152

Chapter - V Public Life and Politics in Poona This chapter will attempt to examine the contribution of Chitpavans to the activity in the public domain that began in the 1840s in the city, as also the political activity that emerged around the 1870s. When the British took over Poona in the 1820s it was a fairly backward city. There was no proper sanitation and apart from the areas planned under the Peshwai there was no control over building activity. Poona’s modernization, both infrastructural and intellectual, took place almost entirely under the British. As far as the infrastructural developments were concerned, motorable roads were built in 1832; the first telegraph came to Poona in 1854, the first post office in 1855 and the railways sometime after the mutiny.' The government carried out all these improvements. Poona’s intellectual development is directly related to the introduction of western education and the teaching of English. The Pathshala at Vishrambagwada was in existence from 1821 but it was only when Major Candy became the Principal that English began to be taught. The first pupils were G. H. Deshmukh, S. B. Govande, Sonyabapu Mande, D. N. Nagarkar, V. M. Bhide and Kushaba Limaye, all of whom became men of repute mostly in government service as well as active in Poona’s public life. The educated class in Poona was extremely active in setting up a number of institutions that devoted themselves to a particular field of knowledge or area of activity. These institutions all had the common objective of educating and modernizing the people of the city. When we speak in terms of public activity we are referring to the activities of the residents of Poona that were specifically aimed at the intellectual, social, political and economic development of the people, not only of the city but also of the region and the 1I country at large. This is a period of developing national consciousness when an intelligentsia slowly began to emerge. This intelligentsia began to think in terms of the modernization of the political system. The need for the transformation of the social institutions was also realized but it was understandably a much slower and more complicated process. The development of the economy was an issue that was directly dependent on the form and nature of the process of political development.

Govande, V. B., Trimurti Darshan Athava Sadashivrao Govande yanche Charitra, Poona 1953. Pg. 93. 153 Life in a community and the structure and form it achieves has a direct bearing on the nature of political activity that emerges; this is the basic remise of the chapter. That the Chitpavans constituted the educated elite and thereby^he intelligentsia has already been established. The intellectual development that was taking place was doing so in conjunction with this Chitpavan educated elite, while the landed elite, the Sardars and Rajas were the patrons The first evidence of public activity can be seen in a list of donors to the Elphinstone Professorship Fund, published in the Bombay Courier of 20.10.1827.' The ^ fund was collected on Elphinstone's retirement. The donors were - I) Athawale 2) V. G. Apte 3) Bhau Maharaj 4) Trimbak Pant Bhatt 5) J. S. Bhide 6) G. M. Chandrachud 7) P. Anna Dhamdere 8) M. R. Dhamdere 9) J. N. Deshpande 10) H. Bhau Deshmukh II) Ravji Godbole 12) Bhaskarrao Godbole 13) Govindrao Karandikar 14) Tatya Muzumdar 15) B. K. Mehendale 16) Banyaba Bapu Mehendale 17) L. S. Natu 18) Shivrao Nagarkar 19) G. P. Oak 20) Ramrao Purandare. 21) M. N. Purandare 22) Raoji Pendse 23) Dajiba Panse 24) BabaPhadke 25) P. K. Rahatekar 26) Shamjipant Ranade 27) Vishwasrao Daji Raste 28) Gopalrao Raste 29) Madhavrao Sahasrabuddhe 29) Moropant Sahasrabuddhe 31) Trimbakrao Bhau Rajmachikar 32) M. R. Thosar. As can be seen from the information above public life in Pune in this early stage was largely dominated by the aristocracy of the Peshwai and government servants. Of the above list only 8 names are not Chitpavan, these eight are however all Brahmins. This

'Govande, V. B., Trimurti Darshan Athava Sadashivrao Govande yanche Charitra, Poona 1953. Pg. 19. 154 was the tone that was set for public life in the city. A number of public institutions came to be established by the leading lights of society in Poona. Most of this activity centered in and around old Poona or the Peshwas Poona. A survey of nine such institutions related to different areas of activity has been made in this chapter.

The Pune Nagar Vachan Mandir The Poona Native Library was one of the earliest modem public institutions to be established in the city. The concept although well established in 19**’ Century Europe was a novelty in India. The exact date of its establishment is dependent on a single source of information, that is the Shatapatre of‘Lokahitavadi’, Gopal Hari Deshmukh. In one of his letters he discusses the establishment of the Library and related issues and places the date at 7**’ February 1848. The Library was established mainly due to the interest taken by the Judge appointed in Poona, Mr. Henry Brown. He seems to have pursued the matter with a great deal of interest. The name of G. H. Deshmukh also crops up in this context, who was professionally associated with Mr. Brown when he was the Agent for Sardars, having been appointed to that department. Although it is not a proven fact there is a high possibility that the suggestion for such a scheme may have originated from G. H. Deshmukh himself.’ He was certainly a public spirited man and wrote with considerable feeling on the subject of a Public Library in his Shatpatre. He talks about the need for encouraging the pursuit of knowledge not for materialist gain but for the sake of knowledge itself, to encourage the people of Poona to read and improve their minds. Another important aspect highlighted by Lokahitavadi is the need to understand the structure and nature of organization of various aspects of life under indigenous rule and how the situation has changed under the British. Yet another point highlighted by him is the need for his countrymen to end their intellectual isolation and acquaint themselves with what is happening outside India with a view to improving their own conditions.^ Thus in an indirect fashion he has provided us with a statement of objectives of the persons trying to set up the Library and the effects on society they were hopeful of. ^Ibid,Pg' Dikshit M. 12. S., Pune Nagar Vachan Mandir, Deedshe Varshancha Itihas, Poona, 1998, Pg 13. 155 The library was established largely due to the efforts of government officials like Mr. Henry Brown, the governor of Bombay Presidency Sir George Russell Clarke and Secretary to the Governor Captain French. The library was provided with premises in the historic Budhwar Wada, which were later increased as the members and number of books began to grow. Those associated with the library as members of its managing committee at inception were Krishna Shastri Chiplunkar, Prof. Keropant Chhatre, Gopal Hari Deshmukh, Vishnu Moreshwar Bhide, Vishnu Parashuram Ranade, Sonya Bapu Mande and Daji Nilkantha Nagarkar as secretary. Donations came from the Rajahs of Gwalior, Sangli, Bhor, Bhavnagar, The Prince of Wales and the Governor General Lord Lytton. On the night of 13'*’ May 1879 two historic sites the Budhwar Wada and Vishrambaug Wada caught fire. The Budhwar Wada was completely destroyed while Vishrambagwada suffered heavy damage. The ‘Poona Native General Library’ housed in the Budhwarwada was completely destroyed. The fires were acts of arson due to which the library lost heavily. All that remained was 6 books, one file and the 60 books later returned by members. The library was given space in the Nagarkar Wada, which also housed the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha. By 1882 the library had acquired land to build new premises. The funds for this were raised through donations from private donors and members and a hefty donation from the government. The building was thus completed by 1889 and was inaugurated by Lord Reay the Governor of Bombay Presidency. Thereafter the Poona Municipality provided funds for buying books and even made available an annual grant to the library. This association with the Municipality continues to date. The library was registered as per the Registration of Societies Act of 1860 in 1933, which is strange indeed since it is one of Poona’s oldest institutions but the problem lay in the paucity of members, which was a basic requirement. Prior to this in 1921 the library was rechristened as the ‘Poona City General Library’ or the ‘Pune Nagar Vachan Mandir.’ When going over the history of the library it has to be acknowledged that it was exclusively a Brahmin affair. The donors were mainly native rulers to which a few government officials and men of commerce may be added on in later years. A survey of the presidents. Vice Presidents, Chairmen, Vice Chairmen, members of the executive committee will corroborate this fact. In fact one finds an over whelming predominance of 156 western educated Chitpavans in the administration and running of the library till 1940 as illustrated by the facts below. Presidents M.G.Ranade 1891-1901 Sir R. G. Bhandarkar 1901-1925 D. B. K. R. Godbole 1925-1937 Mr. N. C. Kelkar 1937-1938 Prof S. N. Chaphekar 1938-1940 Vice Presidents Sir R. G. Bhandarkar 1891 -1901 R. Bah. V. B. Kanitkar 1901-1904 R Bah. K. B. Marathe 1904-1907 R Bah. G. V. Joshi 1907-1908 R Bah. S. V. Patwardhan 1909-1916. D. Bah. K. R. Godbole 1917-1925 Mr. V. M. Potdar 1923-1940 From the above mentioned names with the exception of Sir R. G. Bhandarkar all the names mentioned are Chitpavan, western educated and with a large number being government servants, belonging thus to the educated elite of Poona. There seems to be a practice of elevating Vice Presidents to the post of President. Coming to the Chairman of the Executive Committee they were as follows - R. Bah. D. N. Nagarkar 1848-1871 Shri. Mahadevshastri Puranik 1872-1873 Shri K. R. Kelkar 1874-1998 Shri. M. S. Vaidya 1899-1900 Shri. R. B. Palande 1901-1919 Shri. L. B. Petkar 1920-1922 Shri. C. A. Tulpule 1921 Shri. K. D. Akut 1923-1925 Shri. G. T. Bapat 1926 Shri. V. V. Thatte 1926 157 Shri. S. M. Datar 1926-1931 Shri. S. D. Waknis 1932 Shri. G. N. Shrigundkar 1933 Shri. N. G. Pawar 1934 Shri L. K. Deshpande 1935 Shri. G. M. Gupte 1935 Shri. V. R. Junnarkar 1929-30, 1937 Shri. S. K. Neurgaokar 1938 Shri. S. D. Rabde 1939 Shri. D. M. Hatvalne 1940. Of the above names one finds a predominance of Chitpavans upto the 1920s after which a few Deshastha and even non Brahmin names make an appearance. The caste composition however remains uncompromisingly upper caste. The composition of the list of Vice Chairmen shows a similar composition. Vice Chairmen Shri. K. N. Khare 1870-1873 Shri. R. G. Sathe 1874 Shri. V. P. Bhave 1875 Shri. G. J. Agashe 1876 Shri. R. B. Palande 1889-96 Shri. N. D. Jog 1897 Shri. M. S. Vaidya 1901-1903 Shri. G. K. Natu 1904-1010 Shri. A. C. Bhat 1911 Shri. C. G. Bhat 1912-1919 Shri. B. G. Kelkar 1916-1919 Shri. V. V. Thatte 1920 Shri. V. K. Khasnis 1925 Shri. N. V. Gokhale 1926 Shri. C. B. Udas 1927-1928 Shri. Y. R. Junnarkar 1928-1931 158 Shri. L. V. Damle 1932 Shri. S. R. Palande 1933 Shri. L. K. Deshpande 1934 Shri. R. V. Ranade 1935 Shri. S. K. Neurgaokar 1936-1937 Shri. D. V. Potdar 1938 Shri. D. M. Hatvalne 1939 Shri. V. V. Aurangabadkar 1940 A similar caste composition as to that of the list of Chairmen can be discerned here, with Chitpavans dominating upto the 1920s after which there is an occurence of Deshastha names but once again the library remains the domain of the Brahmin community of Poona. Coming to the list of members of the executive committee it comprises of 236 members upto 1940 of which 69 are non Chitpavan and 24 are non Brahmin but of forward caste. In an association of this nature the caste composition, given the status of education is not surprising. Education continued to be, even after independence, the prerogative of the upper castes However, what is surprising is the dominance of Chitpavans which is almost cent percent upto the 1920s after which the incidence of other Brahmin subcastes and even non Brahmins increases. One can therefore safely assume that the library, which was an institution, meant for the general public was largely the domain of the upper castes and particularly the Chitpavan elite. A logical criticism of the library follows, that is, why was a library particularly when it was in receipt of public funds not used to further the cause of education amongst the general public, particularly the backward classes. The answer probably lies in the fact that this institution like others in Poona may have been the victim of a polarization of politics - moderate versus extremist, Brahmin versus non-Brahmin. Like other institutions of the 19* Century this institution too was exclusive not inclusive. It was an institution initially of the western educated, Chitpavan, government servants and later of the western educated, Chitpavan and a much smaller component of other Brahmin subcastes. 159

Poona Sarvajanik Sabha The first public association in Poona concerned with public affairs was the Deccan Association and later the Poona Association, established in 1867. K. P. Gadgil, K. G. Natu, K. B. Marathe, K. P. Godbole and other were those associated with the Poona association. In its short life three or four years the association did little to bring itself to the forefront of public life in Poona.' The Poona Sarvajanik Sabha established in 1870 was a more long lasting organization that was to play a significant role in the public life of Pune City. The Sarvajanik Sabha was established against the background of an issue that was to become one of public concern. The committee appointed as a trust was mismanaging the Parvati Saunsthan. Ganesh Vasudev Joshi, a lawyer by profession took up the issue on behalf of citizens of Poona. It was soon realized that individual efforts would not be acknowledged by the government and hence the birth of the Sarvajanik Sabha. The unique feature of the Sabha was the effort to make it truly representative in character. Each member had to present a ‘Mukhtiarpatra’ or a document giving the bearer the right to represent at least 50 persons from amongst the public. The Sabha was established with 15 members initially, on the 2"‘‘ April 1870. The office bearers of the newly formed association were as follows. Chairman - Shri Shrimant Srinivasrao Pant Pratinidhi Vice Presidents - Shrimant Chimnagi Raghunath Pant Sachiv. Shrimant Ramchandra Appasaheb Jamkhindikar, Shri Nilkanth M. Purandare, Shrimant Dhundiraj Chintaman Patwardhan Sanglikar, Shrimant Vinayak Appasaheb Kurundwadkar, Shrimant Madhavrao Ballal Phadnis Menavalikar. Secretaries - T. N. Rajmachikar, G. V. Gokhale, B. K. Gokhale, P. D. Karve, G. V. Joshi^ The early composition of the Sarvajanik Sabha was without doubt elitist in character and comprised of the old Brahmin ruling elite and the western educated Chitpavans. The old ruling elite were in the nature of patrons of the association while. The actual running of the Sabha was in the hands of the Chitpavan elite of Poona. ^' DikshitSarvajanik M. Kaka,S., Sarvanjanik Dikshit M. Kaka, S., Poona, Poona, 1993. 1993, Pg Pg 24. 21, 22 160 The objectives of the sabha can be gleaned from various sources. It was “established for presenting the wants and wishes of the inhabitants of the Deccan; being appointed on a popular elective system under rules framed for the purpose.”' As per the constitutions and rules adopted by the Sabha, they claimed to represent the cause of the common man and particularly the agrarian population a claim that needs to be subjected to some analysis. The objectives and nature of the Sarvajanik Sabha have been discussed at some length in articles that appears in their Golden Jubilee Commemorative Volume. The author of the first article is quite emphatic in stating that the Sabha is a political association and its two objectives are to transmit public opinion to the government and secondly to acquaint the common man with his political rights.^ In another article, written by V. L. Chiplunkar, which dwells in greater detail on the subject at the time of the establishment of the Sabha there was a complete lack of political consciousness as compared to the 1920s, when mass movement was being initiated. Thus the work of the Sabha and indeed other political organizations was much more difficult. The objectives of the Sabha were therebye threefold. First of all to bring together persons capable of studying the political situation, secondly, to identify the problems of the people and to communicate them to the government through petitions and the third objective was to create a political awareness amongst the public through the means of speeches, newspapers and journals. The author believed that these objectives were applicable at the time of establishment but in 1920, when the article is written, he believed the Sabha needed to push for greater representation and appropriate legislation to deal with problems of the time. The founders of the Sarvajanik Sabha were proponents of the liberal ideology. This is very much evident from M. G. Ranade’s close association with the sabha. Although he does not seem to have been an office bearer he no doubt exercised a great deal of influence over its working, as he did over public life in Pune from 1879 onwards. The Sabha began to publish its journal from 1878 onwards. Another important event was the support extended to Malharrao Gaikwad the ruler of Baroda who had to quit his throne in 1875 due to criminal proceedings against him. ^' DikshitVaidya G.M. B.S., in Sarvanjanik Pune Sarvajanik Kaka, SabhechaPoona, 1993, Ardhashat Pg 23. Samvatsarik Utsavprityartha Loksampaha 161 The famine of 1876 in Maharashtra saw the Sabha playing an active part in attempting to alleviate the misery of the peasants. A fund was collected and distributed to the needy, representatives toured the affected areas and prepared a report that was sent to the government A petition suggesting the appointment of a famine committee was sent to the government, G. V. Joshi appeared before the famine commission and made valuable suggestions. The Sabha played or attempted to play the rule of a medium between government and rayat. The Sabha took up numerous other issues like the sah tax in 1888, government expenditure in 1884, judicial reforms in 1887, forest laws in 1890 and 1892 and the civil services exam in 1893. In 1897 the Sabha took up its most notable campaign, the No Rent Campaign. Acccording to the famine codes, collection of revenue could be suspended or reduced in times of famine. In the face of forcible collection the Sabha, now under leadership of B. G. Tilak distributed pamphlets of the famine code, thus acquainting the peasants with their rights. Although, petitions and reports continued to be sent to the government on the issue of the famine, a substantially different treatment of the crisis can be seen as compared to the work of the Sabha in the 1876 famine. The government, in 1896, derecognized the Sabha after the resignation of G. K. Gokhale and the appointment of S. M. Paranjpe as the secretary. This meant a change of guard at the Sabha with the extremist faction gaining control over it. The Managing Committee of 1893 was a follows - The Poona Sarvajanik Sabha Managing Committee. 1893 President Srinivas Rao Parashuram Pandit, Chief of Oundh Vice President Dhundiraj Chintaman Patwardhan, Chief of Sangli Vice President Naik Nimbalkar, Chief of Phaltan Vice President Ramchandra Gopal Patwardhan, Chief of Jamkhind Vice President Ganpatrao Harihar Patwardhan, Young Chief of Kurundwad Vice President Hariharrao Vinayak Patwardhan, Chief of Kurundwad. Vice President Toolaji Raje Bhonsle, Chief of Akalkot. Secretaries G.K. Gokhale and K.P.Godbole 162 Managing Committee G. G. Gokhale R. D. Nagarkar S.R. Joshi R. B. Dandekar K. B. Mande B. R. Sahasrabudhe C. V. Natu G. B. Devel W. L. Athawale B. B. Phadke R. M. Sane N. Bharmal M. S. Vaidya W. V. Lele W. P. Bhave N. B Deodhar M. Sidik V. N. Apte D. J. Gokhale D. D. Butee W. B. Ranade S. R. Medatkar G. B. Mhaske S. H. Chiplunkar K. Vyanayarungam Raj anna Lingoo S. H. Sathe B. G. Tilak V Harkisandas R. N. Pandit Out of 37 members of the Managing Committee including office Bearers 26 were Chitpavns The Managing Committee, infact the Sabha itself was resurrected in 1908 by N. C. Kelkar and the following committee took over. Chairman - Raosaheb V. R. Patwardhan Secretary - N. C. Kelkar and S. G. Lawate The Sabhas Committee in 1915 comprised the following - The Sarvajanik Sabha managing committee in 1915 Office Bearers Sitaram Pant Chiplunkar, Dr. A. Patwardhan Bhausaheb Natu Madhavrao Bodas Tatya Saheb Rachmikar R.M. Sane Apparao Vaidya S. G. Lavate S. M. Sathe Shet Murudkar G. V. Joshi V. M. Bhide Srinivasrao Pant Pratinidhi of Oundh Managing Committee H. Phatak G. S. Palsule J. S. Karandikar R. Bhat A. V. Phadnis K. M. Phatak S. Joshi K. G. Tokekar V. B.Joshi H. V. Tulpule Dr. Sathe V. D. Talwalkar B. V. Karve S. R. Murudkar B. Motiwale 163 S. K. Damle S. M. Paranjpe B. G. Tilak N. C. Kelkar G. Mayachand K. D. Khadilkar V. M. Potdar, B. Phule S. G. Lawate G. S. Marathe K. G. Lavakare K. S. Kavde V. M. Kulkami L. B. Bhopalkar G. K. Gokhale R. V. Patwardhan Out of 47 members of the Managing Committee including office bearers, 35 were Chitpavans And in 1920 was as follows - Poona Sarvajanik Sabha Managing Committee. Office Bearers President G. S. Khaparde President S. M. Paranjpe President R. P. Karandikar Treasurer N. C. Kelkar anaging Committee Members V.G. Joshi H. R. Bhagwat A. V. Phadnis V. V. Behere S. K. Kavde P. V. Joshi S. R. Murudkar V. M. Potdar H. G. Phatak G. Mayachand H. D. Sathe D. K. Sathe B Motiwale G. S. Palsule N. B. Chandrachud K. P. Khadilkar K. G. Lavakare Y. G. Kulkami S. K. Damle K. G. Tokekar J. S. Karandikar B. B. Bhopatkar M. T. Gadre K. M. Phatak D. K. Sahasrabuddhe Rao B. R. D. Moghe V. B. Kulkami V. B. Joshi H. V. Tulpule B. B. Phule N. P. Karve S. B. Tumne G. S. Marathe L. B. Bhopatkar D. V. Gokhale R. V. Patwardhan Out of 41 members of the managing committeeincluding office bearers Chitpavans. 164 This review of the Sabha’s activities raises two pertinent questions, firstly regarding the composition of the Sabha and secondly regarding its political affiliations. As far as the composition is concerned it is quite clear that the Sabha’s membership consisted of the urban educated Brahmins of Poona. The Sabha had pretensions to being representative of the rural masses, which were borne out by their considerable efforts during the famines of 1876 and 1897. However, one cannot ignore the fact that the Sabha failed to include representatives from the ‘cultivating classes or even the backward classes. This failure to become inclusive of all castes and communities was probably one of the fore most causes for the anti Brahmin movement that emerges in the early 20'“^ Century. As per the records of the Department of Public Instruction there are a small number of the backward classes who had availed of higher education. The second aspect that comes to mind is the fact that the direction of the Sabha’s activities was dependent on the ideological affiliations of the group that dominated it. The Indian liberals dominated the Sabha till 1896, the Sabha’s work during this period was very much in line with the moderate method i.e. petitions to the government, maintaining a loyalist stance etc. In 1896 S. M. Paranjpe, a Tilakite became Secretary of the Sabha signaling the end of an era. The extremist faction was now at the forefront, which is illustrated by the more assertive fashion in which the famine of 1897 was handled as compared to the one in 1876. The government of course reacted immediately by derecognizing the Sabha. This is however, not to detract from the very substantial contribution made by the Sabha. It successfully brought together public spirited persons and provided a platform for the opinion of the educated class to be expressed as also provided the opportunity for the educated public to enter into a dialogue with the government. The work of the Sabha has been summed up in the words of N. C. Kelkar. (loosely translated from the original Marathi) “The first public petition, the first journal related to an institution, the first institution to send out representatives for social work, the first institution to take up Swadeshi, the first to take up the cause of a native ruler. Are all achievements of the Sabha which are landmarks in the political history of not just Maharashtra but the nation.”' Pune Sarvajanik Sabhecha Ardhashat Sawatsarik Utsavprityartha Lekhasangraha Poona, 1920, Pg3. 165

Vakruttvaottejak Sabha In 1867 Rao Bahadur V. N. Mandlik and Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar held a debating competition in Bombay. As one of the aspects of education and a skill, which was considered to develop an individual’s personality, debating was well known in Europe. A number of debating societies existed there and it was a skill for which students actually received training. In the new intellectual ferment that was taking place in Maharashtra and particularly Poona one finds that along with a library and a political association, a debating society was considered another means of improving the minds of the people. M. G. Ranade was the spearhead of this virtual intellectual revolution that was sweeping over the city. At a meeting on the 29^ January 1871 he spoke at length about the advantages of developing the art of public speaking and oratory. Ranade felt there was a lack of good orators in the country. The Vakruttvaottejak Sabha was founded with the objective of popularizing the skill of oratory since there was a notable paucity of speakers of standing in the country. In accordance with the above aims the first debate competition was held on the 5**’ May 1871. The notification was issued in the names of the secretaries of the Sabha K. P. Godbole and S. H. Sathe. The notification asked those who had the skill of oratory to register themselves for the competition. Thereafter the Sabha regularly organized these competitions each year. The speakers were asked to speak on a wide variety of topics ranging from politics, history, social life, the condition of India to economics, the world situation, literature, the institution of family, women’s education and untouchability. Apart from two periods from 1895 to 1905 and from 1910 to 1916 when the competition could not be held due to various reasons, the Sabha has been regularly holding the competition. Persons of repute like M. G. Ranade, G. G. Agarkar, Lokmanya Tilak and S. M. Paranjpe were examiners for the competition. The objectives of the Sabha were quite clear 1. To promote the skill of oratory. 2. To train speakers at a time when this skill was disappearing. 3. These skills could be put to good use at various platforms such as the congress. Legislative Councils, Municipal Boards, Local Boards. 166 4. To train speakers to use their public speaking skills for the presentation of matters and issues related to public welfare. The annual report of 1925 gives the composition of the Managing Committee for 1925 was as follows.' President S.M.Paranjpe Vice Presidents N.C.Kelkar, D.V.Potdar. Secretaries V.L.Godbole, V.K. Bhave. Treasurers H.V. Tulpule, D.V. Gokhale Members B. B. Bhopatkar G.M.Chakradev Prof Naralkar L. B. Bhopatkar B. B. Phule G. S. Palsule Y. G. Kulkami T.B. Hardikar K.N. Kavde G.V. Deodhar N.V. Gadgil K.M.Phatak A.N. Pavgi S.C. Godbole S.V. Bapat S.M. Mate N.G. Bhadbhade K.N. Bhide S.K. Godbole M. Sathe As can be seen out of the 27 member Managing Committee only 6 were not Chitpavans and only one was a non Brahmin. Ten of the members of the committee were also on the Managing Committee of the Sarvajanik Sabha of 1920. A list of the secretaries of the organization has been given in the same report.^ Once again the preponderance of the Chitpavan elite over the Sabha is very much in evidence of the 19 persons mentioned only three are not Chitpavan but they are all from the Brahmin community. The list is as follows - K.P. Godbole S.H. Sathe V.V. Sharangpani S.G. Jinsiwale S.H. Chiplunkar B.K. Kolhatkar K.R.Kelkar V.L.Athawale R.M. Sane R.B.Joshi V.V. Lele K.B. Mande R.B. Palande V.R.Jalnapurkar G.K.Natu V.D. Talwalkar M.V. Phadke B.B. Kulkami G.M.Chakradev

^' ReportIbid,Pg ofthePune5. Vaktrutvaottejak Mandali,1871 - 1925,Pg 22. 167

Kesari Shortly after the establishment of the New English School in Poona,Vishnushastri Chiplunkar, B. T. Tilak, G. G. Agarkar, M. B. Namjoshi, V. S. Apte & G. K. Garde turned to a completely different. This equally important activity was the setting up of a newspaper, the Arya Bhushan press began printing the ‘Kesari’ from 4“’ January, 1881. The Kesari was a Marathi publication while the Maratha was in English. Of the two the Kesari, a name suggested by Lokmanya Tilak, was to become the mouthpiece of the extremist movement in Maharashtra. A notable feature of agitational politics in Maharashtra was the towering presence of Lokmanya Tilak, a western educated Chitpavan and a resident of Poona. Although he went on to become a nationally recognized political leader, his main work lay with the ‘Kesari’ and the politicization of the educated classes in the mofussil areas of Maharashtra, that he was able to achieve with great success. Tilaks ability to present the issues of the day from a political point of view was an effective tool at a time when the nationalists had very limited resources at their command. It was newspapers like the Kesari in Maharashtra, Anand Bazar Patrika in Bengal and the Patriot in the north that spread awareness about various economic, political and social issues of the day and more importantly linked them to nationalist aspirations. The ‘Native Opinion’ in 1880 announced the imminent publication of the ‘Kesari’ and ‘Maratha’' It also gave some information on the proposed nature of content of the new newspapers. “Like other newspapers the newspaper will contain - news, political issues, trade information and over and above - essays on the condition of the people, reviews of publications and condensed versions of political affairs abroad. These subjects - condition of the nation, publication and politics abroad, have not been given justice by other newspapers. The Kesari means to fill the gap.” In the first issue of the Kesari itself V. K. Chiplunkar states “Opening a press and starting a newspaper has become a business. It is generally observed that these two valuable instruments have fallen in the hands of those who have not received adequate education.” He further goes on to say “a newspaper is useful in two ways. Firstly, if the newspapers carry out their duty impartially and dauntlessly, government officials are

Kesari, Jubilee Issue, Poona, 1931, Pg4 168 filled with awe. The purpose that is served, in the night, by lighting the street lamps, or by the continuous patrolling of the police, is the purpose that is served by the incessant penmanship of journalists.” These objectives were very much in keeping with the thoughts expressed by Vishnushastri Chiplunkar in his other writings. He believed that progress was largely dependent on the education of the masses, in the wider sense of the term. Newspapers, were seen to be an important means of spreading information both general and knowledge based. However, newspapers were also an important means of politicizing the masses, an aspect that is not much in evidence in Maharashtra till Tilak came to the forefront. G. G. Agarkar was editor of the ‘Kesari’ from inception to 1887, from there onwards till 1908, barring his first imprisonment, Lokmanya Tilak was editor of the Kesari. His tenure was marked by constant run ins with the government. The newspaper had to bear the heavy hand of the government on a number of occasions. The Kesari under his leadership became a vehicle, for what is generally termed as the ‘extremist’ point of view. The four point programme of Tilak’s extremism - Swarajya, Swadeshi, Boycott and National Education was the basis of the extremist ideology i.e. economic nationalism. The Kesari reflected this particular point of view through its articles and editorials. These principles are explained in the following terms - Swarajya - Rule of our people, democracy Swadeshi - Growth of indigenous industry, agriculture and commerce by which money generated in the country would be utilized for our own country. Boycott - is explained as a mass movement, which signified boycotting everything that was contrary to the interests of the country. National Education - Education that would arouse patriotism among students and would also provide them with training in business, commerce and research that would lead to the progress of the country.' The newspaper clearly supported self government within a democratic framework. It also supported the economic independence of the country as against the economic policy that existed in the colonial context. Swadeshi and Boycott were the political methods that ' Kesari National Wealth, Kesari Maratha Trust, Pune, 2006, Pg 5 & 6 169 evolved out of economic nationalism. National Education was an issue that was brought to the forefront by the extremist nationalists. They believed in a modem progressive education that engendered a respect for traditional values and ancient Indian knowledge. They did not support a totally westernized form of education that brought about a loss of cultural identity. Another important aspect of the contribution of the Kesari through the writings of Lokmanya Tilak was his ability to interpret issues and events from the nationalist point of view in a fashion easily understood by the common educated man. The interpretation of the state of the colonial economy in laymens terms has already been mentioned in the previous chapter. And example of political interpretation is found in two editorials from the Kesari, The first editorial dated 9* August 1892 is entitled, ‘Ingraji Rajyat Amhas Fayda Kay Jhala’, loosely translated it means ‘How have we benefited from British rule ?’. The editorial describes how the introduction of western education had set into motion a process whose natural culmination lay in the politicization of the educated and the demand for self-rule. The freedom of the press and the availability of higher education were proof of the fact that the government recognized this process and the right of the indigenous people to be engaged with the political and administrative processes. Tilak actually lays down what he envisages the role of the press to be in the given situation. They were to closely observe the government’s actions, to discuss it’s shortcomings and to promote greater political rights. Tilak goes on to enumerate the advantages gained by India from British rule, they are - peace, rule of law, internal security, public health, increase in trade, agrarian reform, exploitation of mineral resources, educational facilities, experience of self government through representation, freedom of the press, knowledge of mechanization, concept of freedom.' The second editorial appeared in the Kesari dated 24'*’ January 1893, entitled ‘Amchyavar julum kasa hoto,’once again loosely translated it means ‘How we are oppressed’. The article describes how the picture of peace and prosperity under the British was an artificial picture. He describes the economic ills faced by the country due to closing down of industries, increase in population, colonial rule etc. An article by Sir William Wedderbum has been quoted from extensively in the editorial. The destruction

’ Samagra Tilak, vol. 3, Poona, 1976, Pg 3-5 170 of traditional self governing systems at village level and the introduction of a uniform agrarian policy which is unsuitable to the Indian environment are two examples of how the agrarian system declined. Various departments of the government are also regarded as means of oppression for example, forests, Abkari, Irrigation, Salt, Police are some of the examples quoted. The basic underlying thought that emerges from the editorial is that the British Government is agent of oppression. The solutions suggested by Wedderbum were greater Indian representation on legislative bodies, the reestablishment of self governing institutions at the village level and greater powers to the district collector. These measures would help to remove oppression and win over the Indian people, according to the editorial.' Yet another example of current issues being taken up from the political point of view were the views reflected in the Kesari over the Age of Consent Bill controversy. Editorials spoke out forthrightly against government interference in social practices.^ Because of its fearless and impartial writing the ‘Kesari’ had to face legal proceedings on a number of occasions. Both Lokmanya Tilak and the Kesari were prosecuted by the government for the articles that appeared in the paper. One of these was the conviction of Tilak in 1897 against the background of government policy during the plague in Poona, the Sarvajanik Sabha’s ‘No rent campaign in the same year and lastly the Rand murder by the Chaphekar brother who unwittingly implicated Tilak’s articles in the Kesari, Tilak was sentenced to 18 months rigorous imprisonment^ A similar situation presented itself in 1908 against the background of growing terrorist activity and the Partition of Bengal. Tilaks articles in the Kesari - ‘Misfortune of the Nation’ ‘These remedies not durable’, were deemed seditions by the government'* the judiciary upheld the government’s allegation and Tilak was sentenced to six years imprisonment. Tilaks words after the conviction are illustrative of his political acumen. “Inspite of the verdict of the Jury I maintain, I am innocent. There are higher powers that rule the destiny of things and it may be the will of providence that the cause I represent is to prosper more by my sufferings than my remaining free.” There is no doubt ^' Samagra Tilak, vol.Vol 8,3, PgPoona, 57. 1976.pg 6 ^ KesariIbid Pg National 8. Wealth Poona, 2006, Pg 7. 171 that the conviction made a martyr of Tilak as he predicted. His instructions to those running the paper in his absence prove that Tilak was a politician and a realist. “Whatever you want to say should be in the framework of the law because the law is unable to save you from the repressive measures of the government. You must therefore not lose the weapon you wield.” List of Editors of the Kesari. Gopal Ganesh Agarkar 1881-1887 Bal Gangadhar Tilak 1887-1897 N. C. Kelkar 1897-1899 B. G. Tilak 1899-1908 K. P. Khadilkar 1908-1910 N. C. Kelkar 1910-1918 K. P. Khadilkar 1918-1920 N. C. Kelkar 1920-1931 V. K. Bhave 1931-1946. In Tilak’s absence and after his death the paper was managed by N. C. Kelkar upto 1931, K. P. Khadilkar was editor during Kelkar’s convictions and subsequently by J. S. Karandikar. All of them were western educated and Chitpavans. The editorial board of the ‘Kesari’ divided into the first, second and third generations, that would roughly extend upto the 1940’s was as follows' First Generation V. K. Chiplunkar B. G. Tilak G. G. Agarkar V. S. Apte M. B. Namjoshi G. K. Garde V. B. Kelkar M. S. Gole Second Generation M. R. Bodas N. C. Kelkar K. P. Khadilkar D. G. Limaye S. H. Bhave S. G. Lavate D. V. Gokhale R. K. Joshi

' Kesari Jubilee Issue, Poona 1931, Page 49. 172

Narsinha Chintaman Kelkar 173 Third Generation N. C. Kelkar J. S. Karandikar D. V. Gokhale D. V. Divekar G. V. Kelkar V. K. Bhave R. G. Bhide S. N. Agashe A. R. Bhat D. N. Shikhare R. S. Sahasrabhuddhe M. P. Soman As is evident from the above names the Kesari was very much a Chitpavan run affair and as such reflected a particular point of view. That was of the western educated, extremist, and in a sense elitist component of society. Having said that one cannot deny that if any of the leaders of that generation tried to reach out to a larger constituency it was Tilak. However, one cannot deny that the Kesari continued to reflect this elitist viewpoint for a long time at least till independence.

Vedshastraottejak Sabha The end of Dakshina caused a decline in the numbers of those following traditional occupations or those studying scriptures. This is corroborated by the census returns on occupations in Poona City. Those who were interested in preserving this traditional, religious branch of knowledge realized that with the fall of the Peshwai the sources of patronage also ceased to exist. It was therefore decided to collect donations from those who were financially well placed and to support this tradition through the establishment of an institution. Thus the Vedshastraottejak Sabha came to be founded on the ST' August 1875. Those involved in setting up this institution were M. G. Ranade, M. M. Kunte and S. V. Patwardhan. More than 150 persons were signatories to the appeal issued by the above mentioned persons, the appeal clarified the objectives of the sabha. To promote a better understanding of the Vedas to institute an examination based on the knowledge of the Vedas and also institute a prize. In this way it was hoped that the number of Brahmins with proper knowledge of the Vedas should increase. To clarify the difference between a vaidik and a Shastri To inform the public that the Vedas were a storehouse of knowledge. 174 The Vedas have not been truly understood by the common person therefore to remove misconceptions. Because of this lack of understanding society is influenced by customs and traditions not enshrined in the Vedas. The Vedshastraottejak Sabha was not a continuation of the Dakshina. The number of students taking the exam was very few raising funds was also a difficult issue. The Sabha started taking exams and later began a Sanskrit School under the watchful eye of Kero Laxman Chhatre. A teacher was appointed to teach 415 students. In 1882 an independent school under the Sabha was set up which they hoped would grow into a Sanskrit College. Lokahitvadi was fortunately able to procure a donation of Rs.75 from Gaekwad of Baroda in the same year. The Sabha was the platform that provided the meeting ground for traditionalists and progressives. This was possible because it was the aim of the sabha to cleanse the study of the Vedic Literature from the various notions of religion that had been added on over the centuries. This was an attempt to teach the Vedas in their pure form and re establish the credibility of the Hindu religion. Well known Vedshastris like Ram Dixit Apte, Narayanshastri Godbole and Janardanbhatji Abhayankar were associated with the Sabha. At a meeting of the Sabha in 1887 M.M. Kunte expressed his opinion on the Shastras 1. Traditional knowledge must be preserved. 2. Only those who properly interpret the Vedas and the shastras can be called Pandit. 3. Customs and traditions were more important than the Shastras. 4. Shastris should look towards resolution of problems not expect blind obedience. Those associated with the Sabha in various capacities from 1914 were S. S. Datar, R. P. Shintre, R.D. Karmarkar, Vaidya Panchanan Krishnashastri Kavde, S. N. Chaphekar, V. B. Naik, Shankar Shastri Paradkar, Dhondokrishna Sathe and V. B. Davre. That all of these would be Brahmins was an obvious fact. But what is surprising is the continuing predominance of the Chitpavans inspite of the fact that the Deshasthas were equally engaged in the study of religious texts. Once again the strong possibility of a coterie dominating Poonas public life makes its presence felt. 175

Vasant Vyakhyanmala. In 1875 while the meeting of the Vakruttvaottejak Sabha was going on M.G. Ranade come up with the idea of a lecture series. The aim was to tap the developing intellectual resources in Maharashtra and the counry at large. He acknowledged that formal education had its limitations. The development of knowledge and a general political awareness was one of the ways of achieving national progress. In that sense according to Ranade a lecture series where experts would speak on their areas of specialization on major issues related to society, economy and polity would in same part achieve the above. Pune saw an influx of visitors in the month of May due to the summer vacations as well as the wedding season. It was decided to hold the lecture series in the same month in order to attract the maximum possible audience as well as due to its being the most convenient month as per the work calendar. Although the concept of lectures and debates was not new to the city, for a single organization to make it into an annual event was a novelty. In his speech before the Vakrutvaottejak Sabha Ranade states the objectives behind the Vyakhyanmala. 1. To take advantage of the fact that, local intellectuals as also intellectuals from outside visit Poona. 2. To give them the opportunity to speak on the topics of their interest at length and allow a lively discussion. 3. To promote a healthy discussion on the above mentioned lectures delivered from members of the audience. 4. In this fashion the to promote dissemination of knowledge and awakening of greater awareness amongst the people. Those who were associated with the organization were M.G. Ranade and M.M. Kunte while Keru Nana Chatre and Krishnashastri Chiplunkar supported their efforts. Ranades was the first speaker in May 1875. In 1876 there were 7 lectures and the speakers were - Kerunana Chatre, M. G. Ranade M. M. Kunte Raosaheb G. A. Mankar. Pro S. G. Jinsiwale 176 Raosaheb K. B. Marathe Shri A. V. Kathavate All speeches were in English, the persons involved were of high intellect. The speeches were catering to a modem, educated audience they were not aimed at the masses. The lecture series was first held at Bhide Wada and later at Hirabaug. The name Vasant Vyakhyanmala was first mentioned in 1884 in an editorial in the Kesari. But almost till 1900 was variously known as Vasantotsav, Vasantika, Hirabaug Lecture series. Summer Vacation Lecture Series, Vasant Vyakhyan Malika, etc. 1879 was the only year when the Vykhyanmala was not held because of Ranade’s absence, fire in the Budhawar and Vishrambaug Wadas and V. B. Phadke’s rebellion. There was a deep suspicion of ‘Brahmin Sedition’ especially with respect to Ranade. The Vasant Vyakhyanmala was also affected by the moderate and extremist conflict in Poona. The Vyakhyanmala was ultimately taken over by the Tilakites and became closely associated with the Kesari and its editors. The 1*‘ lady speaker was Pandita Ramabai and by the 1890 the persons and topics that were widely debated in society found expression through the Vyakhyanmala. Newspaper reporting on the lecture series was fairly extensive and editorials often initiated discussion on issues related to the organization of the Vyakhyanmala.' “Appointment of Prof Jinsiwale as permanent Chairperson of lecture series.” Tilak’s editorial in Kesari described the action as inappropriate since a single person in the chair for a variety of speakers and topics was not beneficial to the lecture series.”^ 1895 saw a change of guard in public life in Poona. Local opinion was by now solidly behind the Lokmanya. He had earned their support through his undaunted and very often caustic articles which spared neither the government nor individuals. A well planned takeover was successfully seen through at the Sarvajanik Sabha which till now had been the flagship of the moderates in Poona. It’s takeover by the Tilakites signalled the end of an era that was epitomized by a particular brand of politics, the new leaders of public life in Poona were no apologists. They reveled in all things Hindu and made flagrant use of ^' Vasant Vyakhyanmala Shatabdi Mahotsava Smaranika, Poona, 1975,Pg 13. 177 Hindu symbolism to gamer public support. It is necessary at this point to clarify exactly what is meant by public support. Poona was and still remains an essentially middle class service oriented urban settlement. Thus the word public would signify educated middle class persons. A broader perception of the word public was to as yet emerge. As far as the Vykhyanmala was concerned the takeover meant that Tilak and his brand of politics would dominate not only the Sarvajanik Sabha but public life in Poona as well. Gokhale resigned as secretary of the Sarvajanik Sabha and S. M. Paranjpe took over. 1897, 1902, 1904, 1906 and 1908 Vyakhyanmala did not take place due to the twin causes of plague and govt, oppression. This was especially since the government viewed Tilak as a seditious person. Speakers were scared to be associated with the Vyakhyanmala and government servants avoided attending as members of audience. The year 1908 saw a string of convictions for seditious writings and N.C. Kelkar, N. Bhide and Apparao Chitnis who had taken over the organization found a convenient site near Peru Gale. It was not the ideal option, it was difficult but not impossible to hold the lecture series at the new venue. People like G. S. Marathe, N. C. Kelkar, R. Bah. G. V. Kanitkar, G.V. Joshi, at a meeting in 1911 decided to appoint one of the editors of the Kesari as the secretary of the Vykhyanmala, a practice that continues till date. The practice of having an Advisory Committee continued from inception to 1934 when the practice was stopped. The Advisory Committee for I9I7 consisted of G.V.Kanitkar, N.C.Kelkar and Dr.H.S. Dev. The names of the Secretaries of the Vykhyanmala are as follows. 1896-98 RajwadeV.K. 1896-97 Paranjpe S.M 1899-1900 Abhyankar M.G. 1901-1903 Limaye D.G. 1907 Bhide Nilkanta 1908-1907 Chitnis Chintaman 1908 1909 N. C. Kelkar 1909-1910 Marathe G. S. 1909-1910 Bhat G.C. 1910 Phatak D.A. 1911 Damle S.K. 1915-1918 Hardikar T.B. 1915-1918 Potdar D.V. 1912-1914 Joshi D.G. 1919-1920 Bhat V.M. 1912-1914 Karandikar J.S. 1919-1922 Mate S.M. 1923-1923 Bhave V.K. 178 1922-1923 DivekarD.V. 1920-1925 Karve N.P. 1925-1927 Patwardhan V.A. 1927-1928 Deshmukh V. M. 1927-1928 WatveK.N. 1929 Kelkar K.N. 1929 GokhaleB.J. 1928-1929 Vidwauns M.D. 1930-1931 Yeravdekar D. G. 1930-32 Shikhare D.N. 1933 Sukhtankar Sunderabai 1933-1939 Mandakini Bapat 1935-1938 BapatB.G. 1937-1938 Sahasrabudhe R. 1936-1939 KadurkarP.E. 1939-1945 Sane M. V. 1933 Kamataki Chandrabai 1933-1935 Kale D.V. 1936 KetkarG.V. 1935-1938 Ketkar G.V. 1938-1941 JakhandeV.M. 1930-1931 Joshi L. D. 1930-1931 JoshiV.K. 1939 Thakar P.H. 1932 Tarkunde Sumudrabai 1932-1934 Nawathe S.G. Advisory Committee KarandikarJ.S. KanitkarG.V. Kale V.G. KelkarN.C. Dev H. S. Bhopatkar L. B. Mate S. M. The above mentioned names once again show a preponderence of Chitpavans, particularly in the period upto the 1920’s. There after a sprinkling of other upper caste names make their presence felt, but those institutions dominated by the Kesari seem to rely on Chitpavans as office bearers if not members.

The Maharashtra Sahitya Parishad. The dissemination of knowledge in society is irrevocably associated with the invention of the printing press. This intellectual revolution that made the source of knowledge, books, easily available to the public came rather late to India. It is only after the establishment of British rule in Maharashtra that the printing of books began. Of the books that were initially published most were translations of original English works and a small amount of original work was also carried out. In 1865 M. G. Ranade reviewed the number of published books that were available in Maharashtra which were 431 works of prose and 230 works of poetry. This was the sum 179 total achieved after almost four decades of printing technology being available and Ranade found the situation to be quite unsatisfactory. It was against this background that the first literary meet was held in 1878. Gopal Hari Deshmukh and Mahadev Govind Ranade were the organizers of this conference, which was held on the 11**’ May 1878. The aims of this conference and the Society to be established thereon were to promote the writing of books by making a fund available through an advance payment from interested members of the public. The main objective was to of course promote reading of various types of subjects with a view to disseminating knowledge. The response to this conference was extremely poor, but the second conference held on 24**’ May 1885 received a better response. A number of notables were present at this conference such as M. G. Ranade V. M. Mahajani, N. J. Kirtane, G. G. Agarkar, G. K. Garde , R. S. Gupte, V. A. Modak, M. S. Gole, R. M. Sane, K. B. Mande The third conference was held in 1905 at Satara and the fourth was held in Poona immediately in the next year that is 1906. Those associated with this conference were C. V. Vaidya, V. K. Rajwade, Prof. Panse, N. C. Kelkar, H. N. Apte, V. G. Apte, L. R. Pangarkar, K. P. Khadilkar, V. L. Bhave, N. V. Tilak and B. G. Tilak, all notables in the field of literature, history, journalism drama and poetry. At the end of the conference, N. C. Kelkar announced the establishment of the Maharashtra Sahitya Parishad on 27‘*’ May 1906. V. L. Bhave, V. G. Apte and K. P. Khadilkar were appointed as secretaries of the Parishad Notably each in his own right had achieved acclaim in literature and journalism. The Parishad adopted a constitution and rules as late as 1912, The objectives of the Parishad were - 1. To support the growth of Marathi Literature by providing wider publicity through a periodical devoted to literature. 2. To promote literary discussion groups. 3. To publish articles written by various authors on different aspects of literature. 4. To make available translations of English, French and German Classics. The general objectives remained as they were from the first Literary Conference, that is- 1. To preserve books both old and new. 2. To focus public attention on research and publication. 180 3. To provide a platform for writers to discuss their problems and experiences. In 1913 the Maharashtra Sahitya Parishad’s permanent office was established in the office of the periodical the ‘Vividh Gyan Vistar’. The Parishad’s periodical the Maharashtra Sahitya Patrika began to be published along with the above mentioned periodical. It was independently published only from 1928 onwards. The permanent office shifted to Poona in 1933 and the Parishad was registered as per the Registration of Societies Act of 1860 in 1927. After shifting to Poona the Parishad built an independent structure to house its office and other activities. The Parishad met at fairly regular intervals from 1913 onwards. It also pursued a responsible role as far as literary activities were concerned. A particular standard of writing was promoted; issues like obscenity, use of foreign words, the study of the language in universities and the question of grammar were discussed. The first Executive Committee to be appointed after the adoption of a constitution or charter in 1912 was as follows in which out of a total of 29 there were 9 who were not Chitpavans but were Brahmin. Chairman - Rao Bahadur V. M. Mahajani Vice Chairman - Sir B.K. Bhatavdekar, Dr. M.G. Deshmukh, D.G. Padhye, H. N. Apte, R. P. Karandikar Secretaries - V. G. Apte, R. R. Moramkar Treasurer - B. M. Pandit Members - M. V. Joshi, A. S. Sathe, R. V. Mahajani, K. G. Damle, S. K. Kolhatkar, N. C. Kelkar, L. G. Lele, C. G. Bhanu, D. B. Parasnis, V. R. Lele, N. P. Patankar, G. K. Chitale, G. R. Oak, R. N. Ransingh, P. V. Kane, R. V. Khedkar, N. G. Paranjpe, D. S. Yande, T. J. Choudhary, R. B. Kirtikar. The executive committee of 1915 was as given below, of the 20 general members 12 were Chitpavan. Chairman - V. M. Mahajani Vice Chairman - B. K. Bhatavdekar, M. G. Deshmukh, D. G. Padhye, H. N. Apte, R. P. Karandikar 181 Secretaries R. R. Moramkar, V. G. Apte The executive Committee of 1922 President V. M. Mahajani Vice Presidents B. K. Bhatavdekar, M. G. Deshmukh, Sardar Kibe, Shrimant Sampatrao Gaikwad, K. V. Sharangpani, N. C. Kelkar, S. K. Kothatkar Executive Chairman B. K. Bhatavdekar Secretaries R. R. Moramkar, N. G. Pathak Treasurer B. M. Pandit The Executive Committee of 1928 President Sardar Kibe Vice Presidents Sardar Angre, N. C. Kelkar, S. K. Kolhatkar, R. B. P. B. Joshi, C. V. Vaidya Chairman of Executive - N. B. Chaphekar Council Vice Chairmen Prin. J. R. Gharpure Secretaries N. R. Phatak, D. G. Kale, B Makode, Dr. B. V. Raikar, Y. R. Date. Treasurers - Kamlabai Kibe, D. S. Yande, P. V. Kane, M. R. Bodas The Executive Committee of 1933 was - Chairman - N. G. Chaphekar Treasurer - D. R. Gadgil Secretaries - D. D. Wadkar, R. D. Desai Member - K. P. Kulkami, S. D. Pendse, K. N. Kale, B. K. Ujgare, G. G. Karve If the names of persons associated with the Parishad are examined once again one finds that the Brahmin element dominates outright. The high incidence of Brahmins taking higher education is directly related to this. However one cannot say that the Parishad is dominated by Chitpavans although their presence is fairly strong. This probably owes to the all Maharashtra Character of the Parishad. On the other hand one 182 cannot deny that all office bearers, members, contributors of articles to the Patrika associated with Poona are predominantly Chitpavan. Another very important aspect Is the lack of association with the backward classes and their developing literary movement. As early as 1878,when the first conference was held, Jyotiba Phule rejected the invitation on the basis that he did not wish to associate with people who followed casteism and more over a leadership that ignored the need to alleviate the conditions, particularly social, of the backward classes.' In short Jyotiba Phule rejected the Parishad as an elitist organization that in no way had any sympathy for the social and intellectual movement that was emerging amongst the Dalits. It was a telling comment on the nature of the activities carried out by the Parishad in the years to come.

Bharat Itihas Saunshodhak Mandal History as a subject has a definite social purpose. It satisfies a natural human curiosity about his past but more importantly engenders a sense of pride and belonging in accordance with the circumstances. It is an extremely potent weapon in the hands of politicians and can provide one of the motivating factors for movements and revolutions. Considering the progressive atmosphere in Poona in the 1870s one is surprised that no institution devoted to the study of history emerges till the 20* Century. It is only thereafter that the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute and the Bharat Itihas Saunshodhak Mandal emerge. The fact that India has no tradition of history writing to speak of is a well known fact. The early generation of western educated in the Bombay Presidency, as in other provinces were taught ancient Greek and Roman and even British history apart from a survey of the history of Europe. A written history of India let alone of Maharashtra was a concept that simply did not exist. The first modem history of Maharashtra or more precisely the Marathas was written in the 1820s by Alexander Grant Duff, Resident at Satara. It is the first recognized history of the Marathas mainly because of the use of original documentation by the author. The impartiality and analytical skills of the author are however questionable and understandably so. Duff wrote from the point of view of not just a victor but one who considered himself culturally superior, in short the point of ' Dikshit M. S., Maharashtra Sahitya Parishad, Poona 1996, Pg 7. 183 view of an imperialist. What is perhaps more important is that N. J. Kirtane a close associate of M. G. Ranade wrote a rebuttal to Duffs work. In it he exposed the author’s errors and imperialist viewpoint. A more appropriate response to Duffs history came from M. G. Ranade himself in the form of a long essay entitled ‘Rise of Maratha Power’ His approach to history was cultural and somewhat emotional. It may not appeal to modem historians but the importance of Ranade’s work lies in the fact that it was history written from the Indian point of view and was an unabashed attempt to glorify the regional history of Maharashtra. In that sense Ranade was successful in creating (not reviving) an interest in Indian History. Ranade however fell short of taking this activity to its logical conclusion. The man who dominated Poona’s public life from 1870 to 1895 did not establish an institution promoting the cause of history. A possible explanation could be that Ranade feared being branded as disloyal. As a senior government official and a leading light in Poona’s public life he stood to lose much from such a tag. Poona had to wait till the dawn of the 20'*’ Century and for a man like V. K. Rajwade for such an institution to take birth. The idea of establishing an institution was discussed by Rajwade with Rao Bahadur G. V. Joshi and K. N. Sane and he went ahead and established the Mandal with an audience of one, Appa Balwant Mehendale, a Sardar of the Peshwai. This event took place on the 7*'’ of July 1910.' The reason for establishing such an organization was to bring together under one roof the diverse efforts being made by various individuals to promote the study of history. A number of these persons were engaged in collecting documents and family papers with a view to providing authentic source material. V. K. Rajwade pointed out the importance of such an institution. Taking his own circumstances as an example he pointed out that the backing of an institution would have allowed him to concentrate completely on the work at hand without worrying about raising funds and other such matters. This diversion of attention he feU led to a loss of productivity.^ The charter of the Mandal clarified its objectives - 1. To collect source material for the study of history. 2. The preservation of the said source material. ^' BharatIbid Itihas Saunshodhak Mandal ,Traimasik,Vol. 67,1988-89,Pg25. 184 3. To study the collected source material. 4. To publish the collected source material. The objectives were to be achieved by providing a permanent home to the source material collected and to elect office bearers to ensure the smooth running of the institution. The Mandal was an institution, which encouraged historical research by placing the researcher in focus hence the use of the world saunshodhak (Researcher) rather than Saunshodhan (research). The aim was to place researchers on the payroll so that they could concentrate on their work rather than be bothered about how to make ends meet. The Mandal was also to provide researchers with a place where they could meet, exchange ideas and information and debate on historical content. The Mandal insisted that its researchers should draw upon authentic sources in the course of their work. The Mandal wished to promote the writing and study of unbiased and rational history that would also create an awareness and sense of pride amongst the people with regard to their past. What is remarkable about the Mandal is that the leaders of public life in Poona embraced the Mandal and included it in the purview of their activities. Many of them came to be associated with the Mandal. Many historians of the late 19‘*’ and early 20* Centuries also came to be closely associated with the Mandal, G. S. Sardesai, Sir Jadunath Sarkar, G. H. Khare, D. V. Potdar to name a few. The Mandal soon assumed the role of a publisher as well. It not only started a quarterly journal called simply the Traimasik but also began to publish the collected sources in book form. The Mandal has collected a variety of literary and non literary sources such as sculptures, coins, inscriptions as well as texts and documents. The history of the region has over a period of time, been examined from the social, economic, and political points of view. The first committee of the Mandal to be established was in 1910-11 and consisted of G. V. Joshi as Chairman and K. C. Mehendale as Secretary and Treasurer. Subsequent committees were as follows 1910-1911 - Vice Chairman - K. N. Sane, K. C. Mehendale 1913-16 - Chairmen - K. N. Sane 185 Secretary and Treasurer K. C. Mehendale 1916-17 Chairman K. N. Sane Secretary and Treasurer K. C. Mehendale Members G. N. Muzumdar, A. V. Patwardhan, D. V. Potdar, J. R. Gharpure, S. S. Dev, G. V. Chandorkar 1917-19 Chairman K. N. Sane And Vice Chairmen C. V. Vaidya, K. C. Mehendale Secretaries D. V. Potdar, G. N. Muzumdar. 1919-24 Treasurer A. V. Patwardhan. Members N. C. Kelkar, S. M. Divekar, V. K. Rajwade, D. V. Apte S. V. Ketkar, N. G. Ghorpade, V. G. Vijapurkar 1926-35 Chairmen C. V. Vaidya Vice Chairmen N. C. Kelkar, Bhavanrao Pratinidhi Secretaries D. V. Potdar, G. N. Muzumdar Treasurer A. V. Patwardhan Members D. V. Apte, N. G. Ghorpade, G. K. Deshpande, N. G. Chaphekar, Patwardhan, K. S. Shiralkar. 1935-38 Chairman N. C. Kelkar Vice Chairman Bhavanrao Pratinidhi, N. G. Ghorpade Secretaries D. V. Potdar, G. N. Muzumdar Treasurer A. V. Patwardhan Member D. R. Gadgil, D. V. Apte, V. G. Kale, G. K. Deshpande, J. R. Gharpure, N. G. Chaphekar, M. N. Shitole 1938-41 Chairman N. C. Kelkar 186 Vice Chairman - N.G. Ghorpade, D. V. Apte, V. G. Kale Secretaries - D. V. Potdar, G. N. Muzumdar Treasurer - G. C. Ranade Member - D. R. Gadgil, Uplejatkar, N. G. Chaphekar, G. K. Deshpande G. S. Palsule, S. L. Vaidya, D. D. Wadekar Once again the caste composition conforms to the pattern we have seen till now. The members of the Mandal were predominantly Chitpavan and almost exclusively Brahmin. A number of research scholars and historians are seen to be part of the working of the organization. An interesting feature is that most of these persons are followers of an ideology that was termed as ‘nationalist’ by their opponents. This was in contrast to the earlier phase of liberalism. Now close associates of Tilak are seen on the Managing Committee, a feature to be found in almost all public institutions of the time. Yet another public institution of Poona was clearly elitist in character but was an institution with a specific agenda related to scholasticism hence the elitist composition can be understood. The Chitpavan predominance is not so easily explained. Perhaps it is related to the fact that Chitpavans were better educated and better placed to undertake such activities. There , is no doubt that the same names crop up in the context of most institutions the B.I.S.M. being no exception. The coterie that dominated public life in Poona also made its presence felt in the B.I.S.M.

Servants of India Society In 1896 a change had come over public life in Poona. The ‘Nationalist’ group otherwise known as the extremists and the proponents of swadeshi had assumed control of most of the institutions in Poona. It was the year in which G. K. Gokhale resigned from the ‘Sarvajanik Sabha and distanced himself from the extremist group. Both Gokhale and his mentor M. G. Ranade continued to play an important role in the Indian National Congress although they had lost their grassroots base. Gokhale was known for his masterly analysis of the government's annual budgets and was able to clearly, enunciate the shortcomings of the governments arrangement of financial allocations. 187 r -

Gopal Krishna Gokhale 188 Economic Nationalism had already established that Indian’s economic conditions were due to imperialist policies. The country needed educated men who would devote their lives to the service of the nation it was no longer just a question of ameliorating the economic conditions. As a liberal Gokhale believed reforms of all aspects of life needed to be instituted i.e. education, politics and society. G. K. Gokhale founded the Servants of India Society on the 12^ June 1905. It was an ambitious venture and was established with the idea of training a band of national missionaries who would dedicate themselves to the service of the nation. The rules of the society were quite stringent, once a member, one was morally obliged to remain so for life. Each member had to take seven views on admission to the society. 1. That the country would always come first and the member would give her the best that is in him. 2. That the member could not seek any personal advantage in the service of the country. 3. That all Indians were brothers and the member should work for the advancement of all without distinction of caste or creed. 4. That the member will subsist on any provision that he may already have or what the society deems fit. He will not devote energies to earning money. 5. The member would lead a pure personal life. 6. The member would have no personal quarrel with anyone. 7. That the member will keep in view the aims of the society and not do anything inconsistent with the objectives of the Society. The Society put each member through a period of training in public matters for five years. The library of the Servants of India Society was meant for the training of novitiates. Members were of three types (1) Permanent Assistants, (2) Attaches (3) Associates. The last two categories were created in order to accommodate those who were eager and willing to work with the society but did not have the leisure to become full time members. 189 The society work can be divided into various categories such as political issues, Education, Economic work and Social Work' Political Issues 1. The Society supported the political struggle of Indians in South Africa against the racist administration. In order to gamer support for this cause the society arranged public meetings and collection of funds. 2. The Society also took up an issue that had been a long standing grievance, the exclusion of Indians from higher positions in government service. A memorandum was prepared in this connection and sent to the government. 3. The organization of lectures for the public before a session of the congress or provincial conferences was a regular feature. The aim was to rouse public interest in the conferences as well as issues to be placed before them. The society also worked alongside members of the congress in organizing its various sessions and often helped in collecting funds for the same purpose. 4. In 1915 the Municipal Government Bill was introduced by the government. The society took up a stance against it and tried to arouse public opinion through the organization of a conference and articles in the press. 5. The society was dominated by the liberal, constitutionalist ideology followed by Gokhale. As such they found themselves unable to support the cause of the Non Cooperation Movement. They advocated the cause of the Montague Chelmsford Reforms and promoted the cause of cooperating with the reforms. 6. The Society was instrumental in establishing the Dakshini Saunsthan Hitavardhak Sabha in 1920 which promoted the concept of responsible government in the native states. A. V. Patwardhan a member of the Society was actively involved in this work. 7. The Jallianwallah Bagh tragedy and its private investigation, the establishment of a Citizen’s Association to discuss municipal affairs, organization of the All India Liberal Federation in Poona in 1925 were some of the other areas of political work. A Brief Account of the work of the SIS Poona, Poona, 1917, Pg 5. 190 Education 1. G. K. Gokhale introduced the Elementary Education Bill in the Imperial Legislature in 1911 asking for a greater allocation of funds. 2. Ramabai Ranade and several members of the Bombay branch started several institutions promoting the cause of education. The Seva Sadan was one such example. It was an organization that provided training for medical professions especially nursing, normal schools as well as adult literacy programmes all exclusively for women G. K Deodhar was another member who was actively involved in this area. Economic works 1. The Society supported the cause of the cooperative concept. Under the guidance of the society the Hadapsar Cooperative Credit Society was established by G. K. Deodhar in 1909. Within six years its membership had grown from 30 to 185. The Credit Cooperative extended credit for education, machinery and the setting up of cooperative shops etc. 2. The Society was instrumental in starting a magazine for agriculturist with the help of Principal H. Mann of the Agricultural College. The magazine in Marathi had G. G. Deodhar as its editor. Social Work 1. The members of the Society worked in a number of famine relief campaign. The famines in United Provinces 1907-1908, Mirzapur saw volunteers from the SIS rendering service. 2. The members of the Society formed an investigative team during the Gujerat Famine and placed the facts and figures before the public after which Famine Relief began. The society was also involved in relief work in cutch in 1914. 3. Funds were collected in order to provide relief from other calamities as well. Rs. 10,000 were collected after the fire at Salumbra in Poona. A similar amount was collected for the floods in Bihar and Bengal in 1913. 4. D. H. Bhat established the Arogya Mandal in Poona and served as its secretary. 5. The Society along with the Seva Sadan provided relief during the influenza epidemic in 1919. 191 6. G. K. Deodhar was actively involved in work that aimed at the elevation of the depressed classes. 7. N. V. Joshi was a member who worked amongst industrial labour. He represented Indian labour at various international conferences. The Society owned the Aryabhushan Press, and the Dnyan Prakash Press in Poona and the Bombay Vaibhav Press. A. V. Patwardhan and V. H. Barve were attached to the Aryabhushan Press. The Dnyan Prakash had S. G. Vaze and later on K. G. Limaye as its editor. The society began to publish a periodical in 1918 called the ‘Servant of India’ with S. G. Vaze as its editor. The Dnyan Prakash, The Bombay Vaibhav and the Servant of India were the mouthpieces of the Society. The members of the Society in 1917 were as follows' - Founder - G. K. Gokhale (died 1915) President - V Srinivas Sastri Permanent Assistants - D. V. Velankar, T. S. Krishanamurth Iyer, S. M. Michael Attaches - B. M. Ambedkar, K. J. Chitalia, K. K. Bhatlekar Member under Training- V. H. Barve, H. S. Deva, A. V. Thakkar, D. Hanumant Rao, D. V. Ambedkar, Rao Bahadur N. K. Kelkar, K. M. Thakore, 1. K. Yajnik Ordinary Members - N. A. Dravid, G. K. Deodhar, A. V. Patwardhan, H. N. Kunzru, S. G. Vaze, C. S. Deole, K. P. Kaul, V. V. Venkatsubbiah, N. M. Joshi and V. N. Tiwary Certain important aspects of the society become apparent from this survey. Firstly the society comprised of a band of selfless and dedicated workers. Secondly it had a pan Indian character with members from all provinces and regions. Its caste composition may have been elitist but the nature of its work was certainly not. On the other hand the aims and objectives of the society were highly idealistic and demanded much sacrifice. None ' A Brief Account of the work of the SIS Poona, Poona, 1917, Pg 8. 192 of its members seem to have used the society as a stepping stone towards a better career or politics. Those members who were from Poona were predominantly Chitpavans, although the general social composition was fairly heterogeneous. What must be kept in mind is that the organization was established with horizons that extended beyond Maharashtra. It was seen as an organization which was national in character and hence unrelated to local politics. The society also followed a political credo that was unacceptable to the ‘nationalist’ Chitpavan coterie that dominated the local arena. In a sense the servants of India Society stood out from all the other public institutions in Poona due to the nature of its work, its ideological affiliation and heterogeneous composition.

Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute The institute was an effort based on the concept of establishing an independent institute centred around the objective of commemorating the name and work of Ramakrishna Gopal Bhandarkar, who may be justifiably regarded as the foremost, pioneer of scientific orientology in this country.’ The Report of the first working committee however goes into further details with regard to this objective.' The idea the such an institute should be established was first suggested at a conference of Orientalists at Simla in 1911, by Sir Harcourt Butler. The advantages of such an institution were listed out by him as follows. 1. To train scholars in where knowledge could be applied to the study of history and archaeology. 2. To create catalogues and bibliographies i.e. to collate available material. 3. To attract pundits and maulvis, to promote an interchange of scholarship old and new. 4. To preserve the ancient method of learning. The institute was finally founded on July 1917 on R. G. Bhandarkar's 78* birthday. The objectives of the Bhandarkar oriental Research Institute were laid down as follows. 1. To establish a library for scholars. 2. To train in scientific methods of research. Report of working committee, 1915-1918,BORI, Poona, 1919. 193

3. To apply scientific method to the training of shastris. 4. To publish critical editions of texts and other publications dealing with antiquities, historical texts, etc. 5. To act as a source of authentic information on oriental studies. 6. To advance the cause of oriental studies in general. The composition of the first working committee was proposed by Sardar K. C. Mehendale and comprised of the following persons from 1917-1918 President Rao Bahadur K. B. Marathe Vice Presidents Dr. Prabhashankar Pattani, Dr.H.H.Mann, Pr.H.G. Rawlinson Pr. K. B. Pathak, Principal K. B. Pathak, Prof V.R. Rajwade Treasurer Mr. H. N. Apte, Dr. N. G. Sardesai Secretary Dr. S. K. Belvalkar, Dr. P. D. Gune, Pt. Mahabhagwat Kurtakoti N. B. Utgikar Members R. Bah. C. V. Vaidya, Pr. V. S. Ghate, Dr. T. K. Laddu, Prof S. G. Sathe, Pr. R. D. Ranade, Sr. K. C Mehendale, Mr. N. C. Kelkar, Mr. P. V. Kane, Prof Shaikh, Prof Dhruva D. G. Padhye D. D. Kosambi V. G. Paranjpe K. N. Dixit R. D. Karmarkar K. N. Dravid Prof R. G. Bhandarkar By 1921-1922 the composition of the Board changed and was as follows - K. G.Joshi Chairman R. D. Karmarkar Secretary K. C. Mehendale Treasurer S. G. Sathe Member R. P. Patwardhan Member S. K. Belwalkar Member P. D. Gune Member N. D. Minochar Member N. B. Utgikar Member The first committee comprising a total of 29 members consisted mostly of Brahmins, apart from the mandatory British official presence, at least 20 members were Brahmin 194 and a total of 13 were Chitpavans. Interestingly enough all of these Chitpavans were western educated and following modem professions, not a single one was a traditional scholar. The institute had been established with certain specific objectives in mind. In consequence the ebb and flow of Poona’s public life and politics had a very limited impact on the working and composition of its members. The fact that it was an institute that was established with the government’s blessings, as also the fact that it benefited from government munificence would have exercised a great deal of influence. Established at a time when Tilak dominated the political environment in Poona, one must not forget that the institute owed its existence to R. G. Bhandarkar a person who never subscribed to the Lokmanya's views or his brand of politics. The members of the governing board did however include a few diehard Tilakites, N. C. Kelkar being a case in point, but it also included persons who opposed the extremist ideology, R. P. Paranjpe being an example. In the ultimate analysis one cannot ignore the fact that this institution had been established with a specific academic objective i.e. the study of Indian antiquities, as such its composition and structure was very much related to the requirements of the subject. Merit and scholarship were two essential features related to the appointment of members. The second aspect that influenced the institute was its partial if not complete dependence on government grants. This meant that the institute had to scrupulously keep away from the political environment around it. Thus in conclusion one can say the institute was an academically oriented organization that was run according to the needs of the area of study and it’s objectives and in no way reflected the trends prevalent in the political environment of Poona city, a feature it retains till date. The survey of institutions reveals certain characteristics of public life in Poona. Firstly it had a vibrant and varied public life with institutions related to almost every area of activity. This was possible in Poona because of the nature of its populace. Poona was and is a city of predominantly middle class educated persons. Printing technology, schools providing western education and a class of citizens with a tradition of learning, who quickly took to the new environment were features of the city. In this progressive environment, it was those whose caste characteristic was adaptability, who stood to gain 195 the most. The Chitpavans traditionally gave education great importance, particularly those who lived or came to Poona since that was their marketable skill. It was from this class of people that many took to government service and promoted progressivism, M. G. Ranade is the ideal example. Public life in Poona in the period under study can clearly be divided into two phases. The first under the leadership of Gopal Hari Deshmukh and M. G. Ranade and the second, under that of Lokmanya Tilak. This change of guard is accompanied by an ideological shift. An interesting fact is that most of the Tilakites were not employees of the government and a majority of them followed independent professions, which was natural since the government would not have tolerated it’s employees associating with Tilak. Both phases show evidence of the coterie culture where the same names are reflected in the Executive Committees of most organizations. Both coteries are also guilty of neglecting their responsibilities towards a wider cross section of society and finally both coteries are predominantly Chitpavan. One cannot however ignore the fact that public life in Poona had its roots in the 19‘*’ Century. “They can be discovered in the years when Maharashtrians began to respond creatively to the new conditions which the Imperialist British had introduced into India. In the resulting process of modernization the new Indian elite preserved some traditions from former times as well as circumstances permitted, while profoundly changing others.”'

The introduction of British Rule provided the Chitpavans with alternative sources of employment while at the same time renewing already existing opportunities. Apart from the possibility of employment with the government the modem, liberal professions were another avenue that became accessible. However, the acceptance of western education was fundamental to this new avenue of employment. The Chitpavan aristocracy of the Peshwai was sidelined and converted into a class of dependents maintained by the British. Those in the administration quickly adapted to the new conditions. It was from the western educated Chitpavan community that we find political leadership emerging in 19*'’ Century Maharashtra. Western education was certainly one of the causative factors behind the emergence of political awareness. One of the interesting features of Chitpavans in politics is that they reflected all three trends of political thought

Tucker, Richard P. Ranade and the Roots of Indian Nationalism, New Delhi 1977. 196

seen in the national movement; i.e. the moderate, the extremist and the revolutionary terrorist.

Politics in Maharashtra was interpreted from three points of view the Marxist interpretation made a distinction between the mercantile bourgeois and the professional middle class. Bombay and Poona were main the sphere of their activities. The mercantile classes were relatively politically inactive but the western educated professional class did take an active interest in politics since they had nothing to lose by doing so. This does not really fit in with the profile of the early Chitpavan nationalists of the moderate ideology, most of whom were government servants.

The second interpretation typified by Christine Dobbin holds western education and legislative franchise responsible for political consciousness. Chitpavans being western educated dominated the political elite.

The third interpretation forwarded primarily by Gordon Johnson is basically political in its approach. The educated class took advantage of the opportunities available. The emergence of the Indian National Congress provided a further enlarged platform for political activity. This was the backdrop against which political and personal rivalry emerged.

Gordon Johnson does not provide any idea about how a particular caste came to dominate politics for an inordinately long period. His interpretation tends to trivialize the work of leaders like M. G. Ranade, Lokmanya Tilak and G. K. Gokhale. To say that personal rivalries were the main motivating force behind their activities fails to take into consideration the considerable involvement and personal sacrifices. The Marxist interpretation naturally focuses on class composition and finds it convenient is slot the \ Chitpavans as petty bourgeois. It still fails to explain why only the Chitpavans dominate politics and not other castes, who were also literate.

Poona was a major center of political activity, although, Bombay was the seat of the provincial government Poona. The Peshwas capital continued as the cultural, intellectual and political capital. The city had an active public life as already seen and it was but natural that the leadership of the national movement emerged in this city. Public consciousness emerged quite early in the 1840’s, with articles surveying the economic. 197

political and social conditions prevalent. Some of these had a strong reformist tone, which was to be expected from the western educated.

The issue of social reform was quite central to the issues taken up by newspapers, leaders and some organizations. Social reform was in fact at the center of controversy by the 1890s. The Indian liberals adopted it as a essential plank of their political programme. Led by Ranade in Poona, widow remarriage, the Age of consent bill, casteism and ultimately the Prarthna Samaj were some of the areas of activity of the reformists. What is significant about reformists from the political point of view is their belief that social | ^ and religious reform was an essential prerequisite for achieving political emancipation. '

Traditionalists, mainly Brahmin Shastris and Pandits, who felt threatened by change in social and religious spheres, rigorously opposed the reformists. The orthodox faction was led by persons like Moroshastri Sathe, Gangadharshastri Phadke, Krishnashastri Sathe, Morbhat Dandekar and Krishnashastri Chiplunkar all of whom authored religious texts or periodicals.' The reformist point of view was unacceptable to another group of western educated persons who were more overt in their brand of politics and who believed political freedom to be the primary objective. One most point out that all those who were involved in this disagreement M. G. Ranade, G. K. Gokhale, I ^ Lokmanya Tilak, G. G. Agarkar and others were practitioners of traditionalism in their daily, personal life.

M. G. Ranades activities began in the 1860s when he began to transform public life in Poona. Along with other stalwarts like G. H. Deshmukh, M. M. Kunte, G. V. Joshi a.k.a Sarvajanik Kaka and many others, all Chitpavans, he began a series of activities in the city which gave it an active public domain. These activities mainly consisted of establishing various public institutions and providing a platform for the public, i.e. the educated middle classes, to air their grievances and discuss a variety of issues. Some of these institutions have already been reviewed. As is evident from this review these institutions were dominated by western educated professionals, an overwhelming majority of whom were Chitpavan.

' Kulkamee, N. H. Hindu Religious Referm Novt. In the 19* and 20* Centuries in Maharashtra in Sen. S. P., Ed., Social & Religious Reform Movements in 19* and 20* Centuries. 198

Once the issue of social reform began to come to the fore front one finds the orthodoxy and the proponents of political reform joining forces and there by public life in Poona was divided into two camps, the proreformists starting from Gopal Hari Deshmukh to M. G. Ranade, 0. G. Agarkar and G. K. Gokhale while the other line of thought that spoke out in defense of Indian culture and tradition as also political emancipation traces its lineage from Vishnushastri Chiplunkar to B. G. Tilak, S. M. Paranjpe and N. C. Kelkar. A polarization of forces began with disagreements in the Deccan Education Society leading to Tilak’s resignation. As cofounders of the New English School and the Kesari and Maratha this group had originally cherished the same ideals but were unable to agree on a common path to the same objective, which was political emancipation

The disagreements between these groups came to a head in 1891 over the Age of Consent Bill. It was introduced in the Viceroy’s Legislative Council largely through the efforts of S. M. Malabari, a Farsi reformer from Bombay. The bill triggered off a raging debate over the scope of the government’s activities and whether it should interfere in socio-religious matters. In Poona, the reformists stood ranged against the antireformist. A certain divide had already been created when G. G. Agarkar left the ‘Kesari’ and ‘Maratha’ to start the Sudharak in 1887 itself, due to differences of opinion over the issue of social reform. The Age of Consent Bill deepened the divide and we find the press in Poona also jumping into the fray

The Maratha of the 11* January 1891 states- “The proposed Bill (Age of Consent) implies direct government interference*with a religious customs... the government has feh inclined to uphold the consideration of the Bill, waiving off but too lightly the objection raised by the orthodox community on the ground of her Majesty’s proclamation of 1858. We fully admit that projection ought to be extended to each and everyone, male or female, young or old of her Majesty’s subjects. But in a case where the voice of the greatest majority of the people deems a religious custom inviolable any interference on the part of the government will naturally be looked upon with dismal suspicion and inspire fears of even further, interference in the minds of subject people’ 199

In an editorial the Native Opinion of 16‘^ January 1891 expresses the opinion that - “It is indeed a matter of very great regret that the government of India should have thought it politic to introduce the Age of Consent Bill into the Viceregal Legislative Council at the instance of persons whose leadership the country has renounced in no uncertain sounds and in defiance of emphatic protests from several quarters.... We have made no secret of our firm conviction that legislation is the worst of all means of introducing social reforms in the country, the soundest policy being to trust to the amelioratory influences of time and education. We maintain that reforms, to be of any lasting benefit, must come from within and not forced from outside. Moreover, we are living under an alien government and consequently any attempt on the part of such a government to deal in any manner with the time honored religious rites and customs of the people. Albeit with the most philanthropic and beneficent intentions is sure to be misunderstood by the masses and looked upon as a mischievous interference. Poona was a city dominated by an educated Brahmin elite who however, still maintained the ritualism and customs of the Hindu tradition it was but natural that public opinion should be roused against the bill. Newspapers like the Kesari, the Maratha and the Native Opinion spoke out forcefully against the bill while the Sudharak in Poona spoke for it.

It is probably after this controversy that the power of public opinion based on religious sentiments was realized. Lokmanya Tilak was to make optimum use of revivalism to politicize the masses. The Ganapati Festival and Shivaji Festivals were the next milestones in Poona’s political life. It was however, a dangerous path tread. It is a moot point whether the extremist leaders realized the possible effects of such activities in the long run. Religion was no doubt the easiest mechanism of arousing a dormant populace. The ‘Kesari’ actually speaks about the festivals political role in one of its editorials entitled Necessity of National Festivals. The writer speaks about the Olympic Festival in Greece. “What lighted the flame of patriotism in everyone’s heart from peasant to ‘Prince? The obvious answer is the Olympic festival... these festivals unified the people, entertained them, offered them knowledge and awakened national consciousness in them.”' Another article in the same news paper entitled “What the educated people should do for National Festivals’ was much more open about its uses.

Kesari 1.09.1896, Report of Native Newspapers, 1896,Bombay Archives. 200

“We should try to convert all religious celebrations into national festivals. We can thereby, unite the people make them politically conscious and encourage them with nationalist ideas. Why should we not hold huge public meetings and organize industrial exhibitions at the religious festivals? Educated men should attend such festivals and tell the masses all about the injustices of the government, about the deplorable conditions of the country and also about its causes and remedies.”'

The Ganesh Mandal set up in 1893 comprised of the following members - Baba Maharaj, Dr. Patwardhan, Balasaheb Natu, Dattopant Behere, B. R. Paranjpe, Apparao Vaidya, Narayan Kanitkar, Tatyasaheb Dhamdhere, G. N. Ghotwadekar, Bhau Rangari, Dr. S. A. Chobe and Ramrao Zembre of these twelve eight were Chitpavan and all were close associates of Lokmanya Tilak. By 1896 there were 50 centres in Pune.^ Another feature of the Ganapati Festival were the ‘Melas’ or the bands of boys who roamed the streets singing patriotic and religious songs these were also dominated by Brahmins. Another feature of the Ganeshotsav was the staging of plays with themes drawn from mythology, politics and history, but with very clear symbolism with respect to the colonial situation. Most of these plays were uhimately banned by the government -

Shree Shiva Chhatrapati Vijaya by A. M. Joshi

Lokmat Vijaya By A. V. Barve

Bandhavimochan by G. G. Soman

Vijay Toran by R. M. Mhaskar based on H. N. Aptes novel ‘Ushah Kal’.

Daheri by D. V. Nevalkar

Drauni Mani Haran By G. A. Kane

Rana Bhimdeo by V. R. Shirwalkar and V. T. Modak

Kaliche Narad by K. H. Dixit

Kichakvadha by K. P. Khadilkar.

' Samarth, Anil, Shivaji and the Indian National Movement Bombay 1975, Pg 35. ^ Reisnes, I, Goldberg N. M.,Tilak and the Struggle for Indian Freedom, Delhi, 1966, Pg 66. 201

Most of the above mentioned authors were Chitpavans. Of the 40 persons convicted along with the bans 23 were Chitpavans and almost all were Brahmins.’

The other festival was an extension of the revival of interest in the history of the country and more importantly of Maharashtra. Shivaji was a historical figure that was well established in the collective memory of the people of Maharashtra. His appeal crossed all boundaries of caste, class, region and even the rural urban divide. It was no accident that Tilak coined the term Swarajya for self rule, the term was synonymous with the independent kingdom carved out by Shivaji. Maratha History evoked an interest across the political divide as well. G. H. Deshmukh, M. M. Kunte. M. G. Ranade, K. T. Telang and others extolled the virtues of Shivaji as the ideal leader. Jyotiba Phule also wrote a ballad on Shivaji’s life. The objectives of the festival were described in a newspaper article.

“Under the peaceful rule of the British the leaders of the people are striving to elevate the political, social and religious condition of the people. The Shivaji festival is one of the movements set on foot with this object in view within the last ten years. It aims at improving the physical condition of the people. Misunderstandings are sure to arise in connection with such festivals as we have seen in the case of the Ganapati festival which it was alleged was introduced solely with a view to annoy the Muhammadans. Even the Shivaji festival has been charged with being disloyal in character and we have not forgotten what serious calamities befell Maharashtra in consequence of this misapprehension. But now government is convinced that these festivals are perfectly innocent in their character and that in celebrating them people merely wish to show their reverence for their national gods and heroes. Our people therefore ought not to hesitate to take part in such festivals.”^

The religious revivalism that was an under current to both these festivals was in the long run to have certain political consequences, that can be called nothing but unhealthy. The values of militancy that were indirectly preached found expression in the rise of revolutionary terrorism in Maharashtra. That Chitpavan youth were inspired to

' Source Material for the History of the Freedom movement, Vol II, Pg 390. ^ Report on Native Newspapers, Nyaya Sindhu, 23 April 1900. 202 take the path of terrorism was probably rooted in political and economic factors. Terrorism as a creed was emerging in Europe as well; especially the movements in Ireland, the Balkans, and Russia were to prove inspirational. The surprising fact is that terrorist activity was all mostly concentrated in one community - the Chitpavans. Some of the leading names were V. B. Phadke, the Chaphekar brothers, K. G. Karve, A. N. Kanhere, V. D. Savarkar, P. M. Bapat and others. In the Nasik Conspiracy Case, of the 38 accused 37 was Brahmin while 22 were Chitpavan. The Rowlatt Report stated, “All conspiracies were Brahmin and mostly Chitpavans,” and held the Chitpavan Press of Poona responsible.”' The report of the Sedition Committee of 1918 clearly states, “the beginning of revolutionary movement in western India was traceable to these two festivals.”^

The other unfortunate result was the atmosphere of suspicion and distrust created between Hindus and Muslims that grew steadily from the end of the 19*’’ century onwards. The Poona Riots of 1893 are a case in point. The cause was directly related to the Ganapati festival. The extremist faction was held directly responsible for the deterioration of relations with the Muslims from the 1890s onwards. “In 1893 the year following the outbreak of communal violence in Bombay city B. G. Tilak the Maharashtrian Nationalist leader joined with the traditional Brahmin leaders to reshape the annual festival in honor of the popular elephant headed deity Ganapati. By initiating changes that enlarged the scope of this festival Tilak attempted to insert politics into a religious festival in order to bridge the gap between the Brahmins and non-brahmins and between the Congress and the traditional masses. By effectively mobilizing support for his cause Tilak hoped to answer those critics from the administration who denigrated the Brahmin community.

The immediate rationale for reorganizing a religious festival was that it provided a means of protesting against alleged government partiality for Muslims or conversely against the non-recognition of the Brahmin elite of the Deccan. Faced with this prospect, it was imperative for Hindus to boycott the Muslim Muharram celebrations in which they had participated in previous years so as to present a bold and united front. The festival

‘ Rowlatt Committee Report,Pg 13 ^ Ibid Pg 1 203 was on ideal occasion for Brahmin and non brahmin to join in a common protest.' Cashman’s analysis is largely presenting the official point of view that is clear from government documentation on the Poona Riots of 1894. The government documents clearly state that “Hindus are desirous of taking up aggressive position. The riots were prevented due to the presence of military and armed police during Muharram.^ In another letter from the Deputy Superintendent of Police to the District Magistrate it is stated that “the Hindu attitude is aggressive the Muslims are peace loving and the situation is likely to escalate”.^ The Muslim press was quite vociferous all through this period and the community also sent petitions and telegrams to the government.'*

The Muslim community was certainly not the victim as has been portrayed by official correspondence. The Tilakites were quite justified in the accusation of partiality by the government; reasons other than Hindu militancy were certainly operating in this situation. Hindu Muslim discord proliferated due to a number of factors such as the growing Muslim communal consciousness, the inability of the educated Muslim to compete with the educated Brahmin for government jobs in Maharashtra, the increasing communalization of education in Poona and last but not least the revivalist tone of politics in Pune and almost all Maharashtra. A sign of this discord was the withdrawal of ,:I ! Muslims from the Sarvajanik Sabha which in fact became the next battle ground between ji the reformists and anti reformists who by now in the context of politics are recognized as ' the moderates and extremists. A polarization that had commenced with the Deccan Education Society came to a head over control of the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha. One can be easily drawn into arriving at the conclusions drawn by Gordon Johnson who presented these disagreements as personal rivalries and power politics. A closer examination reveals that both sides based their arguments on certain fundamental perceptions about economy, politics and society. The main question was whether educated Indians were ready to take the next step forward in the political arena. The moderates were willing to wait for government to provide them with enhanced opportunities through the medium of

' Cashman, Richard, The political Recruitment of God Ganapati, lESHR. Vol VII, No.3, September 1970, Pg 348. ^ Judicial Department, No. 3701, 1894, Bombay Archives. ^ Judicial Department, No.2112, 1894, Bombay Archives, "ibid 204 the decennial reforms. The extremists wanted not only a faster pace to be set but also felt a more agitation style of politics would yield better results. Government approval was crucial to moderate politics while it was not such a serious issue for the extremists.

The rivalry between the two factions is therefore a conflict of ideas that became complicated with Tilak’s growing popularity as well as his ability to reach out to the masses. A new style of politics had taken birth, it depended on communication with the people. The effective use of the press was Tilak’s contribution to politics in India. His highly readable and acerbic style of writing was extremely popular amongst the educated classes both in Poona and the mofussil. Chitpavans in fact dominated the Marathi vernacular press. In 1921 of a total of 167 papers in the Presidency, the Marathi papers which constituted roughly 1/3 that number, i.e about 55 papers, there were 31 Chitpavan editors.' Similarly in 1921 out of 165 editorsof all newspapers 21 wereChitpavan. Another interesting statistic was the fact that all the editorsconvicted for sedition including Lokmanya Tilak were Chitpavan.^ They were as follows -

B. G. Tilak - Kesari

G. A. Modak - Swarajya

B. V. Phadke - Vinari

S. M. Paranjpe - Kal

K. K. Phadke - Hindu Punch

Tilak's conviction only served to enhance his popularity in fact the higher authorities were unhappy with the harshness of his conviction since it made more of a hero out of him. This immense popularity is what enabled Tilak to assume control of the Sarvajanik Sabha in 1896. the change in the Sabha’s activities was immediately apparent with the Sabha taking on the government head on, over the issue of the famine policy, in the form of the ‘No Rent Campaign’ in Maharashtra. The Sabha was derecognized by the government. But this could not really be turned a loss, the government acknowledging or

' Reports from Native Newspapers, 1901 ^ Reports from Native Newspapers, 1921 205

g-."" - -

Shivram Mahadev Paranjpe 206 rejecting petitions was no longer really relevant, politics was progressing towards becoming a movement.

The change of guard in the Sabha was significant in two aspects. The first constituted an ideological shift resulting in a change of objectives and methods. The leadership sought credibility, not from the government but from the people, a trend that came to fruition with Gandhi’s mass movement. The second important feature was that the Sabha, which was Poona’s premier non-governmental institution lost its heterogeneous character, apart from a few, the Muslims, the moderates; the native Sardars all distanced themselves leaving it in the hands of a group of whom Tilak was the unquestioned leader. This had certain repercussions, which were probably unavoidable, the withdrawal of Muslims and rise of terrorism have already been mentioned.

A related development that took place relatively earlier was the enhancement of seats in the Bombay Legislative Council that totally ignored the Central Division, which included Poona. The 1892 councils Act allotted a lopsided representation on the Legislative Council of the 8 seats to be spread over the Presidency the Central Division that included Poona was excluded, while the landlords of Sindh, the Deccan Sardars, the Bombay Chambers of Commerce and Karachi Chambers of Commerce were all given a seat each. Neither rural nor urban interests were represented, not even the native mercantile interests what was eminently clear was the deliberate action of keeping the intelligentsia, which in that period was almost entirely Pune based, outside the process. This issue was also discussed in some detail in the press since it affected the nature of representation. The press largely in the hands of Chitpavans was quick to comment on this aspect.

In an article entitled “Is John Bull afraid of the Marathas?” in the Maratha of 9* April 1893, the editor quoting the Indu Prakash, writes, “the exclusion of the largest and foremost division in the Presidency in point of wealth, population and intelligence has been, whatever be the motive, intentional? The claims of the Central Division to be 207 represented on the council are to preponderating to be passed over by mistake or ignorance”'

G. K. Gokhale took up the issue when he spoke at a meeting in Bombay “you say... that the exclusion of the Central Division is inexplicable, to me it is perfectly clear. It is due to a desire in certain quarters to spite the Poona Brahmins. Such exhibitions of petty spite are simply mean, incredibly mean. Those that are guilty of them are not worthy of being entrusted with the guidance of destinies of millions... The Poona Brahmin does not mean to sit tamely under this injustice. Indian public opinion is not now what it once was. It would be well for the government not to despise it.”^

Even a moderate newspaper like the Sudharak passed stringent comments on the issue. “The long expected rules in connection with the recommendations of eight persons to seats in the Bombay legislative council were published on Thursday last. These rules are so completely disappointing that it is impossible to speak of them in terms other than of the most unqualified condemnation. No one needs to be told that they are the result of Mr. Lee Warner’s inordinate love of spiting the native public and especially Poona Brahmins. The proposals made in these rules are entirely unfair and are wantonly insuhing to the intelligence of the Deccan”^

However, the most critical comment was the item entitled “is John Bull afraid of the Marathas?” it questioned the allotment of seats to the chambers of commerce, “The Northern Division with a population of a little over 40 lakhs gets the right of selection, the Southern Division with a population of a little less than 50 lakhs gets it also, but the central Division inhabited by more than 62 lakhs of souls and boasting a much larger number of educated persons then either the North or South Divisions - and above all the home of the Maratha - that is passed over. The Maratha can afford to laugh at the effeminacy of the framer or framers of the rules. The Sardars of the Deccan have been given the privilege to nominate one member. That is all that the Deccan gets, the middle class Maratha, the Poona Brahmin as he is termed by the Anglo Indian of the Imperialist school is set aside. Is John Bull afraid of the Marathas? And does the Bombay

Report of Native Newspapers 1893, Maratha 9* April 1893. Report of Native Newspapers 1893, Phoenix, 29* April 1893. R ofN N, Sudharak April 1893. 208

Government think the Marathas can be repressed by such invidious exclusion?”'. This was no doubt the political repercussion of the increasingly strident criticism of government economic policy.

Another set of political repercussions was directly related to the inability of Poona politicians to consolidate all strata of society horizontal and vertical and the cracks were beginning to show. Once again the press had an interesting comment on the scenario which squarely blamed the government for the increasing divide between communities, “When British rule was firmly established, rates of assessment enhanced and the cultivators became involved in debt as a consequence, trade suffered from competition with foreigners, the arms Act deprived people of their martial spirit and the religious susceptibilities of the people were wounded by the encouragement given by government to missionaries. The discontent that pre veiled among the people as a consequence of the measures did not escape the notice of the rulers, and they accordingly adopted systematic measures to check its growth. They took steps to educate the backward classes and thus establish a claim on their gratitude. They conferred high posts under the administration upon Brahmin and other literate castes. These measures however did not suffice to make all the people contented, for the rulers still had to make provisions for the Parsis, Muhammadans and Eurasians. In proceeding to make such provisions they made two very serious mistakes. In the first place they showed favour to the non-Hindus as opposed to the Hindu. Even at the present day very few officers will be found who are above the foible of partiality to certain castes. In the second place a distinction was made between Brahmans and non Brahmans. The non Brahman came to be preferred in the distribution of offices and appointments under government. This partiality to non Brahmans has become very pronounced of late. Brahmans and the literate classes being naturally intelligent easily perceive what is injurious to the interests of the Rayats, and try to remonstrate with the officers. If the officers are open to conviction they change the policy, but if they are obstinate they charge the fault finding Brahmin with sedition. This misapprehension has brought about very serious consequences. The Sardars Natu and Mr. Tilak were imprisoned in consequence of this misunderstanding. Government is aware of the public services rendered by Mr. Tilak both to government and people. Unfortunately

' R of N N, Indu Prakash, 1893. 209

Mr. Tilak being a Brahman the small regard which government officers entertained for Brahmans totally disappeared and has given place to hatred.”' Government policy no doubt had a role to play but the fact remains that the alliance between orthodoxy and extremism did not allow the emergence of a political idiom that could cross class and caste barriers whatever the extremists may claim.

The third set of political repercussions of the ideological conflict took place at the national level. The moderates and extremists inspite of all these differences continued to be part of the Indian National Congress. The ideological differences were to show their effect at the regional level much earlier than at the national one. The Swadeshi movement that comes after the partition of Bengal signaled the parting of ways at the national level as well. After the success at the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha the extremists attempted a similar takeover of the Congress. The issue was Swadeshi and Boycott, a programme that had been reluctantly acknowledged by the moderates. However, they were unwilling to adopt it as a political programme. The conflict that ensued placed the Poona politicians of both hues at the focal point of national politics; the ultimate split in the Congress in 1907 was detrimental to both sides. The extremists lost leadership due to the subsequent conviction of Lokmanya Tilak on charges of sedition in 1907 and therebye were inactive till his release and re entry into politics in 1914. The moderates lost credibility since the reforms of 1909 delivered far below expectations.

From 1908 to 1914 there was a lull in the political environment of Poona, as also the country. Tilak’s release in 1914 reactivated politics in the city. The Brahmins of Poona came out in full support of him, a handbill circulated announcing a “Pansupari” programme welcoming him was signed by 73 Chitpavans, out of a total of 99. Tilak’s Poona constituency was intact and the stage was set for an enhanced role in the national arena. In 1916 Tilak set up the Home Rule League, that was active in mainly Marathi speaking areas. It was the means of reaching out to the mofussil as also a larger non Brahmin constituency. Public speaking at mass meeting, distribution of pamphlets and the optimum use of the press was the modus adopted to reach out to this much wider audience.

Report of Native Newspapers 1893, Maratha 12* April 1893. 210

The governments attempt to brand the organization as seditious proved unsuccessful, with the judiciary not extending its support to it. Tilak’s Home Rule League as a movement was successful not only in mobilizing public opinion but also reaching out to hitherto untouched mofussil areas. However, the movement was popular as long as Tilak was leading it. His withdrawal from active politics in 1918 along with severe government repression proved harmful. There were however certain political realities to be dealt with, the damage done by the low success in establishing contact with the masses had to be faced. As long as Tilak spearheaded the Home Rule Movement his charisma overpowered other factors. An article in the Islamic Mail however sums up the popular feeling, the article was entitled “the Brahmins would dominate over the non Brahmins Hindus as well as other communities it self government was granted”. The article was written in the context of the Home Rule Movement’s demand for Swarajya. “The Home Rule Movement is well known to be initiated by the Brahmins, for the benefit of Brahmins, in order to give the Brahmins, the power which they wielded in ancient times. The easy way in which the Brahmins have so far succeeded in gaining their objective, whether against the Bideshi Mussalmans or against the beaurocracy has elated them to lofty flights of imagination, and Swaraj is taken be within easy reach of them. They know the non Brahmins to be too backward in education to claim or secure any share in self government. Home Rule if secured would vest into the hands of the Brahmins all authority and power and leave the educationally backward communities to toil and labour for their benefit”.' The views of the non-brahmin community were also along the same lines. “A hundred years back when our country was being ruled by the ancestors of our present extremist patriots. They trampled underfoot the principles of equality and self determination and outdid even Tumurlane in persecuting their countrymen and coreligionists. The Chitpavans not satisfied with cutting the throat of Maratha rule during the deadly regime of the Peshwas subjected to inhuman persecution Deshasthas and Karhada Brahmins, the Prabhus, the Saraswats, the Sonars, Panchalas etc and their persecution of the untouchables would have surpassed the recent German outrages and now these people are trying to prevent other castes from attaining high position under the new reform. Many a time has it been proved, how reluctant they are to

'Islamic Mail,31"‘ Dec. 1917, Report on Indian Papers Published in Bombay Presidency 1917. 211

allow religious and social freedom to the people. Any thoughtful man would admit that British rule is far better than Peshwai swarajya. These Brahmins are coming in the way of the advancement of the backward classes.”' The question was of electoral seats in the newly instituted reforms. The non-brahmins were demanding 60% reservation, a concession they felt since they constituted 95% of the population, was justified. This protest was in reply to the demand of Home Rulers not to allow reservation of seats. The non Brahmins saw this as an attempt to deprive them of adequate representation. The bitter attitude of resentment towards Brahmins from both these passages is evident. The issues are political and the writers project the feelings of communities that are unable to gain political significance due to the presence of dominant elite. As soon as enfranchisement was extended, these communities became vocal participants in politics, even to the extent of distorting history to their benefit. It is disturbing to note that caste and communal based constituencies existed in India right from the developmental phase of democracy in India. The names of the two above mentioned newspapers are ample indication of the fact.

The anti Brahmin movement that began with Jyotirao Phules reformism gained ground from the early 20* Century onwards. Phule was perhaps the first to disclaim Brahmins as true political leaders. It was felt the Brahmin leadership was not truly representative of the masses. This kind of a reaction had a certain inevitability about it. On one hand Brahmins no doubt constituted the political leadership of the time but when they took the logical step forward of trying to convert their movement into a mass based one their leadership was challenged.

This trend was apparent as mentioned earlier. Some historians speak of Phules non Brahman movement in terms of an independent intellectual stream that ran concurrently along with the moderate and extremist streams.^ If one was speaking purely in terms of intellectual developments one would tend to agree. The context in this case is of a political movement and from that point of view one finds that the non Brahmans are almost completely politically inactive during the moderate and extremist phases in

' Vijayee Maratha,26* Feb. 1920, Report on Indian Papers Published in Bombay Presidency 1920.. ^ Zelliot, Ekanor, A Historical view of the Maharashtraian Intellectual and Social Change in Malik Yogendra, Ed., South Asian Intellectuals and Social Change, New Delhi, 1982. 212

Maharashtra. It is when the franchise was extended that they realized they too had the ability to participate in the process. “The 1909 reforms by linking local boards to provincial councils seemed to an extent to politicize the upper strata of rural society. The 1919 Act gave those who occupied land assessed at Rs 32 per year in Bombay... the vote this made a large number of Kunbi Marathas a major portion of the electorate although Brahmins continued to occupy a disproportionate number of legislative council and Municipal Seats.”' Government records corroborate this view point “Regarding Brahman non Brahman relations they are not so bitter as they were upto 1923 in certain districts in the South and Central Divisions, where the Satyashodhak Samaj had extended their rather militant propaganda, abatement dates from the non-brahmin success in the 1923 elections to the legislative councils and with it a seat in the Ministry and later their success in the local board elections, and finally the declaration of government policy of proportionate representation in office - in the aggregate a big step forward towards their goal of release from Brahmin dominance.”^ With the emergence of Gandhi and true mass based politics it was no wonder that the urban based Chitpavan elite was sidelined. Those who knew the pulse of rural Maharashtra were those who were able to provide new leadership. Thus after Tilak the Chitpavans of Poona lost their pre-eminent position in national and even regional politics. Another possible reason is their failure to align themselves with Mahatma Gandhi’s leadership, and the new avatar of the Congress post 1920.

The national movement was becoming heterogeneous in character, to have a section of society dominating over politics was neither viable nor advisable for the political environment. One finds new leaders emerging particularly from the rural based castes and communities. “The post Tilak period was one where the Tilakites as also the moderates suddenly found themselves out of tune with the nationalist trend. Neither Tilak nor Gokhale had been able to reach down to the lower strata of society which in the inter war period was in a ferment. These lower classes found they could express themselves through Gandhi’s non-cooperation and in fact were encouraged to do so. This inspite of

'Cleghom B, Religion and Politics - the Leadership of the all India Hindu Mahasabha 1920-39, in Pandey B. N., Leadership in South Asia, Ed., Dellhi 1977. ^ Home Dept. Special. 1928,Indian Statutory commission on Conversion of Reserved Subjects into Transferred. 213 the fact that the Congress was rejected as a Brahman power. The non Brahman involvement in politics went from strength to strength so that by the time of independence no Brahman could hold political power in Maharashtra.”'

Thus the 1850s, 1860s and 1870s were an embryonic phase in the politics of Maharashtra. Chitpavans dominated all spheres of activity in Poona and were also the first to be politicized. Gopal Hari Deshmukh writing in the 1840s talks about the disadvantages of foreign rule and blames the lethargy and backwardness of his countrymen for the sorry plight of the country. By the 1870s Chitpavans like M. G. Ranade, M. M. Kunte, Vishnushastri Chiplunkar, Govind Venkatesh Joshi, Ganesh Vasudev Joshi and others had evolved or acquired a theoretical framework for their political and economic ideas. While liberalism was borrowed, economic nationalism evolved in response to colonialism. This generation had a comprehensive approach with regard to India’s future progress and development. As such Poona was to develop a vibrant public life with a number of institutions being established. Some of them have already been surveyed in this chapter but there were a number of others. Newspapers and magazines of all social and political denominations were published from the city, organizations promoting drama, literature, religion, religious reforms, social reforms, education, industry and many other subjects were a feature of life in the city.

One of the primary stimulating factors behind this active public life was the effect of western education. The Indian liberals were emulating British liberalism and uhimately evolving their own brand of variant. The basic tenets of liberalism were emulated, as was public life in 19* century England that was marked by the formation of various interest groups and associations. What evolved was a clearer understanding of the structure of the colonial economy and its effects on government policy. The failure of the Poona liberals to logically extend their findings to a political conclusion laid the ground for the next motivating factor in Poona’s public life Economic Nationalism. It was clear that if India was to make economic progress the Indian point of view must find expression and influence at the policy-making levels. In other words it meant a greater degree of political representation if not autonomy. M. G. Ranade and his school of

' Zehiott, Eleanor, A Historical view of the Maharashtraian Intellectual and Social Change in Malik Yogendra, Ed., South Asian Intellectuals and Social Change, New Delhi, 1982. 214 thought felt Indian society were as yet not ready for political responsibility as also realized the futility of asking for it.'

However, another line of thought within the Chitpavan community emerged in the 1870s and 1880s, which was based on a fundamental non-acceptance of British rule right from the beginning. These proponents of economic nationalism felt Swarajya or self rule was the true solution to the economic problems of the country. Cooperation with the government, they felt, would not succeed in influencing British policy since the fault lay not in the British understanding of the situation, but in the very character of British rule. Political reform within the framework of the British Empire was acceptable to Lokmanya Tilak and his school of thought, which relegated social and religious reforms to a secondary position. An interesting feature of this phase of politics in Poona was that Chitpavans in the city in the early 20* Century were primarily engaged in two occupations - government service and private business. It is from amongst those who were independently employed that we find the extremist challenge to liberalism arose. Once politics came to be controlled by this group in Poona one finds that its elitist characteristics are further strengthened. Leadership in Poona remained securely in the hands of the Chitpavan community, it acquired a communal flavour attempted to reach out to the masses but at the same time lost its heterogeneous identity.

Right from the time of Gopal Hari Deshmukh, Bhau Mahajan, Krishnashastri Chiplunkar, Kero Laxman Chatre and others Poona surprisingly remained the centre of politics in Maharashtra, there is in fact a strange dichotomy. While extremists dominate Poona from the 1890’s the liberals or Moderates continue to dominate the Indian National Congress upto 1915. There is a fundamental difference in the ideology, class, and caste composition of both sets of politicians making the achievement of common ground quite impossible; another factor at state level politics was Tilak’s style of politics and the suspicion of his association with terrorists, which meant that association with him was viewed as detrimental to the larger interests of the Congress. He had systematically opposed the moderate programme on very public platforms and now at the national level

' Bipan Chandra, Ranade’s Economic Writings, Delhi, 1990, Pg ixxxii 215 in alliance with the Bengal extremists promoted Swadeshi and Boycott, which was seen as a confrontationist stance.

There are hence basic differences in the issues of conflict at state and national level politics. By 1916 Tilak’s reentry into national politics as well as previous failures completely marginalized the liberals. However, elitist politics had lived its life and the time for mass movement was upon the country. Education, the effects of social reform and especially anti casteism and the logic of mass movement itself were to marginalize the domination of politics by elites in Maharashtra. From the time of Mahatma Phule a strong anti-brahmin movement was making its presence felt. It spoke in terms of true representation of the populace. The Congress network of branches in the mofussil and Gandhi’s mantra of Satyagraha took politics from the rarefied atmosphere of scholarly debates and articles to a more down to earth and practisable application. Common people could participate in the movement easily and without breaking the law (at least in the initial stages).

Chitpavans continued to be fairly active inpolitics even after the Tilak era. Vinoba Bhave, Balkoba Bhave and Achyutrao Patwardhanwere staunch Gandhians. Members of the community continued to be actively involved with the programmes and activities of the Congress. Two such persons who were devoted to the cause of the national movement and even earned the ire of the British Government were P.M Bapat and V.V Sathe.

Of the two P.M Bapat, popularly known as Senapati Bapat, was one of the organizers of the unsuccessful satyagraha at Mulshi. He also went on to lead the Conress in Maharashtra as the Chairman of the Maharashtra Pradesh Congress Committee. The government was keen to arrest him due to the inflammatory nature of his speeches It therebye kept a close watch on him all through his tours in various parts of Maharashtra.Criminal proceedings were instituted against him for his speech at Ashte in Walva Taluka. The government had to however drop these proceedings since it was unable to build a sufficiently strong case against him. He was finally arrested for a speech made at Parkar Bagh in the Ratnagiri District in October 1931.' Senapati Bapat was

Home Dept. Special 1926,File No. 363(4)1, Bombay Archives. 216 sentenced to transportation for seven years on charges of sedition.and was released in about 1938.

Another example of a Chitpavans involved in politics in the post Tilak era was V.V Sathe, often described as a maverick and even eccentric. He was an active member of the Congress but is better known for his great devotion to the principles of Mahatma Gandhi. He was a follower of the path of non violence and believed violent methods to be impractical.He was jailed for his participation in the Sholapur Satyagraha.While in jail he was involved in novel means of protest when not allowed to wear khadi as per prison regulations.The remembrancer of legal affairs of the government of Bombay had advised close watch be kept on Sathein order to be advised of his activities.'

In Maharashtra the post war period the Congress reaped what Tilak had sown. It is a well acknowledged fact that the political mobilization carried out by Tilak in Maharashtra was later on utilized by the Congress and the Gandhian movements in particular. A network of local organizations had spread across the region and even in Karnataka on the basis of the work carried out by the Sarvajanik Sabha and Tilak’s Home Rule League. But a natural corollary of this kind of activity was that the Chitpavans were marginalized from the leadership of the Congress and a new generation of leaders more heterogeneous in character emerged. Unfortunately after his death Tilak's followers failed to consolidate in support Gandhian politics and split into the orthodoxy and the Congressmen. The natural flow of the political movement as well as the fact that the orthodoxy had a limited appeal to the enlarged political constituency of the Congress were the main reasons why they were sidelined and Poona’s importance consequently decreased.

It can be safely concluded that Poona’s importance in regional and national politics remained considerable as long as the western educated intelligentsia were the main participants of the national movement, if the movement could so be termed at that stage. Tilak’s attempts to reach out to a wider cross section of society no doubt bore fruit. In the mofussil areas a political network originally established through the Sarvajanik Sabha and fostered by Tilak’s Home Rule League ultimately allowed the Congress access to

Home Dept. Special 1929-35,File No.772, Bombay Archives. 217 these areas. The Congress’s success lay in the fact that it was able to bring together diverse political strands under one organization and perhaps some of the credit should go to Mahatma Gandhi and a major portion to the economic difficulties faced by the common man in the war years. These were the factors that gave shape to a mass movement at the national level. Tilak’s attempts to do so at the regional level met with a certain amount of success in Maharashtra and adjoining areas. In Poona, however, he is clearly identified with conservative orthodoxy which led Muslims and non Brahmans to keep away. With his death Poona’s dominance in Maharashtra’s and India’s politics came to an end. It was a change of guard that was supported by new ideology and new political needs.