DOCSLIB.ORG

General Assembly at Its Tenth Session Problem

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
General Assembly at Its Tenth Session Problem United Nations FIRST COMMITTEE, 1122nd GENERAL MEETING Tuesday, 6 December 1960, ASSEMBLY at 10.55 a.m. FIFTEENTH SESSION Official Records NEW YORK CONTENTS the Assembly's thirteenth session, referring to the Page right of the Algerian people to independence and to the Agenda item 71: willingness of the Provisional Government of the Question of Algeria (continued) Algerian Republic to enter into negotiations with the General debate (continued). • . • • • . • • • • • 211 French Government, and urging the parties to reach a negotiated settlement of the Algerian conflict. 3. At the fourteenth session, the Assembly had set Chairman: Sir Claude CO REA (Ceylon). aside in plenary session a draft resolution (A/C.1/ L.246 and Add.1) approved in the First Committee by a majority vote, in favour of a more moderate text AGENDA ITEM 71 (A/L.276) recognizing the right of the Algerianpeople to self-determination and, with a view to reaching a peaceful solution on the basis of that right and in Question of Algeria (A! 4418 and Add.l) (continued) accordance with the principles of the Charter of the GENERAL DEBATE (continued) United Nations, urging the parties concerned to enter into "pourparlers". However, even that mild resolu­ 1. Mr. SHUKArnY (Saudi Arabia) said that the inter­ tion had not been adopted. national character of the Algerian question and the competence of the United Nations to deal with it had 4. The circumstances of its defeathadbeenrevealing long been established facts. Although the absence of and unprecedented. In essence, the draft resolution France from the Committee was to be regretted, it which the Assembly had been asked to adopt had must not shake the determination of the United Nations, merely reaffirmed a basic principle of the Charter and as an international organization dedicated to the restated the policy proclaimed by the President ofthe maintenance of peace and the promotion of fundamental French Republic, General de Gaulle, on 16 September freedoms and human rights, to discharge its obliga­ 1959. It had not condemned France, nor had it con­ tions with respect to Algeria. tained any derogatory reference to French policy in Algeria. It should have been adopted by acclamation; 2. Reviewing the history of the Algerian question in indeed, each of its paragraphs, put to the vote the United Nations, he said that it had been Saudi separately, had obtained the required two-thirds Arabia which on 5 January 1955-early in the Algerian majority. Yet the resolution as a whole had been re­ war-had drawn the attention of the Security Council jected. Shortly after the voting, the French delegation to the grave situation created by France's attempt had asserted that the resolution had been defeated as to put down the national uprising in Algeria by force a result of strategy and collaboration between France of arms. The Security Council had taken no action. and a group of the friends of France. But it was un­ Later in the same month, the efforts of fourteen justifiable for a Member State to employ strategy in African and Asian States to have the Algerian question order to defeat a resolution on a serious international discussed by the General Assembly at its tenth session problem. By killing the resolution, the Western had been frustrated. In 1956, the Security Council's Powers, which had argued with one voice throughout attention had again on two occasions been drawn by the debate, had dealt a severe blow to freedom. the African and Asian States to the deteriorating situation in Algeria. The Council had refused to con­ 5. The case for Algeria, as presented by the African sider it. In October 1956, at the request of the same and Asian delegations to the First Committee at the group of States, the question had been placed on the Assembly's fourteenth session, had been based on agenda of the General Assembly at its eleventh session. President de Gaulle's statement of 16 September 1959, After full debate, the Assembly had unanimously in which he had recognized the right of the people of adopted resolution 1012 (XI) expressing the hope that, Algeria to self-determination. Although that state­ in a spirit of co-operation, a peaceful, democratic and ment had contained dangerous loopholes, the Pro­ just solution would be found, through appropriate visional Government of Algeria had welcomed it and means, in conformity with the principles of the United had declared itself ready to negotiate with France the Nations Charter. France had disregarded that resolu­ conditions and guarantees, including a cease-fire, tion and the war in Algeria had continued. Resolu­ necessary to enable the Algerians to decide their tion 1184 (XII), which had also been adopted future status. The Provisior.al Government had not in­ unanimously, had similarly been ignored by France; sisted on immediate independence; it had not pressed in that resolution the Assembly, at its twelfth session, for recognition; it had not suggested any particular had taken note of the offer of good offices made by r~gime, order or constitution for Algeria. On the the King of Morocco and the President of Tunisia and contrary, it had accepted President de Gaulle's pro­ had expressed the wish that "pourparlers 11 should be posal that the people of Algeria should be offered a entered into by the parties. Finally, Francehadshown free choice between independence, integration with the same attitude with regard to the draft resolu­ France and association with France, and had declared tion (A/C.1/L.232) submitted by seventeen Powers at that it would be bound by the Algerian people's deci- 211 A/C.1/SR.l122 212 General Assembly- Fifteenth Session- First Committee sion. It had insisted only that that decision should be part of the French contribution to the "common de­ made under conditions which would ensure that it was fence". Indeed, in applying to the United States entirely free. Government for financial aid, the French had strongly 6. The case for France, on the other hand, had been emphasized the financial implications of the war in presented to the First Committee, in the absence of the Algeria. The financial support given to France by French delegation, by the Western Powers. For the NATO provided further confirmation of its major past six sessions of the Assembly, France had responsibility in the Algerian war. wavered between denying or acknowledging the com­ 8. The war in Algeria could be said to be NATO's petence of the United Nations to deal with the Algerian only achievement, since all its plans for Western question. France should be reminded that what Presi­ military defence and economic co-operation had dent de Gaulle had referred to as the "so-called been a failure. In fact, France regarded NATO United Nations" included France, and, moreover, that primarily as a means of maintaining its position in France was a permanent member of the Security Algeria, and had repeatedly warned the NATO Powers Council. If, as President de Gaulle held, the United that continued French rule in Algeria was essential Nations had failed in many respects, one of the main to continued French membership in NATO. reasons for at least some of its failures was France's refusal to comply with its decisions, in particular, on 9. NATO members were expected to place their the question of Algeria. France's strategy at the loyalty to that organization above their loyalty to the fourteenth session had been deplorable. One after United Nations; in 1955, after Greece and Iceland had another, the Western Powers which supported France voted for the inclusion of the Algerian question in the had pleaded with the Assembly to give France time to agenda of the General Assembly, Mr. Spaak, the implement its policy of self-determination, not to Secretary-General of NATO, had in effect rebuked antagonize it or to offend its sensibilities, and to them by stating that NATO members must co­ refrain from taking any precipitate action which might ordinate their foreign policies. The enforcement of disturb the balance of the delicate situation created that policy on NATO members was a direct threat to by President de Gaulle's statement of 16 September the United Nations. 1959. In point of fact, the North Atlantic Treaty 10. Although NATO's professed purpose was the Organization (NATO) Powers had misled the United defence of freedom and democracy, the aggressive Nations into a policy of inaction but for which the war which it was waging in Algeria showed that it was year 1960 could have been Algeria's year of peace. actually a champion of colonialism and an enemy of Because the United Nations had renounced its re­ freedom. That was why the Algerian Provisional sponsibility for the maintenance of peace, the war in Government had recently denounced Algeria's inclu­ Algeria had entered its seventh year and continued sion in the area covered by NATO and repudiated all unabated, taking a heavy toll of human lives and engagements undertaken by France in the name of creating serious economic and political difficulties Algeria, and had warned the NATO Powers that it for France. If they were really concerned for the regarded all participation by NATO or its members in future of France, the friends of France should exert the Algerian war as an act of aggression against the every effort to end that devastating war. Algerian people. 7. While the NATO Powers had advocated a policy 11. It was not because of any bias that he was in­ of inaction in the United Nations, outside the Organiza­ troducing the issue of NATO into the Algerian ques­ tion they had extended every form of assistance to tion, but because a peaceful solution of the Algerian France to enable it to carry on its colonial war in war would be impossible so long as NATO gave Algeria.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • LSTA Grant Lesson Plan Writing Cohort Submitted by Rebecca Griffith, Isaac Bear Early College High School
    William Madison Randall Library LSTA Grant Lesson Plan Writing Cohort Submitted by Rebecca Griffith, Isaac Bear Early College High School Overview Abstract Examine the work performed by the women and teenagers of the Women’s Good Will Committee of High Point, North Carolina as they labor to bridge race relations in their community. Explore primary source documents using close reading strategies. Discover how the work of the High Point Women’s Good Will Committee serves as a positive model for other groups to replicate. Extrapolate and apply the work of the High Point Women’s Good Will Committee to a current societal ill and seek areas in which adults and students can cooperatively find solutions to these problems. Standards AH2.H.4 – Analyze how conflict and compromise have shaped politics, economics and culture in the United States. AH2.H.5 – Understand how tensions between freedom, equality and power have shaped the political, economic and social development of the United States. AH2.H.7 – Understand the impact of war on American politics, economics, society and culture. Objectives AH2.H.4.1 – Analyze the political issues and conflicts that impacted the United States since Reconstruction and the compromises that resulted (e.g., Populism, Progressivism, working conditions and labor unrest, New Deal, Wilmington Race Riots, Eugenics, Civil Rights Movement, Anti-War protests, Watergate, etc.). AH2.H.4.3 – Analyze the social and religious conflicts, movements and reforms that impacted the United States since Reconstruction in terms of participants, strategies, opposition, and results (e.g., Prohibition, Social Darwinism, Eugenics, civil rights, anti-war protest, etc.).
    [Show full text]
  • The Example of the Algerian War
    L2 Journal, Volume 4 (2012), pp. 83-101 Teaching Difficult Topics: The Example of the Algerian War ELIZABETH KNUTSON United States Naval Academy E-mail: [email protected] While history as critical discourse differs importantly from the more subjective narratives of collective memory, even historians vary in their accounts and analyses of past events. This article argues for the need to include a spectrum of voices and text types when teaching history in the context of foreign language study, taking the example of “official stories,” collective memories, and historical accounts of the Algerian War of 1954-62. In addition to presenting varied views and text genres, the argument is made for the importance of teaching the controversies that arise around difficult topics, even many years after the fact. Teaching different sides of a difficult story and its unresolved conflicts is a form of realism that respects students’ intelligence and fosters their self-awareness as cultural subjects. Examples of a multiple perspectives approach are drawn from two textbooks published in France, with additional suggestions for classroom materials and activities at various instructional levels. _______________ INTRODUCTION In the words of Fréderic Abécassis, co-author of Pour une histoire franco-algérienne, “l’histoire est polyphonique” [history is polyphonic] (cited by Nuyten 2010, p. 57). While history as critical, reflective discourse differs importantly from the more subjective narratives of collective memory, which reflect the perspective of a particular group (Wertsch, p. 127), even historians themselves vary in their accounts and analyses of past events. This paper argues for the need to include a spectrum of voices and text types when teaching difficult historical topics in the context of foreign language study.
    [Show full text]
  • Algerian War of Independence - France
    Joint Crisis: Algerian War of Independence - France JHUMUNC 2017 1 Joint Crisis: Algerian War of Independence - France Topic A: The Grand Ensemble and the Algerian War Topic B: Domestic Challenges and the Challenge to French Identity Overview committee and its legislative board, the The French-Algerian War occurred Algerian cabinet. between 1954-1962, spanning the Fourth and Fifth Republics of France. The war was Parliamentary Procedure not limited to conflict between French For this committee, we will follow colonial authorities and Algerian standard parliamentary procedure. We will nationalists, but also involved civil divide on remain in moderated caucus, unless a the Algerian front between populations of motion for an unmoderated caucus is different cultural backgrounds, religions, motioned and approved. Standard voting and ideologies toward the future of the state. procedure will be observed, and any This committee opens in 1955 and serves as differences regarding procedures will be the managerial body of the French subject to the decision of the chair and dais government, the French Cabinet, with Rene staff. Gustav Coty as the director, who will be represented by the chair. Delegates are responsible for evaluating domestic and Delegate Biographies foreign challenges simultaneously. Part of Maurice Bougrès-Maunoury the committee will revolve around growing Maunoury played an important role resistance in the French colony of Algeria, as the leader in the French Resistance, a while another segment will address the movement to interfere with the Nazi internal challenges faced by the French occupation of France. Following the end of government, which affect the future World War II, Borges served as minister for structure of the government and all of several different seats including defense, France.
    [Show full text]
  • The Six Day War and the French Press, 1967
    Three Visions of Conflict: The Six Day War and the French Press, 1967 Robert Isaacson The George Washington University Abstract: Examination of the journalistic coverage of the 1967 Arab-Israeli Six Day War by the French mainstream media reveals the centrality of the war experience as a turning point in French public discourse on Israel. Shared assumptions about Israel's vulnerability were replaced by diverse and often contradictory discourses of religious triumphalism, territorial revisionism, and ideological anti-imperialism. This analysis shows that French President Charles de Gaulle's interpretation of the war was far from dominant, and indicates that French public discourse on Israel was fractured and diverse, responsive to different events, and far from the monolith that polling that would suggest. In November 1967, five months after Israel's dramatic victory in the June 5 to June 10 Six Day War, French President Charles de Gaulle publically ended the "tacit alliance" that had existed between France and Israel since the early 1950s.1 In a nationally broadcast speech, de Gaulle expressed his frustration with Israel by critiquing Jews broadly, calling them "an elite people, sure of themselves and domineering...charged [with] burning and conquering ambition," and blamed the war on Israeli territorial aspirations.2 These statements were a far cry from those de Gaulle had made only a decade prior, when he told then-Herut Party chairman, Menachem Begin, "Don't let go of Gaza. It is a sector essential for your security."3 The November remarks drew fire from critics in France and Israel who saw the words as antisemitic and cementing his "betrayal" of Israel on the eve of the Six Day War by adopting a policy of "active neutrality."4 This policy, itself a gesture meant to boost relations with the Arab world, threatened condemnation on whichever party initiated hostilities, and preemptively moved to cut off arms shipments to Israel.
    [Show full text]
  • MILITANT LIBERALISM and ITS DISCONTENTS: on the DECOLONIAL ORIGINS of ENDLESS WAR a Dissertation Presented to the Faculty Of
    MILITANT LIBERALISM AND ITS DISCONTENTS: ON THE DECOLONIAL ORIGINS OF ENDLESS WAR A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Aaron B Gavin December 2017 © 2017 Aaron B Gavin MILITANT LIBERALISM AND ITS DISCONTENTS: ON THE DECOLONIAL ORIGINS OF ENDLESS WAR Aaron B Gavin, Ph. D. Cornell University 2017 MILITANT LIBERALISM AND ITS DISCONTENTS tells a story about the reinvention of liberalism during the era of decolonization. The dissertation shows how a persistent pattern of militant liberalism came to structure the postwar international order—one where the United States engages in militant action to protect the liberal international order from irredeemable illiberal threats, precisely when its hegemonic influence reaches its limit. While anti-totalitarianism and the war on terror are defining episodes in the development of this pattern, the dissertation argues that it was only liberalism’s encounter with decolonization that made the practice of militant liberalism ideologically coherent and enduring. After shattering the civilizational justifications of nineteenth century liberalism, decolonization provided militant liberals with a unique enemy, the Third World, upon which to distinguish and legitimate their own logic of violence, all while destroying alternative political possibilities arising out of the decolonial process. The dissertation explores these themes through four political thinkers—Isaiah Berlin, Louis Henkin, Frantz Fanon, and Carl Schmitt—and narrates a story about the legitimation of militant liberalism and the eventual rise of its discontents. On the one hand, Berlin and Henkin spoke of Thirdworldism as uniquely threatening: the former arguing that Thirdworldist nationalism often morphed into romantic self-assertion, and the latter claiming that Thirdworldists exploited state sovereignty allowing international terrorism to proliferate unbound.
    [Show full text]
  • Killing Hope U.S
    Killing Hope U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II – Part I William Blum Zed Books London Killing Hope was first published outside of North America by Zed Books Ltd, 7 Cynthia Street, London NI 9JF, UK in 2003. Second impression, 2004 Printed by Gopsons Papers Limited, Noida, India w w w.zedbooks .demon .co .uk Published in South Africa by Spearhead, a division of New Africa Books, PO Box 23408, Claremont 7735 This is a wholly revised, extended and updated edition of a book originally published under the title The CIA: A Forgotten History (Zed Books, 1986) Copyright © William Blum 2003 The right of William Blum to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Cover design by Andrew Corbett ISBN 1 84277 368 2 hb ISBN 1 84277 369 0 pb Spearhead ISBN 0 86486 560 0 pb 2 Contents PART I Introduction 6 1. China 1945 to 1960s: Was Mao Tse-tung just paranoid? 20 2. Italy 1947-1948: Free elections, Hollywood style 27 3. Greece 1947 to early 1950s: From cradle of democracy to client state 33 4. The Philippines 1940s and 1950s: America's oldest colony 38 5. Korea 1945-1953: Was it all that it appeared to be? 44 6. Albania 1949-1953: The proper English spy 54 7. Eastern Europe 1948-1956: Operation Splinter Factor 56 8. Germany 1950s: Everything from juvenile delinquency to terrorism 60 9. Iran 1953: Making it safe for the King of Kings 63 10.
    [Show full text]
  • The French Revolution in the French-Algerian War (1954-1962): Historical Analogy and the Limits of French Historical Reason
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 9-2016 The French Revolution in the French-Algerian War (1954-1962): Historical Analogy and the Limits of French Historical Reason Timothy Scott Johnson The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1424 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] THE FRENCH REVOLUTION IN THE FRENCH-ALGERIAN WAR (1954-1962): HISTORICAL ANALOGY AND THE LIMITS OF FRENCH HISTORICAL REASON By Timothy Scott Johnson A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2016 © 2016 TIMOTHY SCOTT JOHNSON All Rights Reserved ii The French Revolution in the French-Algerian War (1954-1962): Historical Analogy and the Limits of French Historical Reason by Timothy Scott Johnson This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in History in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Richard Wolin, Distinguished Professor of History, The Graduate Center, CUNY _______________________ _______________________________________________ Date Chair of Examining Committee _______________________
    [Show full text]
  • The Paris Paradox: Colorblindness and Colonialism in African
    American Literature Laila The Paris Paradox: Amine Colorblindness and Colonialism in African American Expatriate Fiction In fiction by Richard Wright, James Baldwin, and Wil- liam Gardner Smith, the literary trope of the romance between black American men and white European women symbolizes African Ameri- cans’ newly held freedom in Paris after World War II, but it obscures France’s own color line. Many African American expatriates consid- ered the city a refuge from the daily frustrations of second-class citizen- ship at home and Joseph McCarthy’s witch hunt of the black radical Left. The Parisian interracial romance, which juxtaposes the subjuga- tion of black men in the United States with their liberation in Paris, con- structs a utopian horizon that emphasizes the equality of black and white men and frames American lynching as an anomaly; Paris is a space where freedom is supposedly achieved and manhood recovered. Even in the rare pessimistic visions of the French capital and interracial romance that permeate Wright’s 1959 “Island of Hallucination,” the author insists on Paris being a place with “no race prejudice” (190). And yet, African American exiles knew no one in Paris was color- blind. One only need remember the sight of a semi-nude Josephine Baker in banana skirt gyrating her hips in la danse sauvage, or Bald- win’s exasperation when asked if he played the trumpet, or Chester Himes and Richard Gibson’s fear of getting caught in anti-Algerian police raids.1 Even in the domain of interracial romance, it was rarely French women who were involved with black American men.
    [Show full text]
  • 2013-01-D-35-En-61 Orig.: EN
    European Schools Office of the Secretary-General Pedagogical Development Unit Ref.: 2013-01-D-35-en-61 Orig.: EN History Syllabus (Years 6 & 7)2 APPROVED BY THE JOINT TEACHING COMMITTEE ON 9 AND 10 FEBRUARY 2017 IN BRUSSELS Attainment Descriptors: Entry into force On 1 September 2019 for S6 On 1 September 2020 for S7 1st Baccalaureate session in June 2021 1 Further to the decision of the BIS taken by Written Procedure PE 2020/16 on 15 May 2020, the approved written examination material for History 4 Periods for use with the new marking system in the European Baccalaureate was inserted in the syllabus. Harmonization 3 language versions S7 4 periods course EUROPE FROM DICTATORSHIP TO DEMOCRACY (1974- 95) p. 28. 2 Syllabus approved by the Joint Teaching Committee on 7 and 8 February 2013 in Brussels (with entry into force on September 2013 for S6 and 1 September 2014 for S7) 2013-01-D-35-en-6 European Schools History Syllabus Years 6 and 7 Introduction History and the past are not the same thing. Nor is history the mere study of the past. History is a process of imaginative reconstruction and interpretation of the past. It is the critical investigation of both the sources that the past has left behind and what historians have written about the past. Students of history come to appreciate the relative nature of historical knowledge. Each generation produces history that reflects its own preoccupations and the new evidence that becomes available. History offers opportunities for empathetic understanding, but also develops the capacity for critical distance.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction to Modern Middle East
    Introduction to Modern Middle East Spring 2014 Yoav Di-Capua HIS 306N-5 GOV 314-3 MES 301L Classes: T TH 11:00-12:30 UTC 3.124 Office Hours: Garrison 0.136 (History Department). T TH. 1-2 and by appointment. e-mail: [email protected] Teaching Assistants: Emily Hawthrone ([email protected] ) and Philip Issa ([email protected] ) Office hours by appointment. Our Website: http://laits.utexas.edu/modern_me/index.php Course Description: This is an introductory class to the history of the Middle East in the 20th century. The main question for consideration is which forces and what sort of developments transformed this region from a relatively peaceful region to a radicalized environment and a source for opposition against the “West.” By exploring critical political, social, intellectual and economic themes such as colonialism, Arab nationalism, secular modernism, the impact of Zionism and military conflict, the rise of political Islam, the status of women and the oil revolution, we would identify the main internal and external forces, as well as the critical processes, that shaped the region during the last century. Course Requirements and Grading: 2 Exams: Midterm (45%), Final (45%) Participation and Periodic Quizzes 10% Attendance is mandatory (One grade (+/-) down for every unjustified three classes skipped). Mandatory Textbooks (available at the Co-op or bookfinder.com): • James Gelvin, The Modern Middle East; A History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). • James Gelvin, The Israel-Palestine Conflict : One Hundred Years of War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). 1 Course Packet: Course packet is available at Jenn’s Copy and Binding 2200 Guadalupe • [email protected] 512-473-8669 Deadlines: - Mid-East Blind Map Quiz: January 23rd - Midterm Exam: February 25th - Final Exam: TBD.
    [Show full text]
  • THE LEGACY of the ALGERIAN WAR and ITS INFLUENCE on COUNTERINSURGENCY DOCTRINE Zack Rish Clemson University, [email protected]
    Clemson University TigerPrints All Theses Theses 5-2010 FAILURE, SUCCESS AND LESSONS LEARNED: THE LEGACY OF THE ALGERIAN WAR AND ITS INFLUENCE ON COUNTERINSURGENCY DOCTRINE Zack Rish Clemson University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://tigerprints.clemson.edu/all_theses Part of the Military History Commons Recommended Citation Rish, Zack, "FAILURE, SUCCESS AND LESSONS LEARNED: THE LEGACY OF THE ALGERIAN WAR AND ITS INFLUENCE ON COUNTERINSURGENCY DOCTRINE" (2010). All Theses. 820. https://tigerprints.clemson.edu/all_theses/820 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses at TigerPrints. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Theses by an authorized administrator of TigerPrints. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FAILURE, SUCCESS AND LESSONS LEARNED: THE LEGACY OF THE ALGERIAN WAR AND ITS INFLUENCE ON COUNTERINSURGENCY DOCTRINE A Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of Clemson University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts History by Zachary Edward Rish May 2010 Accepted by: Dr. Alan Grubb, Committee Chair Dr. Stephanie Barczewski Dr. Edwin Moise ABSTRACT The 2003 American invasion of Iraq resulted in a violent insurgency that American forces were initially unable to counter. The United States military was shocked by its failure and was forced to consider what it had done wrong. Once the U.S. military looked into its past it was forced to admit it had wrongly ignored counterinsurgency. To correct this, it assigned many of its officers, along with other military experts, to create a new, updated doctrine that incorporated the lessons of Iraq and other recent, relevant historical precedent.
    [Show full text]
  • The Changing Face of El Moudjahid During the Algerian War of Independence
    University of Denver Digital Commons @ DU Religious Studies: Faculty Scholarship Religious Studies 2011 The Changing Face of El Moudjahid During the Algerian War of Independence Andrea L. Stanton University of Denver, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/religious_studies_faculty Part of the Islamic Studies Commons, and the Islamic World and Near East History Commons Recommended Citation Stanton, A. L. (2011). The changing face of El Moudjahid during the Algerian War of Independence. The Journal of North African Studies, 16(1), 59-76. https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2010.515705 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Religious Studies at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Religious Studies: Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. The Changing Face of El Moudjahid During the Algerian War of Independence Comments This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in the Journal of North African Studies on Mar. 21, 2011, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/13629387.2010.515705. Publication Statement Copyright held by the author or publisher. User is responsible for all copyright compliance. This article is available at Digital Commons @ DU: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/religious_studies_faculty/11 This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in the Journal of North African Studies on Mar. 21, 2011, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/13629387.2010.515705.
    [Show full text]