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~ the Soviet-East European Concept of People's Democracy
~ The Soviet - East European Concept of People's Democracy The Political Situation At the end of World \Var I I the leaders of the Communist Parties of Poland, Germany, I-lungary, l{ umania, and Bulgaria returned to their countries in the baggagetrain of the l{ ed Army and assumedcontrol of the " commanding heights" of society in dcpcndence on the Soviet occupation forces.) These Communist Parties were burdened with a dual weaknessthat limited their radicalism in the initial postwar period. All faced significant , organized opposition to the consolidation of their rule, resistance being strongest in Poland and weakest in Bulgaria. This internal situation dictated a policy of gradualism, generalized by Hugh Seton-\Vatson2 as encompassing three stages: ( 1) a genuine coalition with the surviving socialist and peasant parties resting on a short-tcrm program of mutually accepted " antifascist " and " democratic " reforms (lasting until early 1945 in Bulgaria and l{ umania and until early 1947 in l Iungary); (2) a bogus coalition with the same parties, thcmselvcs increasingly dominated by Communists, implemcnting more radical social reforms and more openly suppressing the non-Communist opposition (lasting until late 1947 or early 1948); at this stage, socialism was spoken of only as a distant goal; economic planning was introduced but remained limited in scope; collectivization of agriculture was not mentioned ; (3) a monolithic regime that , having liquidated its opposition , set out to emulate the Soviet Union in " building socialism" through forced industrialization and collectivization . Anothcr aspect of the weakness of the East Europcan Communist Partics was their great dependcnce on the Soviet Union and thus thcir subordination to the broader goals of Soviet foreign policy . -
The Power of Democratic Cooperation the Power of Ajin Choi Democratic Cooperation
The Power of Democratic Cooperation The Power of Ajin Choi Democratic Cooperation The inºuence of de- mocracy on foreign policy and world politics is one of the most hotly debated issues in the ªeld of international relations. The proposition that democracies are better equipped to win in war is no different in this respect: It is a provoca- tive thesis that contrasts sharply with some well-received theories of interna- tional politics. In his article “Democracy and Victory: Why Regime Type Hardly Matters,” Michael Desch raises several challenges to this proposition.1 He critiques the empirical methodologies, theoretical explanations, and histori- cal evidence that some scholars say explain democratic victory in war and concludes that, in the end, democracy has “no particular advantages or dis- advantages” (p. 8).2 In examining ªve causal mechanisms offered by “democratic triumphalists” to support the military effectiveness of democracy, Desch argues that “none of them is logically compelling or has much empirical support” (p. 25). In this ar- ticle I do not attempt to respond to all the points Desch raises. Instead I focus on one of his critiques—namely, whether democratic allies can be more effec- tive than nondemocratic allies in wartime and whether they are more likely to achieve victory. My goal is twofold: ªrst, to offer an alternative theoretical ex- planation for the relationship between alliance behavior, the role of domestic political institutions, and their effect on war performance to explanations that Desch attributes to democratic triumphalists; and second, to provide quantita- Ajin Choi is a lecturer in the Department of Political Science at Yonsei University in Seoul, South Korea. -
Chapter Five
CHAPTER FIVE PEOPLE’S DEMOCRACY The post-war people’s democracies that developed in Eastern Europe and China embodied the main features of the Popular Front government advocated at the Seventh Congress of the Communist International. Politically, they were based on a multi-party, parliamentary system that included all the anti-fascist elements of the wartime Fatherland Front movements. Economically, they nationalized the most vital monopolized industries and allowed smaller capitalist industries and agriculture to continue business as usual. The theoretical status of the people’s democracies, however, was obscured by uncertainty over the future relations between the USSR and the West. If the wartime alliance was to be preserved, the communists had no wish to offend anyone with loose talk of ‘dictatorship’, whether revolutionary democratic or proletarian. Consequently, until 1948 theoretical discussions of the people’s democracies were by and large phrased in ‘apolitical’ terms, and were not associated with earlier communist theses on the state. The communist theoretician Eugen Varga, for example, wrote in 1947 that the people’s democracies were “...something entirely new in the history of mankind...” (Cited in Kase, People’s Democracies, Sijthoff, Leyden, Netherlands, 1968, p.18). They allowed capitalism, and yet protected the interests of the people. In a few years, however, the theoreticians would discover that despite multi-party composition, parliamentarism and capitalism, the people’s democracies were indeed forms of “the dictatorship of the proletariat” after all. A. Eastern Europe As consideration for his outstanding theoretical contributions to the communist movement, Dimitrov was allowed to further develop the principles of the People’s Front from the vantage point of leader of the new Bulgarian state. -
Higher Education Exchange
HIGHER EDUCATION EXCHANGE 2018 Editors: Derek Barker and Alex Lovit Copy Editor: Joey Easton Formatting: Long’s Graphic Design, Inc. The Higher Education Exchange is founded on a thought articulated by Thomas Jefferson in 1820: I know no safe depository of the ultimate powers of the society but the people themselves; and if we think them not enlightened enough to exercise their control with a wholesome discretion, the remedy is not to take it from them, but to inform their discretion by education. In the tradition of Jefferson, the Higher Education Exchange agrees that a central goal of higher education is to help make democracy possible by preparing citizens for public life. The Higher Education Exchange is part of a movement to strengthen higher education’s democratic mission and foster a more democratic culture throughout American society. Working in this tradition, the Higher Education Exchange publishes case studies, analyses, news, and ideas about efforts within higher education to develop more democratic societies. The Kettering Foundation is a nonprofit operating foundation, chartered in 1927, that does not make grants but welcomes partnerships with other institutions (or groups of institutions) and individuals who are actively working on problems of communities, governing, politics, and edu- cation. The interpretations and conclusions contained in the Higher Education Exchange, unless expressly stated to the contrary, represent the views of the author or authors and not necessarily those of the foundation, its trustees, or officers. Copyright © 2018 by the Kettering Foundation ISSN 2469-6293 (print) ISSN 2471-2280 (online) HIGHER EDUCATION EXCHANGE 2018 A Note of Appreciation David Brown has not just been an editor of HEX since 1994. -
Law Enforcement Intelligence: a Guide for State, Local, and Tribal Law Enforcement Agencies
David L. Carter, Ph.D. School of Criminal Justice Michigan State University Law Enforcement Intelligence: A Guide for State, Local, and Tribal Law Enforcement Agencies November 2004 David L. Carter, Ph.D. This project was supported by Cooperative Agreement #2003-CK-WX-0455 by the U.S. Department of Justice Office of Community Oriented Policing Services. Points of view or opinions contained in this document are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice or Michigan State University. Preface The world of law enforcement intelligence has changed dramatically since September 11, 2001. State, local, and tribal law enforcement agencies have been tasked with a variety of new responsibilities; intelligence is just one. In addition, the intelligence discipline has evolved significantly in recent years. As these various trends have merged, increasing numbers of American law enforcement agencies have begun to explore, and sometimes embrace, the intelligence function. This guide is intended to help them in this process. The guide is directed primarily toward state, local, and tribal law enforcement agencies of all sizes that need to develop or reinvigorate their intelligence function. Rather than being a manual to teach a person how to be an intelligence analyst, it is directed toward that manager, supervisor, or officer who is assigned to create an intelligence function. It is intended to provide ideas, definitions, concepts, policies, and resources. It is a primer- a place to start on a new managerial journey. Every effort was made to incorporate the state of the art in law enforcement intelligence: Intelligence-Led Policing, the National Criminal Intelligence Sharing Plan, the FBI Intelligence Program, the array of new intelligence activities occurring in the Department of Homeland Security, community policing, and various other significant developments in the reengineered arena of intelligence. -
Mapping Police Violence
STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK AT NEW PALTZ Political Science and International Relations Spring 2019 Semester Scheduling A few notes for the Spring 2019 Semester: • Don’t forget to meet with your advisor well before your registration time. Come to the meeting with a preliminary IMPORTANT schedule. Email addresses for faculty on p. 6. DATES: • Students may take either POL 401 or LAM 493 to satisfy their seminar requirement. 10/22, 11/6 • American Foreign Policy will meet Mondays from 3:30-6:20. PSIR CLUB • Don’t forget to meet with your advisor well before your SUB 414, 6:00pm. 11/22 topic: registration time. Come to the meeting with a preliminary DACA. schedule. 10/23 Internships FILM SCREENING: THE City Internships UNAFRAID 6:00pm, LC 102. See p. 2 for details. City offers Winter, Spring and Summer Programs in 9 locations: 10/24 London, Paris, New York, Washington D.C., Miami, Chicago, Los HAWK THE VOTE Angeles, Boston & San Francisco. Hasbrouck Quad, 11:00-3:00pm. See p. 4 for details. Stop by. All programs feature a series of career-readiness classes, workshops 10/25 and events centered around an internship placement at a leading TOWN HALL WITH ANTHONY DELGADO company in an industry of interest to a student. SUB Multipurpose room, 4:00pm. Sponsored by Democracy Matters. Our programs are open to students from any year and with any major, and they may choose a placement in one of 9 career fields: 10/26 UNITED NATIONS DAY Banking & Financial services; Consulting & Professional services; Human Rights at the SUNY Law & Politics; Technology & Engineering; Marketing, Advertising & Global Center. -
A Critical Review of Slovo's “Has Socialism Failed?”
South African Communist Party 1990 Crisis of Conscience in the SACP: A Critical Review of Slovo’s “Has Socialism Failed?” Written: by Z. Pallo Jordan. Lusaka, February 1990. Transcribed: by Dominic Tweedie. “Has Socialism Failed?” is the intriguing title Comrade Joe Slovo has given to a discussion pamphlet published under the imprint of ‘Umsebenzi’, the quarterly newspaper of the SACP. The reader is advised at the outset that these are Slovo’s individual views, and not those of the SACP. While this is helpful it introduces a note of uncertainty regarding the pamphlet’s authority. The pamphlet itself is divided into six parts, the first five being an examination of the experience of the ‘socialist countries’, and the last, a look at the SACP itself. Most refreshing is the candour and honesty with which many of the problems of ‘existing socialism’ are examined. Indeed, a few years ago no one in the SACP would have dared to cast such a critical light on the socialist countries. “Anti-Soviet,” “anti-Communist,” or “anti- Party” were the dismissive epithets reserved for those who did. We can but hope that the publication of this pamphlet spells the end of such practices. It is clear too that much of the heart-searching that persuaded Slovo to put pen to paper was occasioned by the harrowing events of the past twelve months, which culminated in the Romanian masses, in scenes reminiscent of the storming of the Winter Palace, storming the headquarters of the Communist Party of Roumania. It beggars the term “ironic” that scenarios many of us had imagined would be played out at the end of bourgeois rule in historical fact rang down the curtain on a ‘Communist’ dictatorship! We may expect that, just as in 1956 and 1968, there will flow from many pens the essays of disillusionment and despair written by ex- communists who have recently discovered the “sterling” qualities of late capitalism. -
Election Observers and Electoral Fraud
The American Political Science Association APSA Volume 14, No. 3 Comparative Democratization October 2016 In This Issue CD THE PROMISE AND PERILS OF DEMOCRACY ASSISTANCE IN “Democracy Aid AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES in Challenging Sarah Bush, Temple University Contexts” n 2006, Thomas Carothers wrote a Foreign Affairs article titled “The Backlash Against Democracy Promotion,” which documented how authoritarian leaders 1 Editorial Board Note were pushing back against democracy assistance through a variety of legal and Anna Lührmann and Staffan I. extralegal tactics in the wake of the Colored Revolutions.1 The trend Carothers identified Lindberg I has only intensified in the decade since he wrote that article, as shown by a recent and 1 The Promise and Perils of Democracy Assistance in comprehensive analysis of restrictions to foreign funding for domestic civil society Authoritarian Regimes Sarah Bush organizations. In this analysis, Kendra Dupuy, James Ron, and Aseem Prakash found that 2 1 Contextualizing Democracy 39 low- and middle-income countries had adopted laws restricting foreign funding. The Promotion Julia Leiniger 2 The Paradox of Democracy Aid 1. Thomas Carothers, “The Backlash Against Democracy Promotion,” Foreign Affairs 85 (March/April 2006): 55-68. to Closed Autocraces Anna Lührmann 2. Kendra Dupuy, James Ron, and Aseem Prakash, “Hands Off My Regime! Governments’ Restrictions on Foreign Aid 2 Democracy Aid in the Middle to Non-Governmental Organizations in Poor and Middle-Income Countries,” World Development: forthcoming. On East Erin A. Snider how authoritarian governments resist democracy assistance or use repression to stymie democracy assistance, see also: 3 Election Observers and Electoral Darin Christensen and Jeremy M. -
Understanding the Consequences of Neoliberalism Jenny Andersson, Olivier Godechot
Destabilizing Orders – Understanding the Consequences of Neoliberalism Jenny Andersson, Olivier Godechot To cite this version: Jenny Andersson, Olivier Godechot. Destabilizing Orders – Understanding the Consequences of Ne- oliberalism: Proceedings of the MaxPo Fifth-Anniversary Conference. Paris, January 12–13, 2018. 2018. hal-02180035 HAL Id: hal-02180035 https://hal-sciencespo.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02180035 Preprint submitted on 11 Jul 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. No. 18/1 maxpo discussion paper Destabilizing Orders – Understanding the Consequences of Neoliberalism Proceedings of the MaxPo Fifth-Anniversary Conference Paris, January 12–13, 2018 Edited by Jenny Andersson and Olivier Godechot Jenny Andersson, Olivier Godechot (eds.) Destabilizing Orders – Understanding the Consequences of Neoliberalism: Proceedings from the MaxPo Fifth-Anniversary Conference. Paris, January 12–13, 2018 MaxPo Discussion Paper 18/1 Max Planck Sciences Po Center on Coping with Instability in Market Societies May 2018 © 2018 by the author(s) About the editors Jenny Andersson is Co-Director at the Max Planck Sciences Po Center on Coping with Instability in Market Societies (MaxPo) and CNRS Research Professor at the Center for European Studies (CEE) in Paris. Email: [email protected] Olivier Godechot is Co-Director at the Max Planck Sciences Po Center on Coping with Instability in Market Societies (MaxPo) in Paris. -
Rosa Luxemburg “The Accumulation of Capital”: East and West
Rosa Luxemburg “The Accumulation of Capital” and China He Ping The Department of Philosophy, Wuhan University, China E-mail: [email protected] The greatest contribution of Rose Luxemburg’s “The Accumulation of Capital” is establishment of the unified worldwide diagram of the development of capitalism in the imperialist era, which Rose Luxemburg call total capitalism. According to this diagram, only finding the market in non-capitalist countries can west capitalism realizes its accumulation of capital so that the survival of non-capitalist countries, the formation of world market and boundless enlargement of consumption are the premise of constructing world system. In chapter XXVIII of “the Accumulation of Capital”, on “The Introduction of Commodity Economy”, she cited China for her examining. Lenin was against this diagram and stressed the important role of national states in constructing world system so that he pointed out the multiple diagram of the development of capitalism in the imperialist era. All these give me a chance to discuss some problems of the relation of China to world system in different field of vision. In my paper, I am going to begin with Luxemburg’s analysis of China, and then, probe into the significance and effect of national states in the China’s modernization by examining China of the twentieth century, finally combine the two-fold character of nation states with the theory and practices of China’s modernization to discuss Luxemburg’s concepts of world history in imperialist era, and evaluate Luxemburg’s theoretical contribution and its today’s development. I. Rosa Luxemburg’s Analysis of China In “The Historical Conditions of Accumulation”of “The Accumulation of Capital”, Luxemburg said: “Modern China presents a classical example of the ‘gentle’, ‘peace-loving’ practices of commodity exchange with backward countries. -
Citizens United Harms Democracy & Top 5 Ways We’Re Fighting to Take Democracy Back
Top 5 Ways Citizens United Harms Democracy & Top 5 Ways We’re Fighting to Take Democracy Back liz kennedy n the five years since the Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision the dominance of big money over politics and policy has grown, seemingly without restraint and with dire consequences for representative self-government. A funct ioning democracy Irequires a government responsive to people considered as political equals, where we each have a say in the public policy decisions that affect our lives. It is profoundly anti-democratic for anyone to be able to purchase political power, and when a small elite makes up a donor class that is able to shape our government and our public policy. It’s not just the amount of money being spent on campaigns and to lobby our elected representatives—which is on the rise and in- creasingly secret.1 The problem is that our current system for fund- ing elections allows a few people and special interests to have much more power over the direction of our country than the vast majority of Americans, who have different views on public policy than the wealthy elite.2 We’ve been fighting to control the improper influence of money in government, whether from wealthy individuals or cor- porate interests, since the founding of our republic.3 But we are at a low point, where large financial interests wield tremendous political power, and much of the blame rests squarely on the Supreme Court and its campaign finance decisions. Americans across the political spectrum understand that our cur- rent rules for using money in politics give the wealthy greater polit- ical power and prevent us from having an equal chance to influence 2015 • 1 the political process,4 and that government is not serving our inter- ests but rather serving special interests.5. -
Summaries of the 21 Courses and Programs in the Political
2. Summaries of the Twenty-one Courses and Programs in the Political Engagement Project Course instructors and program leaders are listed alphabetically 1. Rick Battistoni: Ancients and Moderns: Democratic Theory and Practice Providence College (Providence, Rhode Island) Overview: This is a one-semester political theory course. Enrolls twenty to twenty-five students, mainly sophomore and junior political science majors. Description: Battistoni's course links democratic theory to democratic practice, both inside and outside the classroom. He uses several “democratic pedagogies” that help students "learn democracy by doing democracy." Innovative pedagogical tools include a simulation in which students work in groups to create models of a perfectly democratic and a perfectly undemocratic classroom, a "democratic theory journal," and exercises that use several different democratic decision-making devices (such as selection by lot, direct democracy, and representative democracy). Students also complete a Theory into Practice component, which includes two options. The first is the Democratic Organizational Biography project, in which students work individually in a community organization and engage in participatory research, conducting interviews with key stakeholders. The second option is the Democracy in Action project, where students work in groups with the dual goals of organizing themselves democratically and creating and implementing a democratic action plan. 1 2. Alma Blount: Service Opportunities in Leadership (SOL) Hart Leadership