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East and Central Africa 19
Most countries have based their long-term planning (‘vision’) documents on harnessing science, technology and innovation to development. Kevin Urama, Mammo Muchie and Remy Twingiyimana A schoolboy studies at home using a book illuminated by a single electric LED lightbulb in July 2015. Customers pay for the solar panel that powers their LED lighting through regular instalments to M-Kopa, a Nairobi-based provider of solar-lighting systems. Payment is made using a mobile-phone money-transfer service. Photo: © Waldo Swiegers/Bloomberg via Getty Images 498 East and Central Africa 19 . East and Central Africa Burundi, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Congo (Republic of), Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gabon, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, South Sudan, Uganda Kevin Urama, Mammo Muchie and Remy Twiringiyimana Chapter 19 INTRODUCTION which invest in these technologies to take a growing share of the global oil market. This highlights the need for oil-producing Mixed economic fortunes African countries to invest in science and technology (S&T) to Most of the 16 East and Central African countries covered maintain their own competitiveness in the global market. in the present chapter are classified by the World Bank as being low-income economies. The exceptions are Half the region is ‘fragile and conflict-affected’ Cameroon, the Republic of Congo, Djibouti and the newest Other development challenges for the region include civil strife, member, South Sudan, which joined its three neighbours religious militancy and the persistence of killer diseases such in the lower middle-income category after being promoted as malaria and HIV, which sorely tax national health systems from low-income status in 2014. -
Overview of Corruption and Anti-Corruption in Palestine
www.transparency.org www.cmi.no Overview of corruption and anti-corruption in Palestine Query What is the status of corruption and anti-corruption in Palestine? Purpose Summary Our country provides bilateral assistance to the Since its inception, the Palestinian National Authority Palestine authorities. Information focusing on the (PNA) has faced major internal and external threats and Petroleum sector and illicit capital flows in Palestine challenges that may have stalled its efforts to develop would be particularly helpful. and implement effective anti-corruption policies. Against this backdrop, the PNA is credited with having made significant progress in strengthening public governance Content systems, as reflected by findings of various corruption 1. Overview of corruption in Palestine surveys and governance indicators. 2. Anti-corruption efforts in Palestine While domestic surveys show that perceptions of 3. References corruption remain high across the population, in actual fact, relatively few Palestinians experience petty bribery Caveats when dealing with public officials. Wasta (favouritism) and nepotism constitute the most common There are relatively few publicly available sources of manifestations of corruption, in particular in relation to information on corruption and anti-corruption for appointments in public institutions. Corruption in Palestine (in English) than for other countries. The economic sectors that have monopolistic features such present answer draws heavily on a comprehensive as the petroleum sector and in land management 2011 World Bank report on improving governance and remain issues of major concern. reducing corruption, the Global Integrity 2010 scorecard and the 2009 National Integrity System study as well as The PNA has made efforts to strengthen its legal and other reports produced by the AMAN coalition. -
Middle-Easterners and North Africans in America Power of the Purse: Middle-Easterners and North Africans in America
JANUARY 2019 POWER OF THE PURSE: Middle-Easterners and North Africans in America Power of the Purse: Middle-Easterners and North Africans in America Paid for by the Partnership for a New American Economy Research Fund CONTENTS Executive Summary 1 Introduction 4 Income and Tax Contributions 6 Spending Power 9 Entrepreneurship 11 Filling Gaps in the Labor Force 13 Communities Benefitting from MENA Immigrants 17 MENA Immigrants in Detroit 21 Conclusion 23 Methodology Appendix 24 Endnotes 26 © Partnership for a New American Economy Research Fund. Power of the Purse: Middle-Easterners and North Africans in America | Executive Summary Executive Summary ver the last few decades, immigrants from the born residents from the Middle East and North Africa Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have make critically important contributions to our country O gone from a small minority of the immigrants through their work as everything from physicians to in America to a growing and highly productive segment technology workers to entrepreneurs. The contributions of the U.S. economy. Yet very little attention has been they make as taxpayers support the growth of many paid to the economic contributions of MENA immigrants. key cities, including several in the Midwest. And their This occurs for a variety of reasons. First, despite their expenditures as consumers support countless growing numbers they still represent one of the smallest U.S. businesses. groups of American newcomers, numbering fewer than 1.5 million people—or less than 0.5 percent of the U.S. The contributions Middle Eastern population overall. Second, the U.S. Census has a short and North African immigrants history of tracking socioeconomic data on immigrants from the Middle East.1 make as taxpayers support the growth of many key cities, Foreign-born residents including several in the Midwest. -
The Middle East and North Africa (MENA)
Regional strategy for development cooperation with The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) 2006 – 2008 The Swedish Government resolved on 27 April 2006 that Swedish support for regional development cooperation in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA region) during the period 2006-2008 should be conducted in accordance with the enclosed regional strategy. The Government authorized the Swedish International Development Coope- ration Agency (Sida) to implement in accordance with the strategy and decided that the financial framework for the development cooperation programme should be SEK 400–500 million. Regional strategy for development cooperation with the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) 2006 – 2008 Contents 1. Summary ........................................................................................ 2 2. Conclusions of the regional assessment ........................................... 3 3. Assessment of observations: Conclusions ......................................... 6 4. Other policy areas .......................................................................... 8 5. Cooperation with other donors ........................................................ 10 6. The aims and focus of Swedish development cooperation ................ 11 7. Areas of cooperation with the MENA region ..................................... 12 7.1 Strategic considerations ............................................................. 12 7.2 Cooperation with the Swedish Institute in Alexandria and ............... 14 where relevant with the Section for -
Explaining the MENA Paradox: Rising Educational Attainment, Yet Stagnant Female Labor Force Participation
DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES IZA DP No. 11385 Explaining the MENA Paradox: Rising Educational Attainment, Yet Stagnant Female Labor Force Participation Ragui Assaad Rana Hendy Moundir Lassassi Shaimaa Yassin MARCH 2018 DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES IZA DP No. 11385 Explaining the MENA Paradox: Rising Educational Attainment, Yet Stagnant Female Labor Force Participation Ragui Assaad Moundir Lassassi University of Minnesota, ERF and IZA Center for Research in Applied Economics for Development Rana Hendy Doha Institute for Graduate Studies Shaimaa Yassin and ERF University of Lausanne (DEEP) and University of Le Mans (GAINS-TEPP) MARCH 2018 Any opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author(s) and not those of IZA. Research published in this series may include views on policy, but IZA takes no institutional policy positions. The IZA research network is committed to the IZA Guiding Principles of Research Integrity. The IZA Institute of Labor Economics is an independent economic research institute that conducts research in labor economics and offers evidence-based policy advice on labor market issues. Supported by the Deutsche Post Foundation, IZA runs the world’s largest network of economists, whose research aims to provide answers to the global labor market challenges of our time. Our key objective is to build bridges between academic research, policymakers and society. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author. IZA – Institute of Labor Economics Schaumburg-Lippe-Straße 5–9 Phone: +49-228-3894-0 53113 Bonn, Germany Email: [email protected] www.iza.org IZA DP No. -
2018 Near East and North Africa Regional Overview of Food Security
2 018 Near East and North Africa REGIONAL OVERVIEW OF FOOD SECURITY AND NUTRITION RURAL TRANSFORMATION-KEY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN THE NEAR EAST AND NORTH AFRICA COVER PHOTOGRAPH A Farmer cultivating crops. ©FAO/Franco Mattioli 2 018 REGIONAL OVERVIEW OF FOOD SECURITY AND NUTRITION RURAL TRANSFORMATION-KEY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN THE NEAR EAST AND NORTH AFRICA Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations Cairo, 2019 RECOMMENDED CITATION: FAO. 2019. Rural transformation-key for sustainable development in the near east and North Africa. Overview of Food Security and Nutrition 2018. Cairo. 80 pp. Licence: CC BY-NC-SA 3.0 IGO. The designations employed and the presentation of material in this information product do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) concerning the legal or development status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The mention of specific companies or products of manufacturers, whether or not these have been patented, does not imply that these have been endorsed or recommended by FAO in preference to others of a similar nature that are not mentioned. ISBN 978-92-5-131348-0 © FAO, 2019 Some rights reserved. This work is made available under the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial -Share Alike 3.0 IGO licence (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0 IGO; https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/ 3.0/igo/legalcode/legalcode). Under the terms of this licence, this work may be copied, redistributed and adapted for non-commercial purposes, provided that the work is appropriately cited. -
No. ICC-01/18 16 March 2020 Original: English
ICC-01/18-95 17-03-2020 1/32 NM PT Original: English No.: ICC-01/18 Date: 16 March 2020 PRE-TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: Judge Péter Kovács, Presiding Judge Judge Marc Perrin de Brichambaut Judge Reine Adélaïde Sophie Alapini-Gansou SITUATION IN THE STATE OF PALESTINE Public Document Amicus Curiae in the Proceedings Relating to the Prosecution Request Pursuant to Article 19(3) for a Ruling on the Court’s Territorial Jurisdiction in Palestine Source: Professor Eyal Benvenisti Whewell Professor of International Law Jesus College, University of Cambridge No. ICC-01/18 1/25 16 March 2020 ICC-01/18-95 17-03-2020 2/32 NM PT Document to be notified in accordance with regulation 31 of the Regulations of the Court to: The Office of the Prosecutor Counsel for the Defence Fatou Bensouda, Prosecutor James Stewart, Deputy Prosecutor Legal Representatives of the Victims Legal Representatives of the Applicants Unrepresented Victims Unrepresented Applicants (Participation/Reparation) The Office of Public Counsel for Victims The Office of Public Counsel for the Paolina Massidda Defence States’ Representatives Amicus Curiae The competent authorities of the • Professor John Quigley State of Palestine • Guernica 37 International Justice Chambers REGISTRY • The European Centre for Law and Justice • Professor Hatem Bazian • The Touro Institute on Human Rights and the Holocaust • The Czech Republic • The Israel Bar Association • Professor Richard Falk • The Organization of Islamic Cooperation • The Lawfare Project, the Institute for NGO Research, Palestinian Media Watch, and the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs • MyAQSA Foundation • The Federal Republic of Germany • Australia • UK Lawyers for Israel, B’nai B’rith UK, the International Legal Forum, No. -
The EU, Resilience and the MENA Region
REGION ENA THE EU, RESILIENCE The EU Global Strategy outlines an ambitious set of objectives to refashion the EU’s foreign and security policy. Fostering state and AND THE MENA REGION societal resilience stands out as a major goal of the strategy, con- HE M T ceived both as a means to enhance prevention and early warning and as a long-term investment in good governance, stability and prosperity. This book collects the results of a research project designed and implemented by FEPS and IAI exploring different understandings of resilience on the basis of six MENA state and societal contexts, mapping out the challenges but also positive reform actors and dynamics within them as a first step towards operationalizing the concept of resilience. U, RESILIENCE AND E FEPS is the progressive political foundation established at the European level. Created in 2007, it aims at establishing an intellec- tual crossroad between social democracy and the European project. THE As a platform for ideas and dialogue, FEPS works in close collabora- tion with social democratic organizations, and in particular national foundations and think tanks across and beyond Europe, to tackle the challenges that we are facing today. FEPS inputs fresh thinking at the core of its action and serves as an instrument for pan-Euro- pean, intellectual political reflection. IAI is a private, independent non-profit think tank, founded in 1965 on the initiative of Altiero Spinelli. IAI seeks to promote awareness of international politics and to contribute to the advancement of European integration and multilateral cooperation. IAI is part of a vast international research network, and interacts and cooperates with the Italian government and its ministries, European and inter- national institutions, universities, major national economic actors, the media and the most authoritative international think tanks. -
Egypt Vs. Algeria – the Nasty Politics of Football
Centro de Estudios y Documentación InternacionalesCentro de Barcelona opiniónCIDOB EGYPT VS. ALGERIA – THE NASTY 52 POLITICS OF FOOTBALL DECEMBER 2009 Francis Ghilès Senior Researcher, CIDOB n Thursday 12th November the bus ferrying the Algerian national football team from Cairo airport to the hotel was stoned by Egyptians – the police did not intervene before a number of players were seriously wounded, Osome even needed stitches. The Pharaohs won 2-0 against the Fennecs (desert fox) thus forcing a play- off which was to be played in the capital of Sudan, Khartoum, on 18th November. The outcome of that match would decide which team would qualify to represent Africa for the finals of the World Cup due in South Africa next year. Ugly incidents occurred between supporters of both teams after the first match which spread to three countries in the run up to the second match. Reckless reporting fanned by Egyptian and Algerian political leaders resulted in large scale demonstrations in Algiers when the Algerian popular newspaper Chourouk reported one Algerian fan had died – it later turned out he had fainted. President Mubarak’s sons joined the fray: on Egyptian television they attacked Algerians for being terrorists. Blogs meanwhile went into overdrive, Algerian bloggers promising to avenge the blood of their brother “killed” in Cairo, Egyp- tians sneering at Algerians for having been colonised by the French for 132 years. The Algerian authorities meanwhile slapped a $600m tax bill on Orascom, the Egyptian company which has a high profile in Algeria and whose headquarters were thrashed by crowds of Algerian supporters. -
SOLER Geopolitics of the MENA Region Summerschool2021
SUMMER SCHOOL IN GLOBAL POLITICS, DEVELOPMENT AND SECURITY 2021 Geopolitics of the MENA Region in a Post-Western and Post- Covid World Instructor: Eduard Soler (CIDOB-IBEI) Date: June 21 – 23 Time: 12.00 pm – 2.00 pm (CEST, Barcelona time) Format: online Which are the implications for the Middle East and North Africa of the relative decline of the West, Russia’s return, the rise of China and Africa’s potential? Has COVID19 modified cooperation and conflict dynamics within the MENA region and between these countries and the main global powers? The purpose of this course is threefold: to help students understand the priorities of global powers in this region, to discuss the impact on global shifts in regional dynamics and to explore which actors in this region are better placed to take advantage of these changes. In the early 2000s, the MENA region was one of the theatres where Washington projected its unilateral moment. It is no longer the case. In the post-2011 context Russia has manoeuvred to fill this vacuum. In a more subtle but gradual manner, China is also becoming a relevant actor and mega-infrastructure projects suggest that this is a long-term investment. More broadly, relations between the MENA and Asia are growing and are multifaceted, including Iran’s economic links with major Asian economies or the presence of South-Asian diasporas in the Gulf. The irruption of the pandemic has only reinforced the role of Russia, China and India both in the global stage but also in the MENA region. Finally, Africa’s demographic and economic growth in the next decades will be a global game-changer but the effects will be felt more strongly in the MENA because of geographic proximity. -
COUNTRY AJUSTED REFUSAL RATE Afghanistan 56.0% Albania
ADJUSTED REFUSAL RATE - B-VISAS ONLY BY NATIONALITY FISCAL YEAR 2010 AJUSTED COUNTRY REFUSAL RATE Afghanistan 56.0% Albania 37.7% Algeria 21.9% Andorra 100.0% Angola 21.4% Antigua and Barbuda 19.7% Argentina 3.1% Armenia 51.4% Australia 23.7% Austria 11.5% Azerbaijan 13.5% Bahrain 4.1% Bangladesh 36.4% Barbados 10.2% Belarus 19.7% Belgium 13.2% Belize 33.4% Benin 39.7% Bhutan 64.1% Bolivia 23.8% Bosnia-Herzegovina 9.7% Botswana 13.9% Brazil 5.2% Brunei 3.5% Bulgaria 17.2% Burkina Faso 45.8% Burma 32.0% Burundi 36.4% Cambodia 42.9% Cameroon 40.5% Canada 57.1% Cape Verde 46.3% Central African Republic 48.3% Chad 58.5% Chile 5.0% China - Mainland 13.3% Colombia 30.7% Comoros 43.6% Congo (Brazzaville) 34.4% Congo (Kinshasa) 40.8% Costa Rica 17.7% Cote D`Ivoire 47.0% Croatia 5.3% Cuba 20.5% Cyprus 1.7% Czech Republic 9.6% Page 1 of 5 ADJUSTED REFUSAL RATE - B-VISAS ONLY BY NATIONALITY FISCAL YEAR 2010 AJUSTED COUNTRY REFUSAL RATE Denmark 18.3% Djibouti 60.2% Dominica 27.5% Dominican Republic 31.2% Ecuador 27.1% Egypt 31.3% El Salvador 47.4% Equatorial Guinea 12.2% Eritrea 52.6% Estonia 29.3% Ethiopia 49.1% Federated States Of Micronesia 0.0% Fiji 33.8% Finland 15.4% France 14.5% Gabon 27.3% Georgia 43.6% Germany 15.4% Ghana 58.0% Great Britain And Northern Ireland 25.5% Greece 2.6% Grenada 29.6% Guatemala 28.0% Guinea 66.0% Guinea - Bissau 46.6% Guyana 63.5% Haiti 49.0% Honduras 29.2% Hong Kong (BNO HK passport) 5.0% Hong Kong S. -
Re-Conceptualizing Orders in the Mena Region the Analytical Framework of the Menara Project
No. 1, November 2016 METHODOLOGY AND CONCEPT PAPERS RE-CONCEPTUALIZING ORDERS IN THE MENA REGION THE ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK OF THE MENARA PROJECT Edited by Eduard Soler i Lecha (coordinator), Silvia Colombo, Lorenzo Kamel and Jordi Quero This project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation programme under grant agreement No 693244 Middle East and North Africa Regional Architecture: Mapping Geopolitical Shifts, Regional Order and Domestic Transformations METHODOLOGY AND CONCEPT PAPERS No. 1, November 2016 RE-CONCEPTUALIZING ORDERS IN THE MENA REGION THE ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK OF THE MENARA PROJECT Edited by Eduard Soler i Lecha (coordinator), Silvia Colombo, Lorenzo Kamel and Jordi Quero ABSTRACT The aim of this work is to set the conceptual architecture for the MENARA Project. It is articulated in five thematic sections. The first one traces back the major historical junctures in which key powers shaped the defining features of the present-day MENA region. Section 2 sets the geographical scope of the project, maps the distribution of power and defines regional order and its main features. Section 3 focuses on the domestic orders in a changing region by gauging and tracing the evolution of four trends, namely the erosion of state capacity; the securitization of regime policies; the militarization of contention; and the pluralization of collective identities. Section 4 links developments in the global order to their impact on the region in terms of power, ideas, norms and identities. The last section focuses on foresight studies and proposes a methodology to project trends and build scenarios. All sections, as well as the conclusion, formulate specific research questions that should help us understand the emerging geopolitical order in the MENA.