his efforts to suppress them. He went to Kintyre in person where he held court dlspossessing those who did not submit and plantlng ln their stead men from Dunbarton, Ayr, and Renfrew as weil as sorne from Fife. The 48 evidence suggests that those who !ost their land went to lreland. This displacement of the original inhabitants of Kintyre, and later lslay, continued over the next few years. At times the Macdonalds 49 actually cooperated in the movement. Usually, however, they did not thus in 1601, the king gave a commission, first to the ~uke of Lennox and later on in the year to the earl of Argyle, to march against

47. Historical Mss. Commission XVII, Salisbury Mss., Part 8, p. 322. Çalendar of State Papers. Scot!and. Il, p. 753. Browne, J., Hjstory of the Highlands, 1, Edlnburgh, no date, p. 227. 48. Hist. Mss. Comm., XVII, Salis. Mss., pp. 322 and 323. Hill, op. cjt., p. 207. 49. Reg. P.C. Scot., VI, P• 24. -oo-

~ the Macdonalds and reorganlze Klntyre and lslay.

Little more migration occurred from the time of the upheaval ln the Isles followlng the slaylng of Lachlan Maclean untll after James VI had ascended the Engllsh throne. Although between 1598 and 1603 Tyrone's hopes reached their peak with the landing of the Spaniards at Klnsale ln the fall of 1601, and his rebellion contlnued even after the tellure of this expedition, during this perlod only in one Instance dld a large body of Scots enter lreland. This was ln the sprlng of 1601. At this tlme the McSorleys had declded to make peace wlth the Engllsh until May whlle at the seme tlme they lntended to help Tyrone bolster 51 his forces for the coming campalgn during the summer. Bandai McSorley crossed to Scotland with the twotold purpose of engaglng James Macdonald

50. Beg. P.C. Sçot., VI, p. 255. C.S.P. Scot., Il, pp. 804 and 806. 51. C.S.P. Ire., (1601-1603,) p. 338, The document referred toisa report sent by a Scot who had to deliver letters from Scotland from the Cethollc faction in Scotland to Tyrone. The Scottlsh messenger was, ln tact, an Engllsh spy posing as a Cathollc. His report is calendared under the year 1602, but slnce ln his report he relates a conversation wlth Sir James McSorley and even plotted to klll hlm, we may deduce that the report was wrltten in the flrst half of 1601, for Sir James McSorley dled between April 8 and April 12, 1601. (See C.S.P. Ire., (1600-1601,) P• 272.) - 89 - of Knockrlnsay to lead a torce of mercenarles over to lreland to ald Tyrone, and to plead wlth James VI to Intercede on behalt of the 52 McSorleys wlth Elizabeth. After James of Knockrlnsay had led 400 mercenarles over to lreland and before Randal had completed his second 53 mission, Sir James McSorley suddenly dled. Randal, on hearing the news of his brother 1 s death, had to hurry beek from Scotland to forestall James of Knockrlnsay from uslng the body of troops at his command to reclalm the Glynns, whlch the McSorleys had prevlously usurped from the Macdonalds. Randal maneged to make James a captive, and lmprlsoned . 54 hlm in Dunluce. There ls no record of what happened to James• followers, but they probably contlnued to serve with Tyrone. Whatever thelr tate,

52. C.S.P. Ire., (1600-1601,) p. 270. Acts P.C. Ena•, XXXI, p. 307. 53. Ibid., p. 272. Four Masters, Anpols of the Klngdgm of lrelapd, VI, Dublin, 1856, p. 2239. There Js a strong possibltlty that Sir James McSortey wos assasslnated on the Initiative of the prevlously mentloned Scottlsh messenger. This anonymous Scot found a Scottlsh surgeon ln attendance on Sir James McSorley. He brlbed the surgeon and obtalned an assurance thot: "••• If he die not before Easter 1 shall crave no more (mppey> and you shall have your money bock ogoin. 11 p • .3.39.) 54. Rondal 1s captive later neerly manoged to undermlne the McSorleys 1 position ln Ulster entlrety. When Randal left Ulster to accompony Tyrone to Klnsale, James managed to bribe his worders and seize the fortress. He then sent on urgent request to his tother, Angus Macdonald of Dunyveg, to send relntorcemeots. Before these could arrive, Tyrone and Randal had come bock from Klnsale. James then handed Dunluce costle over to Tyrone, who promptly gave tt beek to Rondel. Hod James been less foollsh, the Macdonolds might weil hove been able to use Dunluce os a lever to extract the Glynns from the McSorleys. - 90-

they marked the last influx of Scots to come to lreland during

Elizabeth1 s reign.

Before golng on to examine the migration that took place ln the early years of the following reign, it is necessery to pause here to examine the Influence of religion on migration. Up to the end of Elizabeth 1s reign the migration of Scots was bound up with

Tyrone 1s rebellion. As this rebellion was, ln part, a religious war, it is pertinent to examine the religions connexions between Scotland and lreland that mlght have had a bearlng on the mlgratory movement. ~li~f.l~B. f.J..ï~ R8L!G!QN AND H!GBATIQN -~-

The etfects of religion on migration resemble those of trade. The Influence of both was more Indirect then direct. No cleer eut case of religion acting es a stimulant to migration can be cited. There was, tor exemple, no Instance of rellgious persecution drlvlng a Scottish minorlty sect over to lreland. No Scottlsh equivalents of the French Huguenots had to flee to lrelend. Yet religion provlded one of the burnlng Issues - if not the supreme Issue -of the age. lt dld therefore become entwined es a factor in the movement of the Scots to lrelend. lt mlght be seld that elthough non-rel iglous fecets of the situation played the melody, religion provlded the harmony.

The rellglous affiliation of some of the groups concerned ln the migration ls extremely hard to deflne wfth certainty. ln lrelend, eccordlng to a Spanlard writing in 1570, ali the people espoused Roman Cathollclsm. Only 1,500 Protestant Engllsh remalned scattered throughout 1 the klngdom. The Spaniard1 s estimate of the number of Protestants seems extremely modest. lt would perhaps descrlbe accurately the number outslde the Engllsh Pale. ln actuel tact ft is a mfstake to Imagine that many of the population adhered flrmly to any religion, at leest during the early yeers of Ellzabeth1 s relgn. The majority of the population knew little of the formai aspects of Christlanity such as the Creed 2 or the Lord 1 s Prayer, still less did they understand them. Unlike

1. ÇalendQr of Stete Popers. Sptnlsb. (1568-1579,) p. 256. 2. Edwerds, R.D., Chyrch and Stote ln Tyôpr lreland, London, 1935, p. 240. - 93-

Scotl~nd, the Reformation, wlth lts accomp~nying renewal of rellgious zeal and knowledge, hardly touched lreland. No Irish Knox ever arose to preach the Word. lnst~d the Counter-Reformation acted as the agent for Irish rellglous renaissance. Only in the seventeenth century dld the torees of the Reformation move from Scotland to freland. By this time the work of the Counter-Reformation had progressed too far to permit Protestants to persuade many of the Irish to change to the Reformed faith. The Engllsh government, lt is true, had attempted to export its version of the Reformation to lreland during the sixteenth century. lt failed for two reasons. First, up until 1570, the year of

Elizabeth 1 s excommunication, and even afterwards, political considerations overruled zeal for Protestant conversion of the Irish ln determlnlng English pol ley ln freland. Moreover, desplte repeated attempts at reform, the English Church ln freland during Elizabeth1s reign remained 3 morally and financially bankrupt. Secondly, the Roman Cathollc faith became identitled wlth the natlonalist aspirations of the native Irish.

As Or. Edwards has wrl tten:

"ln lreland, as ln England, the power of the victors ln the spirituel struggle lay ln the union of the religion and nationality. The very torce of n~tion­ ality which brought defeat to Cathollcism in England secured for it the vlctory ln lreland, and so Sosanpch todoy among native Irish-speakers means a Protestant or an Engllshmon. 11 4

3. Edwards, op. cit., p. 207.

4. .lJU.sl., p. 191. - 94 -

Much of the Intolerance, persecution and cruelty that characterized

England 1 s rule of lreland arose from en inabllity to accept this combinetlon of religion and nationality.

ln Scotland an entlrely different situation prevalled. The Scots took religion seriously, ter more serlously than the Irish, yet when the retormers began to win large sections of the population to thelr slde, no tanatlcal intolerance arose between one section and enother. Scottlsh history of the slxteenth century, while full of terror end deeds of shame, is strengely tree from the excesses of 5 religious persecution. A comparison with the Irish situation leads to the conclusion that the moderation stemmed, in pert at any rate, 6 from the absence of a foreign power imposlng the reformed faith.

Naturally, the message of the reformers took time to penetrate to the remoter areas of Scotlend. ln the northern Highlands, Roman Cathollclsm predomlnated. The leaders of the Cathollc faction were the earls of Huntly, Errol and Angus, the first belng the most Important. ln the south-west the Lowland county of Ayrshlre early became staunchly

5. Hume Brown, P., Hlstory of Scottood, Il, Cambridge, 1902, p. 73. 6. Obvlously other factors, too, were involved. No foreign power tried to Impose the Reformation on France, for example, yet this did not prevent vfcfous persecution of the Protestants. Here, however, the purpose is to contrast lreland wlth Sootlend. The association ln the mlnds of the Irish of the foreigner wlth Protestantlsm definitely aggraveted the bltterness of feeling in matters of religion. - 95 -

Protestent. The inhebitents of Argyleshire elso qulckly edopted the 7 teechlngs of Knox. ln this erea most of the Campbells, Hamlltons end 8 Kennedys hed adopted the new faith. So fer es it is possible to tell from the evaileble evidence, Argyleshlre merked the llmlts of the progress of the reformed rel lgion ln the west durlng the slxteenth century. lndeed, wlthout any intention of cyniclsm, it might be steted thet this county marked the limlts of ell religion. Slgnlflcently, when James VI discussed his intended pollcy towerds the Isles, he expressed the wish not, es mlght be expected, to establish the "true 9 faith" or sorne slmi 1er expression, but to estebl ish "the Gospel!." The accidentel use of the word Gospel may be ruled out es he went on to descrlbe the lslemen as seveges devold of ali civllizetion. They lecked ln James• eyes, not the correct form of religion, but ali religion. tt mlght be noted here that the seme sort of situation prevailed ln 10 Ire! end. Posslbly this assessment of the state of religion ln the Isles slenders the lslesmen. Certalnly James VI cennot be consldered

7. Hamilton fopers. Il, p. 749.

8. Colend§r of Stpte Pepees. lreland. (1600-1601,) p. 257. "Observations of the Oeane of Limerick for the West Isles of Scotland," Maltland ~ LXVII, 1847, p. 43. 9. Collectenea Rebus Albenlcus, p. 115. Quoted by Grant, t.F., $oçlol and Econgmlc Qeyelopment of S00tl;nd Before 1§03, London, 1937, p. 536.

10. Ct • p • 92 •. - 96- an Impartial judge of the matter, he bad no love for the most dlsobedient subjects ln his klngdom. A later authority on the subject stated thet the Scots who came to lreland during the sixteenth century were, "plratical Il maraudees, and Ranan Cathollcs from the Western Isles." This vlew seems to be near the truth. There is no doubt that James McSorley was a ROtMn Cethol ic. An Informant of the Engllsh government descrlbed hlm 12 as such when he went to Edlnburgh to recelve a knighthood from James VI. 13 Again, he was reported to be keeplng a Scottlsh Jesuit wlth hlm ln 1601. No such deflnite stand can be taken with regards to the Clan Macdonald ln Scotlend. An order issued by the Scottish Prlvy Council in March, 1590 appointed the earl of Argyle, Angus Macdonald of Dunyveg, Lachlan Maclean of Dowart, Donald Gorme Macdonald of Sleat and other lslemen as commissioners to punish ali anemies of the "true religion." The same document ordered 14 the expulsion of ali Jesutts and seminary priests. On the face of lt, this document lmplied that the Edlnburgh government regarded the lslesmen as upholders of Protestantism. But it must be remembered that orders issued by the central government to the lslesmen often dld not adhere to a reallstlc appreciation of the situation ln the west. For Instance, it ordered the cessation of feudlng wlthout havlng the means at lts disposai

Il. Reid, ijjstory of the Presbyterlan Churcb jn lreland. Chapter 1, Note 5. Quoted by Hi Il, G., "Gieanings in Fami ly History from the Antrim Coast," U1 ster Jou rna 1 of Archeo 1ogy. V1 Il , 1877, p. 127. 12. Calendar of Border Papers, Il, p. 320. 13. C.S.P. Ire., (1601-1603,) p. 339. 14. Register of the Prlvy Çpyncjl of Scotland, IV, p. 463. - 97 - to enforce the order. Thus, although the Prlvy Council ordered anti- Catholic measures, it may have done so without the expectation that the edlct would be carried out in full. Certainly, against this one case when the Macdonalds were treated as Protestants, there are numerous instances of when they acted like Catholics and were treated as such. ln summlng up this examinatlon of the rellglous inclinations of the lslesmen, it is probably true to say that they were nominally Catholic. Yet the very tact that no strong imprtnt of the character of their religion has been left on the records lmplies that whatever the nature of thelr faith they wore lt llghtly.

The first mention of religion playing a possible part ln the migration of Scots to lretand occurred before 1585. During 1576 Sir Henry Sidney, the Lord Deputy at the tlme, decided to try to wean the Irish from papistry by revitallzing the English church in lreland. One major problem contronted the Anglican clergy in lreland, they could not communicate with thelr parishoners since few of them could speak Erse. To remedy the situation the Oeputy asked the Queen to lmport Scottish 15 ministers who could speak Gaellc, which the Irish could understand. Had Elizabeth chosen to follow the suggestion, qulte a number of Scots might have come to lreland. ln the end, she took no action. Only one Scot went to lreland between 1585 and 1603 as a member of the clergy.

15. C.S.P. Ire., (1574-1585,) p. 93. - 98 -

Dennis Campbell, who arrived in freland in 1589, became Dean of Limerick 16 shortly atter his arrivai. Curiously enough, he rendered his most valuable service to the English, not in lreland, but as an emissary in the Isles.

After the excommunication of Elizabeth ln 1570, the Catholic elements ln lreland strove continuously to rid themselves of their heretical overlords. The rlsings of Fitzmaurice and Desmond in the south had as part of their objectives the establishment of a Cathollc klngdom of lreland. The English managed to quel 1 these outbursts so that tor a time the Irish retralned from further armed attempts at instating a papist regime. So far as the Scots were concerned, no religious motives lay beneath the efforts of Sorley Boy Macdonald and his relations white they strove to gain government recognition in Ulster. Dr. Edwards malntains the quiescent mood of the Irish Cathollcs lasted from 1583 17 to 1594, the year of the outbreek of Tyrone's rebellion. ln hsct, a scheme tor a religlous war began to incubate four years betore the latter date. The plan conceived by the Catholics envisaged a force of united Scottish and Irish Catholics oustlng the Engllsh from lreland.

16. c.s.e. Ire., (1588-1592,) p. 153. ln the followlng century under the Stewart& a number of Scottfsh clergy did enter the English Established Church ln lreland, but the reasons for their comlng were different from those Sidney urged. 17. Edward&, op. cjt., p. 262. - 99 -

ln March of 1590, the emissery of the Irish, a Roman Catholic 18 bishop of Derry, lended et Dunberton. Although ft ls Impossible to

determine with eny certainty the exact course of the bishop 1 s journey, he seems to hove gone north first, visited the earl of Huntly, then eveding e wide net set for hlm by the English ambassador, moved south. 19 He discussed his plens wlth Campbell of Lochnell and Angus Macdonald of Dunyveg. By April 29 he hed completed his mission and had entered 20 England whence he obtalned a passage back to freland.

The bishop proposed thot with active Spanish support a force of Huntly's Highlanders should go to lreland under the leadership of 21 Angus Macdonald of Dunyveg and Cempbell of Lochnell. Robert Bowes, the Engllsh ambassador, managed to smash the plot through the help of the tutors of the earl of Argyle and others. Nonetheless, the success of the Englfsh ambassador does not detract from the significence of the schema. Religion had definitely now become e factor in the migratory movement. This does not imply that those who egreed to cross to lrelend did so from a cruseding desire to eid their co-religionlsts

18. Colendar of Scottish Bopers, X, p. 250. 19. Three miles south-east of Oban.

20. ~., pp. 253, 266 end 284. The blshop's visit to Angus and others probebly sponsored the order commending those in the Isles to expel Catholics, which has been reterred to previously. The visit of the bishop to Campbell of Lochnell indicates thot not even ali the Campbells were Protestants. 21 • .JR.i.st., p. 266. - 100- in lreland from heretical domination. Few lslesmen would have glven thought to the proposed expedition without the lure of Spantsh gold and Irish spoil. Yet the Spanish wealth would not have been forth- comlng had the religious factor been absent.

The bishop of Derry's mission gave a foretaste of things to come. The next time that religion played a part in the migration of Scots to freland was during Tyrone's rebellion, for as has already been polnted out, this took on the nature of a religious war. Tyrone himself was not a devoted Catholic, he used religion as a weapon against the

English. He knew that religion, more than any other force, would 22 cement the often factious parts of the Irish nation together. More- over, by making the issue religious, he gained Spain as an ally, the most powerful nation in Europe of the day.

The earllest existing communication between O'Donnell and Tyrone on one side and Philip Il of Spain on the other dates from 23 September, 1595. ln this latter the two Irish chlefs proclaimed as their cause the re-establishment of the Roman Catholic religion in lreland. ln the letter they appealed for money and men from Spain to ald them in their endeavour. Connexions between Tyrone and the Scottlsh

22. Edwards, op. clt., p. 283, 23. Çalend8r of C§rew Mss., Ill, p. 122. - 101 -

Cathollcs may have exlsted before this tlme. The Dean of Limerick in his report on the Isles, wrltten for the English government in tate 1595 or early 1596, stated that Irish horsemen aided Huntly in his 24 battle with the earl of Argyle at Glenlivet in October, 1594. Whatever the truth of this, ln January, 1595 the Lord Deputy lnformed Burghley that Tyrone expected help from Scotland, particularly from 25 Huntly. No men, however, seem to have gone to lreland from this source even though early in the next year a Scottlsh earl, probably 26 Huntly, did promise to send sorne.

Throughout the rebellion, which grew increasingly religious ln nature, the Cathollcs ln Scotland generally followed a course of passive rather than active support for the rebais. Huntly, for instance, when he regained royal favour after 1598, did exert his Influence on 27 James VI to send aid to Tyrone, without, however, much affect.

24. "Observations of the Deane of Limerick for the West Isles of Scotland," Malt!and Clyb, LXVII, 1847, p. 57. The dlfflcu!ty of reaching Glenllvet from lreland tends to discount the Dean's report. Also, Sir Robert Bowes reported rumours that 0 1Donnell sent 500 men to aid Argyle in the same battle. (See Cal. Scot. Pap., Xl, p. 453.) The Irish allies were unllkely to support opposite factions in Scot land. 25. c.s.e. Ire., (1592-1596,> p. 289.

26. .1..!2.1.d.· ' p. 4 79. 27. Cal. of 8order P;p., Il, p. 488, C.S.P. Ire., (1599-1600,) p. 44; (1601-1603,) p. 341, - 102 -

Occaslonally, the Scottish Catholic support of Tyrone took the more 28 concrete form of shlpments of munitions. Also, Scottish Jesuits 29 resided in Tyrone's camp though the extent of the help rendered by these Scottlsh prlests to Tyrone remains obscure, they certalnly did not manage to procure any decisive Intervention from their compatriots.

The reason for the fallure of the Scottlsh Catholics to lend more support to the Irish rebellion stemmed from their own insecure position at home. Although Huntly won the battle of Glenlivet in 1594, he could not malntatn his forces indeflnltely after his vlctory. The Protestant party, led by the king, had greater resources behlnd tt. A few weeks after Huntly's triumph at Glenlivet, the klng's army de- vastated the Cathollc earls' terrltory and destroyed their power completely. Although the Cathollcs regained much of their former position of influence .30 in 1598, they never achleved sutticlent security to be able to devote much tlme or attention to Irish affalrs. Besldes, even If Tyrone had succeeded ln lreland wtth thelr help, the position of the Cathollcs ln

28. c.s.p. Ire., (1598-1599,) pp. 142 and 480. One English official, Sir Geoffrey Fenton, accused James VI of sending the aid. This cao be dlscounted. James had no motive tor offendlng England by helplng Tyrone at the tlme, and later Tyrone complained that James had given him no support. (See !21Q., (1601-1603,) p. 340.)

29 1 JJUsL. 1 ( 160 1-1603, ) p • 340. 30. Caleod§r of State Papers. Scotland. Il, p. 749. - 103 -

Scotl~nd would not have improved very considerably. Since they did not foresee any great benefits accruing to themselves if the Irish triumphed,

they did not exert much effort to go to the lrishmen's aid. ln short,

the sympathy felt between Scottish and Irish Catholics never became ~ decisive factor in the migration from Scotland to lreland, yet it undoubt- edly did tend to draw sections of the population of both countries together.

Only two other occasions when the issue of religion bec~e p~rt of the general question of migration before 1603 remain to be recounted. 8oth were isolated incidents, but both demonstrated in different ways how religion aftected migration from behind the scenes. Moreover, both Incidents gave a portent of the way religion and migration became intimately connected during the plantation of Ulster that took pl~ce after 1607.

The first occasion was when the English planned to hire Scots to flght the Irish rebels. The English seriously considered importing Scots as mercenaries during 1600 and 1601. These years marked the apex of the earl of Tyrone's power and a time when he had made religious

liberty, which in affect meant vlctory tor C~tholiclsm, throughout lreland 31 a m~jor condition of peace. When the English tried to decide which

Scots to employ, the religious ~ftil lation of the various clans became of

31. Cal. Car. Mss., Ill, p. 349. - 104 -

~ decisive lmport~nce, Protest~nts atone were to be hired. ln the end the English never implemented the scheme due p~rtly to the increasing success of Engllsh ~rms and partly to the beliet that it was unwise in principle to lmport Scots who mlght not wish to leave. The slgnificance of the ~ffair lay not so much in the Engllsh suspicion of the Scots, but that the religion of the Scots had been considered. Previously the

Engllsh had never shown ~n interest ln the religion of the Scots coming to lrel~nd. There had never been objections to the presence of Sorley Boy or his descendants ln lreland on religious grounds, ali opposition to the settlement of the Macdon~lds h~d been of a purely political n~ture. Thus this English interest ln the religion of the varlous clans at this time betrayed the first hint of the policy of importing only Protestant

Scots which became an integral part of the scheme for the pl~ntatlon of Ulster.

The last instance of religion affecting migration before 1603 had no connexion with Tyrone 1 s rebellion. lt arose entirely from James

Vl 1 s domestic policy. Already James• action in 1598 of dispossessing 33 those who held land ln Klntyre h~s been descrlbed. The displ~ced population, made up largely of Macdonalds many of whom prob~bly crossed

32. C.S.p, Ire., (1600,) p. 117.

33. See p. 87. - 105-

to lrel~nd, must h~ve been Catholic. Those that replaced them were 34 Protestants. lt is reasonable to suppose that one reason why the former inhabitants of Kintyre went to lreland was that the Scots already living there under the McSorleys believed in the same faith. James' policy of substltutlng Protestants tor Catholics in Klntyre did not em~n~te from any desire to persecute the Catholics. lt just h~ppened that James' most obedient subjects belleved in the retormed faith as they came from the least backward parts of the country and those most open to the influences of the Reformation. Thus again, almost by accident religion pl~yed ~part in the mlgratory movement. Here again, too, James established a precedent tor the policy he was to pursue in lrel~nd later on of replacing a Cathollc population with a Protestant one.

During the flrst four years of James' reign in England, the government began the policy of settling Ulster with Scottish Protestants. Yet, durlng this period, the policy remained unconscious. Just as the resettlement of Kintyre with Protest~nts w~s carried out with no anti- Cathollc intent, so ln lreland James, at first, did not apparently consciously wish to supplant the local Catholics wlth Protestants. lndeed, he treated the Cathollc Randal McSorley with great generoslty. The details of the land grants made between 1603 and 1607 must awalt the final chapter. Here lt ls only pertinent to point out that before James

34. The counties from which they came were ali Protestant strongholds. - 106 - succeeded to the Engllsh throne, those Scots who settled in lreland nominally held to the Catholic religion, atter James' accession, tor the first time, Protestant Scots became lendowners in lreland. This merked the beglnning of the Protestent settlement of lrelend even though at the time the government hed no conscious intention of creating a Protestant stronghold in the north. The ali important period when the first Scottish Protestants begen to settle in Ulster provides the final episode to this work. This perlod also marked final acceptance by the English of the position of the Scots in lreland. Ç..t18.f.l~R ~l.A f 1NAL REÇOGN 1T 1ON Of THE SCOTT 1SH pos 1T 1ON IN !BELAND - 108-

With the surrender of Tyrone on the day that the news of

Elizabeth1 s death reached lreland the Engllsh had finally subdued Ulster. They had establlshed a garrison under Sir Henry Docwra at Derry which could be supplied by sea, and had strengthened their other forces throughout the northern province. By these means and a systematic destruction of the countryslde, the Engllsh overlords had driven Tyrone out of the Irish woods into submisslon. The cost to the Irish of the English success was nothing short of catastrophic. ln 1602, due to the practice carried out by the English over the previous two years of cutting ali the rebets• corn, a serious shortage of food arose in Ulster. Even if an inhabitant of that province escaped the sword, he might weil die of starvation. Fynes Moryson, whilst ln the north, observed many of the Irish lying dead in the ditches of the towns with their mouths stained green from eatlng 1 grass and nettles. On another occasion, while accompanying Sir Arthur Chichester on an expedition against a rebel, Moryson came across three chlldren eating their mother on whose flesh they had fed for twenty days. More and similarly disgusting accounts could be glven as testimony of 2 the lmpoverished and beastial condition of the native population.

After Tyrone 1 s submission, the English made strenuous efforts to relieve the famine by transportlng many of the Irish either to England

1. Moryson, F., An ltjoerary. Ill, Glasgow, 1907, pp. 281-283. 2. .l.Jllsl. , p • 283. - 109- or to France. The total number of people lost to the country either by famine or through efforts to relieve famine by meens of transportation 3 of the population cannot be estimated, but it must have been considerable. Confronted with the decline in the population, es early es 1602 end 1603 the English officiais in the area concerned begen to advocate colonization schemas. Sir Henry Docwra, in his proposai for the resettlement of the country, even went so far asto edvise thet the new settlers should come 4 from Scotlend.

Although the government dld not follow Docwre's suggestion to the extent of immediately lmporting Scots, or for thet matter any other netionality, the change from Tudor to Stewart on the English throne, did brlng about a transformation ln the attitude towards the Scots already in Ulster. This change in attitude, in turn, tended to stimulate un- official migration from Scotland. Neturally, when Scotland and Englend hed one king, the citizens of the former ceesed to be regerded as dengerous foreigners in lreland.

3. Historiee! Mss. Commission, XXIIc; Saljsbury Mss., Part 18, p. 645. 4. Hist. Mss. Comm., XXII; Saljs. Mss., Part 14, p. 242. Co!endar of State Papers. lreland, (1603-1606,) p. 18. lt should be stressed here that the suggestions for colonizetlon made at this time were in no way detailed plans. The flrst detalled plan for settlement did not get formulated till 1607. (See Bagwell, R., lreland Under the Stuarts, 1, London, 1909, p. 66,) - 110 -

The most immediate and noticeable alteration came with respect to Randal McSorley. ln addition to his Irish holdings, Randal claimed Angus Macdonald's lands in Scotland on the grounds that the latter had forfeited his title due to rebellion. James 1 did not comit himself on Randal's Scottish clalms, but so far as his Irish lands were concerned, he granted hlm on May 28, 1603 the entlre Route, the Glynns, Rathlin island and the fishing on the river Bann. This amounted to the whole coast of Antrim to, but not fncluding, Coleraine comprising about 334,000 5 eeres. Randal immedlately began to populate the devastated and de- populated interior with men who had formerly llved on the coast as weil as with settlers from Scotland. From this movement have survived the names of those involved. These names furnish the earliest evidence of the wlde extent of the orlglns of the settlers from Scotland who went to lreland prior to the plantation. Basides the Macdonalds are mentioned the tollowing names: Boyds, Kennedys, Hamiltons, Stewarts, Macnaughtens, 6 Macaulays, Dunlops, Dlcks, Hutchins, Mackays, Browns, Shaws and Moores.

5. Hill, G., MacPonnells of Antrlm. Belfast, 1873, p. 196. Hill, G., "Gieanlngs in Fami ly Hlstory from the Antrim Collst, 11 Ulster JoyrnQI of Archegloay, VIII, 1860, p. 129. Bagwell, R., Jreland Under the Stewarts. 1, London, 1909, p. 141. To compensate McQulllln, who tost his little remaining terrltory to Randal by the grant, James 1 otfered hlm some fortelted land in lnnishowen. However, McQulllin had to give this up too later. 6. Hill, HacPonnells of Antrim. p. 229. Untortunately no original source ls given tor this extremely signiticant data. -Ill -

Randel wes stiJl not quite content. He paid his rent, it ls true, which was the first time any landowner had done so ln the aree since 1600. Yet in the spring of 1604 he asked the king to have his

previous letters-patent withdrawn to be replaced by another grant glvlng 7 him the same lands in fee-tarrn. This would have had the effect of giving hlm his lands for a much lower rent.

At the same time as Randal negotiated over his rent others began to cast covetous eyes on Ulster. The grant to Randal, it will be remembered, had not included the land surrounding Coleraine, the reason behind this exclusion of Coleraine from the grant was to allow the government to establish a garrison there if it wished at a later date. ln June# 1604, Sir Arthur Chichester advised Cecil that Ooleraine needed no garrison in the future. The land, he suggested, should go to a Captain Philips instead of to the "Scotchman." Chichester's reason for advocating the grant to Philips almost contradicted his explanation for the necessity of granting the land in the flrst place. He stated that he could rely on Philips to, "··· hinder the passage of the islanders who at the moment 8 come and go at pleasure leevlng devastation behind them." He had stated

7. C.S.P. Ire .. ( 160.3-1606,) p. 149. 8. Ibid., p. 178. One of the raids referred to concerned Angus of Dunyveg, who quarreled with his son. The latter fied to lreland pursued by his father. When Angus caught up to his son, he hanged severa! of the son's tollowers, but during a drinking bout, father and son became reconciled. - 112- on the one hand that Coleraine needed no garrison, while on the other he advocated granting the place to captain Philips to keep out marauding Scots. lt would seem that the grant to Captain Philips reflected the growing interest in the potentialitles of Ulster on the part of the English as a means to wealth rather than an indication of any strong desire to protect it from Scottish raids. Randal, at any rate, seems to have viewed the grant to Philips with alarm. He imported 140 retainers 9 from the Isles. One cannot but surmise that such a force, too small to use for aggressive purposes, was intended as a gesture to hint that should Sir Arthur or his friands encroach on Scottish land, Randal could draw over more lslesmen to put up a stubborn defense.

Although Randal McSorley was the first Scot to beneflt from having a fellow countryman on the Engllsh throne, he did not remain alone for long. The first Scotto recelve favour, other than Randal, was George Montgomery who received the bishopric of Derry, Raphoe and Clougher early in 1604. Montgomery had gone to England from Braidstone, in Ayrshlre, during Elizabeth's reign. There he had found favour with Cecil who gave him the deanery of Norwich. From this position he transmitted news to his eider brother in Scotland who, in turn, passed iton to James VI.

9. C.S.P. Ire., (1603-1606,) p. 194. Another Instance of the increasing lnterest of Englishmen ln Ulster is shown by a grant to Thomas lreland, a marchant of London, who obtained parts of county Meath and the Ards in December, 1604. ( See 1.!2..U;t. , p. 212. > - 113-

After 1607 the brother also received reward for his service ln the form 10 of a peerage and land in Down.

James Hamilton was another and more important case of the king 1 s tendency to reward his Scottish subjects wlth Irish estates. ln 1587 James VI sent Hamilton and a James Fullarton as spies to freland. They established a school ln Dublin, later to become Trinity Collage, as a front to clothe thelr activities in respectability. Whlle they educated the sons of Protestants, they also kept James lnformed on Irish affalrs and established in the eyes of the Irish the rlghts of James Il to the English throne. Fullarton•s name ceases to be mentioned in the records. Hamilton, on the other hand, seems to have gained recognition as an unofflcial Scottish ambassador ln freland. When the English had consldered hiring Scotsmen as mercenarles in 1600, Sir Richard Bingham advlsed Elizabeth that James Hamilton might be used as a go-between to

10. "Letters and Papers Relative to Irish Matters from the Balfour Mss." Abbotsford Clyb,XII, 1837, p. 265. Bagwell, op. cjt., p. 68. Had the Dean of Limerick not died, he, not Montgomery, would have received the bishopric. 11. Shedden-Dobie, J., "The Church of Dunlop," The Ayr and Wlgton Archeçlogjcal Society, IV, Edinburgh, p. 26. MacAdam, R., (ed.) "Hami Iton Mss." Ulst. Jour. Arch., Ill, p. 69. Of Fullarton little ls known, he probabfy studied under Andrew Melville at the University of Glasgow. Of James Hamilton 1 s background more is known. His father was made vicar of Dunlop Church, Ayrshire, in 1563. James had five brothers, ali eventually followed hlm to lreland, but not durlng the perlod with which this work ls concerned. - 114- 12 employ the Scots. Just before Elizabeth died, Hamilton went to London and there remained until his king sent hlm back to lreland, not as a schoolmaster, nor even as an agent, but as one of the most favoured men in the land.

The grant to James Hamilton, issued on April 16, 1605, had a decisive affect on the movement of Scots to lreland. He received ali of Upper or Northern Clandeboye, lncluding Carrickfergus, and the Great 13 Ards as weil as sorne land adJoinlng Clandeboye to the south. Sir Arthur Chichester, now the Lord Deputy, commented that this made hlm, 14 "the largest landowner in freland." ln return for these lands Hamilton paid the rent of 100 per annum and provided ten horse and twenty foot soldiers tor torty days ln the year to the crown. At first sight, when compared to those terms granted to Sorley Boy and Angus Macdonald by Elizabeth for smaller amounts of land, Hamilton appears to have reaped 15 rich reward tor his services. Yet, although Hamilton had gained generous terms, two other factors must be born ln mind. First, the land contained in the grant had not yet recovered from the devastating affects of years of rebellion and civil war. Hamilton's neighbour to the north, Randal McSorley, had appealed to the Lord Oeputy just one month before

12. C,S.P. Ire., (1599-1600,) p. 449. 13. J1UUi., (1603-1606,) p. 271. 14. lilS., p. 295.

15. Cf • p • 6 7. - 115 -

Hamilton received his land to have his rents remltted for one year due to the udlspeopllng of his country," and for lt to be reduced in other 16 years. Secondly, Hamilton undertook in one of the provisions of his grant to repopulate the country with Engllsh and Scots. Such an under- taking would cost hlm a considerable sum as, in addition to transportlng the new lnhabltants over to Ulster, he would have to support the settlers until they could produce enough for their own needs. The Intentions lying behlnd the terms of Hamllton's grant were those that later lnstigated the plantation of Ulster. The government wished to till the empty land not with Irish from the south, who would import the tradition of rebellion and Catholiclsm lnto Ulster anew, but with those entlrely separated from the issues that had sparked rebellion throughout the prevlous reign. A special clause ln Hamilton's grant prohibited the substitution of Irish in place of Scots or Engllsh.

Once Hamilton had obtained his grant the seed of the idea to resettle Ulster wlth outsiders began to germinate. Randal McSorley had on his own initiative alded migration from Scotland to lreland. However, Randal had acted ln spite of rather than with the encouragement of the administration in Dublin. After the grant to Hamilton, the Oeputy's attitude towards Randal and his importation of Scots changed. ln September Chichester took an active interest in obtaining Randal's 17 assurance that he, too, would import settlers.

16. C.S.P. Ire., (1603-1606,) p. 267.

17. JRig,, p. 321. - 116 -

The actual implementation of the terms of Hamllton 1 s grant took a relatively long tlme to begin. The next year, 1606, instead of making a concerted effort to restore the value of the land by 18 repopulating it, the various landowners dlsputed each other1 s rights.

At the same time, those Scots living ln Randal 1 s terrltory seem to have 19 created a series of disturbances. For these the Deputy held Randal 20 responslble even though at the time they broke out Randal was in Dublin. Relations between Randal and the Deputy deteriorated untll by the fall of the year Chichester referred to Randal as: "••• a cancred and malicious 21 person ••• who from a beggar ls made great, and yet rests unthankful ."

This assessment seems to have been unfair. Chichester continually

advocated a policy detrimental to Randal 1 s interests, in part probably because of the death of Sir John Chichester, his brother, at the hands of James McSorley. Randal may have been guilty of disturbing the peace but he had provocation. He complalned bitterly of James Hamilton and Captain Philips combinlng to plck loopholes ln his patent to the fishing rights on the Bann.

18. "Letters and Pap. Rel. to Irish Matters from Bal, Mss." Abbotsford ~Xli, p. 274.

19. The Deputy stated Randal 1 s "brothers" created the trouble, as he had only one survlving brother, it must be suspected that Randal's nephews or sons were the culprits. 20. C.S.P. Ire., (1603-1606,) p. 518.

21. Ibid, P• 566. - 117 -

During this year of squabbles nobody seems to have had the inclination to attend to the Importation of Scots. The letters concerning the administration of Ulster contain practlcally no comment on plans to lncrease the population of the province. Only once was the matter of settlement mentloned. Sir Arthur Chichester ln a dispatch to the earl of Salisbury- the title adopted by Sir Robert Cecil - praised 22 James Hamilton, "for being ready to settle11 the lands he had been granted. From this it would appear that no settlement had yet taken place. ln the same letter the Deputy mentioned that the land was nearly ali waste which agaln implies no large migration had yet started. The year 1606 proved, therefore, so far as the migration of Scots was concerned, a year of stagnation.

The year 1607 saw an increasing number of Scots move to lreland. This exodus originated from discomfort at home as much as from good

prospects in lreland. Although the accession of James 1 to the Engllsh throne did transform the government policy towards Scots in lreland, this ln itself was not enough to bring about emigration. There may have been a continuous trickle of migrants attracted by the opportunities of new lands in Ulster, but these never constituted a sufflcient number to be mentioned ln the official correspondance of the tlme. The main

impetus to migration after Elizabeth 1 s death stemmed from conditions in the west of Scotland becoming intolerable. ln July, 1607 the king granted

22. c,s,p, Ire., (1603-1606,) p. 502. - 118-

J~mes Hamilton sever~l ch~rters for markets and f~lrs: Il ... for the

better settJing ~nd encour~ging of the new colonies of Engl ish and Scotch which do dally endeavour to make civil plantation within the 23 countles of Oowne and Antryme. 11 These geants marked the response of the government to the tlde of Scots who now fied their homes. To under- stand the reason why they did so it ls necessary to tuen to events in Scotlemd.

During the flrst two years of James• relgn in England and after a punitive expedition led by the earl of Argyle had extlnguished resistance, 24 the Isles kept relatively quiet. ln 1605, however, the Island chiefs

once again showed signs of growing dlsobedience. So gr~ve did the

dlsturb~nces become that the king authorized Lord Scrope to go to Kintyre and there demand the submisslon of ali the Island chiefs along with their 25 land titles. Among those chiefs who retused to obey the new command

were Angus Macdonald and his son, James of Knockrins~y. The government

acted vigorously, and by the beginning of the next ye~r lt had occupled

the c~stle ~t Dunyveg with lts troops and forced Angus ~nd his son to

~gree not to interfere with the g~rrison.

As saon as the troops withdrew, the Macdonalds began to resume their accustomed behaviour. By March of 1607 the king complained that the

23. C.S.P, Ire., (1606-1608,) p. 233.

24. Hist. Mss. Comm., XXIIb, S~ils. Mss., Part 15, p. 273. Reglster of the Pr!vy Council of Scotland, VIl, p. 5. 25. Beg. P.C. Scot., VIl, p. 59. - 119-

Isles had not yet been reduced to submisslon. As if to prove hlm correct, 26 the Macdonalds delivered a series of devastating attacks on Kintyre. The population most adversely affected by the raids was that which the king and the earl of Argyle had previously planted in Kintyre. Many of those suffering these attacks fied across the water to the Route to

escape future harrylng from the Isles. When, in June1 Angus Macdonald threatened to follow the migrants to lreland and attacK them there too, Chichester responded by taklng avery possible precaution to protect the 27 new settlers. This protection in lreland possibly stimulated others to seek the same haven of escape from Angus Macdonald's fury. At any rate, throughout the summer, the inhabitants of Kintyre continued to move to Ulster bringing wlth them their cattle and their goods. Not untll August were the Macdonalds finally subdued and their lands granted to the earl 28 of Argyle.

At this point the focus of attention shifted swiftly from 29 Scotland to lreland. The earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnell had suffered

26. Hume-Brown, P., Hlstory of Scotland, Il, Cambridge, 1902, p. 256. Beg. P.C. Scot., VIl, p. 749. 21. c.s.p. Ire., (1606-1608,) p. 193. 28. Reg. p.c. Scot., VIl, pp. 426 and 749. 29. Hugh O'Donnell had recelved the tltle of earl of Tyrconnell on his submission to James 1 after Elizabeth's death. - 120 -

from difficulties simllar to those that had plagued Randal McSorley. Perpetuai efforts by unscrupulous officiais ln lreland were made to find loopholes in their patents in order to deprive them of their possessions. ln addition, it was implled by some that the earls had

engaged in treason. The exact clrcumstances do not concern us here, the final outcome of the confllct between the ex-rebel earls and officiais ln lreland was that the former deemed it necessary to flee the country. The tact that they did so proved thelr gullt in the eyes of the English. The lands of the earls were confiscated thus opening up vast new terrltorles for settlement. lt ls this settlement which ls known as the plantation of Ulster. Wlth the plantation itself this work is not concerned. Here it need only be said that the success of the plantation rested, ln part at least, on the very strong foundation of Scottlsh settlement that had already been laid in Ulster.

- 122 -

The signiflcance of the migration of Scots to freland between

1585 and 1607 lay not 50 much in its novelty as in the intensity of its occurrence and ln the permanence of the settlements made. Scots had moved to freland before 1585, they were to do 50 again in large numbers atter 1607. But between these two dates the rate unevenly but undeniably increased to a point where the Scots enforced English recognition of their position as a permanent feature of the Irish polltlcal landscape. On this Scottish foundation, bullt in the face of elther outright opposition or only grudging consent from the Engllsh, grew the only successful plantation schema in freland. lt would be an exaggeration to clalm that the plantation of Ulster succeeded whlle the plantation of Munster, for example, failed because of the Scottish beachhead established in Ulster between 1585 and 1607. Nonetheless, there can be no doubt that the success of the plantation of Ulster was enhanced materlally by the existence of the prevlously establ ished Scottish settlements.

While it would be absurd to ascribe the migration between 1585 and 1607 to one single cause, of ali the various cuases at work the political factors seem to have been most lnfluentlal. Usually migration of population is explained ln terms of economies. ln this case, while the economie position in the Isles and Ulster did play a considerable part ln sponsoring the migratory movement, politlcs occupied the Jeading role. Trade, religion and geographical proximity ali helped to provide contacts between lreland and Scotland, but neither alone nor in combination dld - 123 -

these factors provide sufficient impetus to explaln the migration which occurred at the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth century. When the three stages of migration are considered between 1585 and 1607 - the initial grants to Sorley Boy Macdonald and his nephew,

the expansion under the McSorleys of Scottish~wned territory, and the grants made by James 1 -ali seem to depend basically on the political developments in lreland, Scotland or England.

lreland had failed to unite politically. England both aggravated and exploited the Irish weakness. Yet, until the reign of Elizabeth, no English monarch had the ability to dominate lreland entirely. Even Elizabeth's armies had to struggle long and hard before they succeeded in imposing England's power, particularly in Ulster.

The direct result of this struggle was the devastation of the northern province and the toleration and even encouragement of the settlement of Scots in lreland by the Irish. Even after the grants in 1586, had the English been able to combine with the Irish, they might have expelled the Scots once and for ali. Alternatively, if the English had managed to smash ali Irish opposition quickly, English power alone might have been sufflcient to enforce the departure of the Scots. But the repe8ted Irish rebellions outruled any concerted Anglo-lrish campaign against the Scots, while Elizabethan anmies could never deliver a sufficiently crushlng blow to the Irish to enable England to turn ali her efforts to expelling the Scots. - 124 -

On the Irish side, Tyrone's use of the combination of religion and national lsm enabled him to draw upon Spanish support. This ald made hlm strong enough to pose the English with the most serious threat to their authority in lreland that they ever had to meet during Elizabeth's reign, but it did not render him sufficiently powerful to defeat the English decisively. Moreover, the Inclusion of the religious issue precluded any English tendency towards compromise thus it tended to prolong the struggle. Naturally, the Scots found little difficulty in penetrating Ulster during such a period of political stalemate.

ln Scotland, too, political conditions encouraged emigration. As the tentacles of power streched out from Edinburgh, many of the semi­ independent lslesmen sought to resistor evade them. When opposition by force of arms tailed, migration to lreland remained the only alternative. Here it should be stated that the surplus population in the Isles made emigration attractive anyway. But the reason that the lslesmen tended to expand west instead of east was due to the political vacuum in the former direction in contrast to the growing strength of the Scottish government.

Finally, the political change in England when the throne passed from the Tudors to the Stewarts had profound etfects on the movement of the Scots to lreland. During the early years of James' reign in England, the Engllsh attitude towards Scots in lreland underwent a complete trans­ formation, Scots began to obtain grants of land without fighting for them. - 125 -

Yet perhaps of even greater significance was the birth and graduai growth during this period of policles that later governed the plantation of Ulster. When men began to implement the idee of planting Ulster with Scottish Protestants on a large scala atter 1607, they did so in the knowledge that already a foundatlon exlsted on whlch to build. liJ.L!L.J.QiB.ae.l::l.r. - 127 -

1 • DœlJMENTS

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Caleodar of Carew Mooysçr!pts, Vols. Il -VI, Longmans, London, 1868-1873.

Calenc:lar of Letters and Papers Relatinq to the Aftajrs of the Borders of Enqland and Scotland, Vols. 1 and 11, H.M. Register House, Edloburgh, 1894 and 1896.

Çalend8r of State Papars Relotjnq to freland- Henry VIII to Elizabeth. 1509-1603 (Vols. 1 -Xl,) H.M. Stationery Office, London, 1867-1912.

Calendar of Stpte Papers Relatinq to lreland - Jornes J-, 1603-1608 (Vols. and Il,) Longman, London, 1872-1874.

Calendar of State Papers Relating to 500tland, Vols. 1 and Il, Longman, London, 1858,

Calend8r of Scottish Papers, Vols. VIl -Xl, H.M. General Register House, London, 1914-1936.

Calendar of Letters and St§te Papers relat!ng to Engl jsh Affajrs preseryed prlnclpa!!y jo the archjyes of Simancps (Sppnjsb)- Elizabeth, 1568-1579, (Vol. Il,) H.M. Statlonery Office, London, 1894,

Cameron, A.1 • , ( ed.) "The Warren der Pa pers," Vo 1s. 1 and Il, Scottlsb Hlstory Soçlety, Tbird Series, Vols. XVIII and XIX, Edinburgh, 1931. - 128 -

"Extracts from the Records of the Burgh of Glasgow, 1573-1642, 11 The Scottish Byrqh Records Society. Glasgow, 1876.

"Extracts from the Registers of the Presbytery of Glasgow," Parts 1 and 2, Majtland Clyb, No. 25A, Vol. 1, Edlnburgh, 1833-1834.

The Hamilton Papers, Vol. Il, H.M. General Register House, Edlnburgh, 1892.

11Letters and Papers Relative to Irish Matters from the Balfour Manuscripts," Abbotsford Clyb, Vol. Xli, Edinburgh, 1837.

Macleod, R.C., (ed.) "The Book of Dunvegan," Vol. 1, Thjrd Spald!ng Club, Aberdeen, 1938.

Macphail, J.R.N., (ed.) "Highland Papers," Vol. IV, Scottjsb History Society, Third Series, Vol. XXII, Edinburgh, 1934.

"Observations of the Oeane of Limerick tor the West Isles of Scotland," Maitland Cl yb, Vol. LXVII, Glasgow, 1847.

Pryde, G.S., (ed.) "Ayr Burgh Accounts 1534-1624," Scottlsh Hjstpry Sqçjety. Third Series, Vol. XXVIII, Edinburgh, 1937.

Begjster of the Prjyy Qouncil of S00tland. Vols. IV- VIII, H.M. Register House, Edinburgh, 1881-1887. - 129 -

Historical Manuscripts Commission, Vols. 1 - XXe and LXIX, Appendices to Reports 1-9. Holiday Manuscripts. (Acts of the Privy Qouncil in lreland 1556-1571.) S;lisbury Manyscrjpts, Parts 1-18.

2. CONTEMPORARY OR NEARL Y CONTEMPORARY ACCOUNTS

Davis, Sir J., A Discoyerie of the Jrue Causes Wby lrelpnd was Never Entirely Subdyed and Brought Uoder Obedjeoce of the Crown of England. until the Begjnnlng of Hjs Hajesty's hQppy Relgn. 1612. (See H. Morley's freland Under Elizabeth and James 1.)

The Four Masters, Aonals of the Kjngd9m of lreland. Vols. V and VI, Hodges, Smith, Dublin, 1856.

Hennessy, W.M., (translator and ed.) The Annals of Loch Cé, Longman, London, 1871.

MacCarthy, B., (translator and ed.) Annois of Ulster. Vol. IV, Alex. Thom, Dublin, 1895.

Morley, H., (ed.) lreland Under Elizabeth and J;mes 1. Routledge, London, 1890. (Contains Sir J. Davis' A Ojscoverle; F. Moryson's A Descrjptjon of lreland; and E. Spenser's A Vlew of the State of lreland.)

Moryson, F., A Description of lreland 1600-1603, (See H. Morley's lreland Uoder Elizabeth and James!.)

Moryson, F., An ltlnerary, Vols. Il - IV, Maclehose, Glasgow, 1907. - 130 -

Perrot, Sir J., The Chronjcle of lrelond 15§4-1§08, (edited by H. Wood tor the Irish Manuscript Commission,) the Stationery Office, Dublin, 1933.

Stafford, T., Pacto Hjberoja or a Hjstory of the Wars jo lreland, Vols. 1 -Ill, Hibernia-Press, Oubli n, 1810. - 131 -

!. BQQKS

Bagwe!l, R., lreland Under the Stewarts and Oyrlng the lnterreqnym, Vol. 1, Longmans, Green, 1909.

Bagwell, R., lrelond Under the Tydors, Vols. Il and Ill, Longmans, Green, 1885 and 1890.

Bali, J.T., The Reformed Chyrch of !retond (1537-1889,) Longmans, Green, London, 1890.

Black, J.B., The Reign of Elizabeth (1558-1603,) Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1936.

Browne, J., A Hjstpry of the Highlands and of the Hjqhland Clans. Vol. 1, Fullarton, Edlnburgh, no date of publication.

Cheyney, Edward P., A Hlstpry of England frgm the Oeteat of the Armada to the death of Elizabeth, Vols. 1 and Il, Peter Smith, New York, 1948.

Edwards, R.O., Chyrcb and State in Tyd9r lreland; A Hlstpry of the penal laws aqaiost Irish Çqtbollcs. 1534-1603, Talbot Press, Dublin, 1935.

Falls, C., E!izabetb's Irish Wars. Methuen, London, 1950.

Froude, J.A., The Rejqn of Elizabeth, Vols. Il- IV, Everyman's Library, London, 1911. - 132 -

Grant, I.F., Lordship of the Isles. Grant 8nd Murray, Edinburgh, 1935.

Grant, I.F., The Socjol and Econgmjc Qeyelopmeot of Scotland Before 1603, Oliver and Boyd, London, 1930.

Hayes~cCoy, G.A., Scots Mercenary Forces jo lrel8nd. (1565-1603,) Burns Oates and Wasbourne, Dublin, 1937.

H8mllton, Lord E., Elizabeth8n Ulster. Huest and Bl8ckett, london, no date of publication.

Hill, G., An Historica! Açcoynt of the MocPonnells of Aotrjm. jnclyding notices of sorne other septs. Irish and Scottjsh. Archer, Belfast, 1873.

Hume Brown, P., A Short Hlstory of Scotland, Vol. Il, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1902. lee, M., John Malt!and of Thlr!estane and the Foyndatjon of the Stewart Despotisrn ln Scotland, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1959. longtield, A.K., Anglo-!rish Jrade ln the !6th century. Routledge, london, 1929.

Mackenzie, W.C., The Western Isles. their History. trad!tjon and Place Narnes, Gardner, Paisley, 1932.

Mathew, D., The Celtjc Peoples and Renaissance Europe. Sbeed and Ward, london, 1933. - 133-

Maxwell~ C.~ lrjsh History trgm Ççnteroporary Soyrces (1509-1610.) Allen and Unwin~ London~ 1923.

M'Skimin~ S.~ The Histpry Qnd Antjgyitjes of the Qoynty of the town of Çarrjckfergys. from the Earljest Records to the present t!me: Also a Statjstical Suryey of the Sald Çpynty~ Smyth~ Belfast~ 1823.

Neale~ J.E.~ Oueen Elizabeth. Cape~ London~ 1934.

Oman, Charles, (ed.) A Histpry of England, Vol. IV, (Innes, A.D., England Under the Tud9rs.) Methuen, London, 1913.

Paterson, J., Historv of the Çgyntjes of Ayre and Wiqtown, Stlllie, Edlnburgh, 1864.

Paul, Sir J.B., (ed.) The Scots Peerage, Vols. 1 and V, Douglas, 1904 and 1908.

Tytler, P.F., Hjstory of Scotland. Vols. V and VI, Tait, Edinburgh, 1845.

Willson, D.H., Kjng James VI and 1. Cape, London, 1956.

2. PERIOOICALS

Cooper, T.M., "The Numbers and Distribution of the population of medieval Scotland, 11 Scottjsb Hjstorjca! Reyiew. Vol. XXVI, 1947, pp. 2-9.

Graham, J.K., "The BI rth-Date of Hugh O'Nei Il, Second Earl of Tyrone," lrjsh Historjcal Studjes, Vol. 1, 1938, pp. 58 and 59. - 1.34-

Lough, S.M., "Trade and lndustry in lreland in the Sixteenth Century," Journal of Polltjca! Economy, Vol. XXIV, 1916, pp. 713-30.

Hill, G., "C!an-Donne!l Scots," Ulster Joyrnal of Archeg!ogy, Vol. IX, 1861-62, pp. 301-317.

Hi 11, G., "Gieanings in Fami !y History from the Antrim Coast," Ulster Journal of Archeology, Vol. VIII, 1877, pp. 127-144.

Hore, F.H., "The Bruces ln lreland," Ulster Journal of Archeology. Vol. V, 1875, pp. 1-12.

Hore F.H., (ed.) "Marsha! Bagenal 1 s Description of Ulster Anno 1586, 11 Ulster Joyrnal of Arcbeology, Vol. Il, 1854, pp. 137-159.

MacAdam, R., (ed.) "Hamilton Manuscripts," Ulster Joyrnal of Arcbeglogy. Vol. Ill, 1855, pp. 69-76.

Macleod, R.C., "Side Lights from the Dunvegan Charter Chest, 11 The Scottjsh Hlstprjcal Revjew. Vol. Il, 1905, pp. 356-362.

McKerra!, A., 11West Highland Mercenaries in lreland," The Scottjsh Hlstorical Revlew. Vol. XXX, 1951, pp. 1-14.

Moody, T.W., "The Treatment of the Native Population under the Schema tor the Plantation in Ulster," Jrjsb Hlstorjca! Stydies, Vol. 1, 1938, pp. 59-63.

0 1Domhnai 11, S., "Wartare ln Sixteenth Century lreland," Irish Historical Stydles, Vol. V, 1946, pp. 29-54.

j - 135 -

Shedden-Doble, J., "The Church of Dunlop," Archeoloqjcol and Historiee! Çplleçtlons Relatlnq to the Çpyntjes of Ayr and Wigtoo, Vol. IV, 1884, pp. 26-46.