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The Gilt on the Golden City? Transnational Professionals and the Production of Exclusionary Spaces in Post-Socialist Prague. Andrew C G Cook Department of Geography Queen Mary, University of London Dissertation submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisor: Prof. Adrian Smith June 2009 This thesis is the result of my own unaided work and presents as original nothing which is the result of work undertaken in collaboration with others. Andrew C G Cook June 2009 ii ABSTRACT Over the last twenty years or so there has been a significant amount of research conducted within human geography relating to world cities, transnational elites and post-socialist transformation. The bulk of the research relating to transnational elites has been concerned with the role played by such individuals in (re)producing economic knowledge in ‘Western’ global cities, whilst their everyday lives, practices and spatialities have been largely neglected. In contrast to treating the everyday lives of these individuals as being contingent and taken-for-granted, this thesis unpacks the everyday lives and spatialities of these individuals and examines how they contribute to socio- spatial exclusion in the city of Prague, Czech Republic. The thesis argues that by understanding the everyday (spatial) practices of these professionals we can being to gain a more nuanced understanding of the geographies that they produce. I illustrate the importance of everyday practices in the production of exclusionary spaces by focusing upon: (i) the production and consumption of luxury residential property; (ii) the social networks of expatriates and the spaces that these networks produce; (iii) the time-spaces of their everyday lives; (iv) expatriate consumption practices. By focusing the research on these four categories, it has been possible to examine: (i) the exclusionary spatial forms produced by expatriate professionals; (ii) the processes and practices that produce such spaces and; (iii) critique the commonly held misconceptions that these individuals are normatively constructed as being ‘elitist’. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The production of this thesis has incorporated living in four different cities and working within three different academic institutions. As such these acknowledgments may be longer than most, though I will attempt to be brief. My greatest debt of thanks must go to my PhD supervisor Adrian Smith, whose guidance, encouragement, patience and enthusiasm has made the entire project feasible and possible. Many thanks are also due to my second supervisor Roger Lee, and all of the academic staff at Queen Mary, University of London for providing such an inspiring and collegiate environment in which to write, think and develop intellectually during the first three years of this thesis. Specific thanks are due to Jeremy Anderson, Claire Frew, Holly McLaren, Fiona McConnell and Sarah Deedat for sharing copious amounts of tea and wine and above all for making the process so enjoyable. In Prague, I would like to thank the faculty of the Department of Social Geography and Regional Development at Charles’ University for hosting me as a visiting researcher during October 2004 and April-May 2005. I would specifically like to thank Luděk Sýkora, Martin Hampl and Martin Ouředníček for their hospitality and kindness. Additionally, I would also like to thank all of my research informants who gave freely of their time, talking candidly about their experiences, hopes and fears, and I hope to have done justice to them within this thesis. Particular thanks are due to Will, a real estate professional, who gave up several afternoons of his time showing me around luxury housing developments within the city. It is also proper at this stage that I acknowledge the financial support of the University of London Central Research Fund, the Foundation of Urban and Regional Studies at the University of Essex, and the Dudley Stamp Memorial Fund of the Royal Society. Without their generous financial assistance this research would not have been possible. Recently I have had the pleasure of working as a Fixed Term Lecturer at the University of Nottingham, and thanks must be extended to the Head of School, Charles Watkins for having faith in me, and all the staff and students there for providing the distractions that steered me clear of seemingly inevitable iv introspection. Specifically, I would Like to thank Adam Swain for helping me navigate and negotiate the lecturing learning curve (and thesis juggling) with less stress than was envisaged. Cheers also to Iain for (re)introducing me to the related worlds of benthic invertebrates and real ale, and to Suze, Tom, Ruth, James, Dave and Jim for inducting me in the practices of the now infamous Staff Club. It is likely that my enthusiasm for what has become known colloquially as ’the brochure’ would have waned long ago were it not for their friendship. Additionally, I would like pay homage to my housemates over the years for tolerating my theoretical mutterings and minor personal crises as well as sharing many happy times. Cheers to Monica and Jeff in Southampton for keeping me sane and entertained when the going proved difficult. Also to Laura, Emma, Dale and Phil in London for introducing me to the bright lights with such applomb, humour and gin. In Gloucester, thanks to Rich, George, Matt, Tom and Darran – despite the ever increasing geographical distance you have helped in this research more than you can imagine, by making me realise that some things cannot, and should not ever, change. Finally, I would like to thank my mum Marlene, for her unceasing emotional, financial and practical support, without which I could not have started out on this road, or indeed have kept travelling along it. It is unlikely that so great a debt can ever be fully repaid, but in the fullness of time I hope that in some way, it shall. Also, I would like to thank my now deceased grandparents, Ruby and Harry, for all the love and encouragement during my formative years. It is to Marlene, Ruby and Harry that this thesis is dedicated. v THE GILT ON THE GOLDEN CITY? TRANSNATIONAL PROFESSIONALS AND THE PRODUCTION OF EXCLUSIONARY SPACES IN POST- SOCIALIST PRAGUE. CONTENTS List of Figures………………………………………………………………………..xi List of Tables………………………………………………………………………...xii List of Plates………………………………………………………………………...xiii Abbreviations………………………………………………………………………..xiv Notes on Czech Pronunciation…………………………………………………....xv CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1. INTRODUCTION. .................................................................................. 1 1.2. PRAGUE AND THE GLOBAL CITIES NETWORK. .............................. 3 1.3. GLOBAL CITIES, TRANSNATIONAL PROFESSIONALS AND POST- SOCIALISM. ................................................................................................. 9 1.4. RESEARCH QUESTIONS .................................................................. 12 1.5. MAPPING OUT THE THESIS STRUCTURE ...................................... 15 CHAPTER 2 TRANSNATIONAL PROFESSIONALS IN PRAGUE: SPACE, POWER AND EVERYDAY LIFE 2.1 Introduction ........................................................................................... 20 2.2. PROBLEMATISING Transnational Elites and the TRANSNATIONAL CAPITALIST CLASS .................................................................................. 23 2.3. THEORISING THE EVERYDAY. ........................................................ 32 2.3.1 Dialectics of the Everyday: Henri Lefebvre .................................... 34 vi 2.3.1.1. Alienation, Moments and Rhythm. .......................................... 36 2.3.1.2. The Production of Space. ....................................................... 41 2.3.2. Poetics of the Everyday: Michel de Certeau ................................. 44 2.4. POWER AND THE PRACTICE OF EVERYDAY LIFE. ....................... 49 2.4.1. Capital Forms and Class Trajectory .............................................. 53 2.4.2. Social Space and the Concept of the Field ................................... 59 2.5. Concluding comments. ........................................................................ 61 CHAPTER 3 RESEARCHING THE EVERYDAY: MICROPOLITICS, ABSTRACTION AND INTERPRETATION. 3.1. Introduction. ......................................................................................... 64 3.1.1. (Re)Conceptualising the Research Process. ................................ 66 3.1.2. Mixed Methods, Triangulation and Networked Actors. .................. 67 3.2. Research Methods .............................................................................. 69 3.2.1. In-Depth Semi-Structured Interviews. ........................................... 69 3.2.1.1. Practicalities of the Interview Process: Complexities of Access and Accessibility. ................................................................................. 70 3.2.1.2. The Interview Schedule. ......................................................... 74 3.2.1.3. Reflexivity and Positionality. ................................................... 75 3.2.2. The Diary-Photo Diary-Interview Method. ..................................... 79 3.2.3. In-Situ Ethnography and Participant Observation. ........................ 81 3.2.4. Secondary Data Analysis .............................................................. 85 3.3. ANALYSING QUALITATIVE MATERIALS .......................................... 86 3.4. CONCLUDING COMMENTS. ............................................................. 88 vii CHAPTER 4 SPECTRES OF (IN)EQUALITY:

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