Recent Research in Paleoethnobotany

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Journal of Archaeological Research, Vol. 7, No. 1, 1999

Christine A. Hastorf1

This article discusses paleoethnobotanical research and results presented in the recent literature. Although archaeobotany is a fairly recent addition to the study of the past, it now encompasses a diverse range of techniques, analyses, and new results. Issues that are prominent in this archaeological subdiscipline include the origins of agriculture, resource use, environmental reconstruction, anthropogenic environmental change, political-economic change, plant cultivation and crop production, plant processing, consumption (diet), and site deposition. Some of the plant identification methods for macrobotanical remains include morphology using light microscopes, histology with the scanning electron microscope, and statistics. The study of microbotanical remains has expanded greatly and now includes pollen, phytolith, chemical, and molecular analyses. KEY WORDS: archaeology; plants; archaeobotany; paleoethnobotany.

INTRODUCTION

The archaeological subdiscipline of paleoethnobotany has expanded greatly during the last 20 years. First practiced in Europe by botanists such as Heer, who looked at plants from archaeological Swiss lake-dwelling sites in the 1850s, it was truly launched as a modern research program in North America by Volney Jones in 1941. In the New World the discipline is usually termed "paleoethnobotany" and is defined as "the analysis and interpretation of archaeobotanical remains to provide information on the interactions of human populations and plants" (Popper and Hastorf, 1988, p. 2). This approach to plant-human interrelationships adds a dynamic aspect to the study of ecological and anthropological questions. Many active scholars in

1Department of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley, California 94720.

1059-0161/99/0300-0055$16.00 C 1999 Plenum Publishing Corporation 56 Hastorf

Europe have the same perspective (Hillman and Davies, 1990; Miller, 1995; van Zeist et al., 1991, p. vii), but they use the term "archaeobotany." This difference in names causes some confusion, because in the New World archaeobotany refers the specific processing and identification of plant materials rather than the interpretation of the results. Plants are essential to human existence. Until the last few hundred years of human history, most things that humans dealt with came from either plants or animals. Common daily tasks such as getting food, food preparation, cooking, eating, ritual, shelter construction, and tool use primarily were accomplished using plant matter. Plants were charged with symbolic importance that colored every human interaction with them, add- ing to their technical and biological importance. Thus plants also are important to archaeologists. But it is not easy to reconstruct and understand the use and meaning of each plant in the past. Whether we focus on the more commonly uncovered charred, waterlogged, and desiccated macroremains or pollen, phytoliths, and other molecular microremains, we obtain only a partial view of the vast universe of past human-plant interactions. Radically diverse preservation conditions and the fact that most plant matter observed on sites is commonly a reflection of mistakes and residues rather than initial acts of usage continue to challenge this subdiscipline. A search of the archaeological journals of 20 years ago reveals that archaeobotanical studies were less common than analyses of animal and human bones. But this pattern is changing as collecting and processing techniques, analytical methods, and interpretations are increasingly implemented, codi- fied, and published. With systematic recovery techniques used at most excavations, we now are seeing a fuller picture of past lifeways and long-term human impacts on the environment. In the last 10 years or so many fine examples of paleoethnobotanical research and archaeobotanical studies that report on food, foraging, crops, agriculture, and vegetation have been published (Ford, 1985; Greig, 1989; Harris and Hillman, 1989; Hastorf and Pop- per, 1988; Miller and Gleason, 1994; Neusius, 1986; Pearsall, 1989; Piperno, 1988; Renfrew, 1991; Scarry, 1993; Smith, 1992, 1995; Sobolik, 1994; van Zeist and Casparie, 1984; van Zeist et al., 1991; Zohary and Hopf, 1993). There also are some bibliographic articles such as Bonavia and Kaplan (1990) and the annual section in Journal of Ethnobiology that reports on recent dis- sertations of interest to paleoethnobotanists. The journal Vegetation History and Archaeobotany has been in print since 1991. Equally influential in paleoethnobotanical expansion is the regular inclusion of plant analysis in con- tract archaeology worldwide. This research has contributed substantially to data as well as methodology, although it has been harder to learn about these results due to different strategies of dissemination. Recent Research in Paleoethnobotany 57

Why was this subdiscipline peripheral in field archaeology for so long? Part of the reason is the specialized training that archaeobotanists must have in addition to archaeology, although such detailed training is increasingly essential in all subfields of archaeology. In part, I believe that the slowness of regular incorporation also is due to the less visible nature of charred plant remains on sites compared to bones, ceramics, or lithics. Ex- cavators normally cannot see most plant remains with the naked eye and thus cannot use them in their on-site contextual interpretations. It is often many months later that the botanical data enters the discussion, and usually well after the cultural contexts are established and interpretations have been made. This position of archaeobotany in much of archaeology's history perhaps also occurred because of the implicit view that plants were lowly items, interacting with human society primarily in the household spheres of hearth, food processing, fuel gathering, cooking, and eating. These tasks are commonly women's domains. Such household aspects of life perhaps were not thought to be important avenues of study when big questions could be addressed, such as the origins of the state or the rise of complexity. It is as if plants did not participate in or reflect these larger changes. Only recently have state-level questions been addressed with botanical data. On the other hand, the origins of agriculture and environmental reconstruction are archaeological questions that draw regularly on botanical information. Even in models about the onset of agriculture Watson and Kennedy (1991) have pointed out how it is implied that men initiated the process. Archaeobotany also is very labor intensive, so that plant analysis is costly. As Gero (1985) has noted, female archaeologists have tended to be the detailed, small item, laboratory/museum analysts, not valued as highly as field workers in the greater discipline. These two effects have perhaps created a sense of lesser impact in archaeology. Yet despite these images, paleoethnobotany is definitely productive and providing substantive input into broad archaeological issues. This overview highlights some of the important directions in the subdiscipline between 1988 and 1995. I have focused this literature search on issues raised in major books and international journals. The most regularly presented results are the macroremains of charred plants. Pollen is important, of course, but it tends to be used in the examination of paleoecological and off-site environmental questions (Bottema, 1995; Edwards, 1991b), although on-site examples exist (Tipping, 1994). There is an increasing number of exciting microbotanical techniques in the literature, including the investigation of mineralized plants (Scott, 1989), phytoliths (Pearsall and Piperno, 1993; Rapp and Mulholland, 1992), isozymes (Doebley, 1990; Quiros et al., 1990), DNA (Brown et al., 1993; Rollo et al., 1991), chemical 58 Hastorf analyses (Evershed, 1993; Hillman et al., 1993), plant isotopes (Hastorf and DeNiro, 1985), and coprolites (Holden, 1991; Reinhard et al., 1991). These diverse techniques are being applied more often and increasingly help con- tribute to our knowledge of past human lifeways.

METHODS

One of the most important domains in a discipline's maturation is the development and implementation of effective field and laboratory methods. Macrobotanical remains are investigated primarily by morphology and histology. Studying morphology with a light microscope is by far the most common identification method. Microbotanical remains must always be analyzed using more high-powered microscopes, chemically, or molecularly. New methods range from processing technologies such as Gu- merman and Umemoto's (1987) siphoning for submerged plant parts in the flotation machine, to Wagner's (1988) systematic testing of recovery rates of various flotation machines. Pearsall's (1989) Paleoethnobotany has become a very important text for methodology. The book reviews basic excavation and soil collection methods all the way through processing of pollen and phytolith extracts. It offers more detail than introductory archaeology textbooks and is in the process of being updated for a second edition.

Systematic Sample Collection

The systematic collection of samples of sufficient size is an important part of good analysis. Brady (1989) points out the need for diligence in collection methods in his discussion of the importance of systematic flotation for wood analysis. While paleoethnobotanists are committed to collecting regular and systematic soil samples from every excavation unit for flotation, there is still debate as to whether or not the collected soil sample size should vary. Some choose to vary the size based on the density and/or amount of charred or desiccated material coming out of any one unit (G. Jones, 1991). Others prefer a standard size of collected soil sample (Lennstrom and Hastorf, 1992). Some paleoethnobotanists collect varying-sized samples, with at least 500 specimens retrieved per sample. Others emphasize collecting a standard soil size that will have 500 specimens on average. If one wants to complete statistical analysis (e.g., ubiquity analysis or relative percentages), it is important to use standard-sized collections. Recent Research in Paleoethnobotany 59

Ubiquity analysis, also called presence or percentage presence analysis, quantifies the botanical presence and absence of each taxon from within a set of proveniences. It tallies the number of the samples (percentage) within a soil-sample population that contains a particular taxon. More or less equivalent sample sizes are required for this analysis. Flexible-size collection procedures tend to require more on-site management to direct how much soil must be collected in each sample. Such strategies work best if the excavation is small, the flotation setup is on-site, and the flotation team keeps up with the excavation speed. Standard-size flotation sampling allows for more flexibility in flotation location and time, as well as comparability between samples. A standard soil-collection size allows the soil samples to be floated after the excavations are completed or at some distance away from the site or sites. Many choose a sampling strategy with the understanding that the larger any one sample is, the greater the chance is to collect rare taxa. The excavation team must decide which of these procedures is most suitable and effective before the project begins. Further sampling decisions also occur in the laboratory. Van der Veen (1984, 1991) has discussed what can be done in the laboratory to minimize time in analysis while maintaining sufficient material for adequate results. She suggests, as does Pearsall (1989), that one can speed identification by subsampling the floated matrix while maintaining the minimum counts needed for statistics. This procedure is feasible and necessary with some samples, but it does mean that the samples within a population will not always be comparable in every type of analysis, especially for rare species. Further stress on standardization is discussed by Leonard (1989). He statistically reanalyzed a published botanical assemblage and discovered that the shifts that had been attributed to economic resource specialization were in fact an artifact of the different numbers of flotation samples collected and analyzed in the excavated provenience clusters. Thus the number of samples per analyzed unit also must be standardized for certain computations. Both replicability and comparability between contexts and sites are important goals. Comparability can be assured only if soil samples are regularly collected. It is the case occasionally that archaeologists want to compare specific locations on a site, especially those next to each other, often well after the excavation is completed. Such comparisons can be accomplished only if blanket sampling has occurred during the excavation (Lennstrom and Hastorf, 1995; Pearsall, 1989). 60 Hastorf

Taphonomy

The methodological gap between the excavated macroremains and interpretation is bridged by the complex issue of differential preservation. As one of the most difficult aspects of paleoethnobotany, taphonomy has received some discussion in the literature, but much remains to be addressed. The study of the affects of formation processes on plants unearthed in archaeological sites involves both the C and N transforms in Schiffer's (1987) formation-process terminology. Stages of preservation, amount of charring, erosion, decomposition, and postdepositional disturbance all are relevant concerns. We need to study the actions and selective destruction that occurred between what was deposited by humans and what we dig up: the death assemblage. The most frequently studied taphonomic impact is charring. Over the years, we have learned that individual taxa must be investigated systematically to determine what affect the type and duration of heat has had on morphology and preservation. Increasing sophistication is seen in the studies of Boardman and Jones (1990) and Hubbard and al Azm (1990) on distortions in Old World cereal grains. The Hubbard and al Azm study presents a systematic, descriptive scale based on time and temperature of heat exposure. This study was then amplified by Boardman and Jones. Another example that details charring effects was completed on grape seeds by Smith and Jones (1990). In this taxon, small changes, perhaps due to charring, determine whether the seed is classified as domestic or wild. Mclaren and Hubbard (1990) report on part of their larger ongoing study of European crop-charring conditions. Kislev and Rosenzweig (1991) have experimented with the charring conditions of legumes, a taxon for which it is very difficult to reconstruct past preservation situations. Goette et al. (1994) also completed a descriptive study of charring conditions for maize. All of these studies are working toward the determinination of the charring conditions most similar to what is found in archaeological samples. Eventually the aim is to provide con- crete links between processing and burning acts and the preservation conditions we find in the archaeological record. In general, these studies have found that the most likely archaeological conditions are low heating tem- peratures applied for a long time, as if the crops were buried in the soil near a hearth in a reducing atmosphere. Such determinations can provide a behavioral link for the plant death assemblage at the time of use and deposition. A second taphonomic approach is to reconstruct depositional histories. This is accomplished by investigating the assemblage contents and associ- ating these with depositional activities, linking statics to dynamics. This type Recent Research in Paleoethnobotany 61 of study is exemplified in Kreuz (1990), where she explicitly graphs a range of pit deposition patterns, linking them to the likely activities that formed the deposits. Derived from a theoretical model of depositional activities, this paper associates plant distributions and densities to possible activities. Lennstrom and Hastorf (1995) also explicitly deal with understanding the history of assemblage contents by comparing specific contexts with those that adjoin them. Additional taphonomic understanding undoubtedly will be gained through micromorphological analysis.

Plant Identification

Plant identification continues as an important area of archaeobotanical methodology. I cannot begin to mention all of the references on this topic; I discuss a few that are illustrative.

Macroremains

Morphological identification continues to progress on a range of taxa. Individual plant taxa, their identifications, and uses from around the world are regularly presented in paleoethnobotanical journals, especially Eco- nomic Botany, Journal of Ethnobiology, and Vegetation History and Ar- chaeobotany. A particularly good example of ethnographic plant studies helpful to archaeology is Wendy Beck's (1992) study of the collected plant, Cycas, in aboriginal life in Australia. In her article she presents the ecology of the plant, its recorded uses, as well as a listing of all archaeological finds in Australia. This information provides a guide to each plant's potential use in the past. Damp and Pearsall (1994) present a New World archaeological example of plant identification for early cotton in Ecuador. One breakthrough in archaeobotany during the past 7 years has been the work of Jon Hather (1991, 1994) and his systematic histological research on soft plant tissues. Hather has the difficult task of identifying the internal cellular structures of subsurface plant tissues, including tubers, rhi- zomes, and conns. This cellular-level histology includes the study of microscopic plant fiber anatomy (Korber-Grohne, 1988) of parenchymous tissue, common within all storage tubers (Hather, 1992a, 1993, 1994; Moffett, 1991). Although such studies involve extremely painstaking SEM work, Hather has identified a series of parenchymous charred samples from the Near East, Europe, and Polynesia, expanding our interpretations of early food use and agriculture in those areas. This type of detailed anatomical study will become increasingly important over the coming years. 62 Hastorf

Wood identification provides valuable cultural and environmental information. The procedural article on wood identification by Boyd (1988) is a good example. A very helpful regional example is the Gymnosperm key to American southwestern wood taxa by Minnis (1987). Wood identification can address questions of vegetation use, fuel choice, and wood and woodland management (February, 1992; Hastorf and Johannessen, 1991; Kreuz, 1991; Miller, 1990; Noshiro et al., 1992; Shackelton and Pruess, 1992; Smart and Hoffman, 1988). Ecological work in conjunction with wood identification can identify past forest disturbance and use (e.g., Morrison, 1994). Historical documents and drawings also can aid in our knowledge of the utility and worth of plants and their useful substances (Munson, 1989). Another type of report concerns rare taxa and/or early finds, such as the works of Ugent et al. (1982, 1984) that identify tubers in early Peruvian coastal sites. Although these dried tubers occur only under unique environmental conditions, they begin to fill in the temporal and spatial picture on plant evolution, trade, and human-plant interactions. Statistics continue to be useful in identifying domesticates when the wild specimens are closely related morphologically. Detailed attribute measurements are made on plant parts, and these measurements, rather than the plant counts, are investigated statistically. An important macrobotanical example of this is Decker and Newsom (1988), who applied statistics to the very early domesticate in Florida, Cucurbita pepo, to determine if they had found a wild or a domesticated specimen. Powers-Jones and Pad- more (1993) completed a similar statistical analysis of opal phytoliths.

Mircroremains

There is a wide array of chemical and molecular techniques that are beginning to be applied to archaeobotanical data. A brief summary of many of these techniques is provided in Thomas' (1993) introductory article to the World Archaeology volume on scientific techniques in archaeology. In addition to the microscopic work with phytoliths and pollen, some of these techniques include chemistry, X-ray fluorescence, paleogenetics, isozyme starch and protein electrophoresis, gas (and other) chromatography/mass spectroscopy, and electron spin resonance. Starch grain analysis also is providing results and gaining more attention (Cortella and Pochetten, 1994). In his succinct overview on the state of archaeological palynology and phytolith research, Bryant (1993) notes that archaeological palynology began in the 1920s, whereas archaeological phytolith work began only in the 1980s. Over this time, pollen has blossomed into a sophisticated tool for vegetation and climatic reconstruction as well as for providing information Recent Research In Paleoethnobotany 63 about local plant use in archaeology (Bottema, 1995; Edwards, 1991b; Tip- ping, 1994). Pollen becomes especially important in conjunction with macrobotanical remains; the two data sets together present a more complete picture of past environments (Bush, 1988; Hall, 1988; Piperno et al., 1991; Schoenwetter, 1987; Sergerstrom, 1991). For example, Sergerstrom's Swed- ish example demonstrates that pollen extracted from soils trace agricultural practices in arable lands over 1000 years. Suzanne Fish (1994) uses palynological methods to show how different data sets should be computed and applied to reconstruct past field use. Warnock and Reinhard (1992) present a new methodology for extracting pollen as well as parasite eggs to gain a clearer picture of past soils and their use. There also are examples of pollen and phytolith studies combined on the same project, such as Cum- mings' work (1992). One very traditional and important application of pollen is reconstructing agricultural field composition and, thus, agricultural production (Morrison, 1995). Although a younger subdisipline within paleoethnobotany, phytolith studies have become increasingly active and important, as seen in Piperno's (1988), Pearsall and Piperno's (1993), and Rapp and Mulholland's (1992) textbooks on this subject (see also Bozarth, 1987, 1990; Mulholland, 1988; Piperno, 1991). There are papers and reports throughout the literature on phytolith identification of grasses, beans, cucurbits, etc. (e.g., Russ and Rovner, 1989), and on early evidence of maize in areas where macroremains are not commonly recovered (Pearsall, 1990, 1994; Piperno, 1990, 1991; Piperno et al., 1991). We also have some intriguing new evidence for dry-environment irrigation from phytolith evidence (Rosen, 1994). Phytolith studies have begun to provide major insights into changing ecological relationships (Donahue and Dinan, 1993), as well as identifying anthropogenic indicators (Dinan and Rowlett, 1993). Such research is initiated by identifying shifts in plant types (not necessarily specific species) that reflect localized human disturbance. Through the creation of many type collections, these scientists have made headway in identifying plants in environments where this was not possible before. New methodologies are being developed continually, as in Fujiwara's (1993) identifications of phytolith taxa extracted from ceramic temper and or in the dating of phytoliths using thermoluminescence (Rowlett and Pearsall, 1993). Piperno (1993) has a particularly cogent example of making visible the invisible, by using pollen and phytoliths together to independently substan- tiate human impact on past environments in the moist tropics. She notes the importance of what she calls the silent taxa [that Hillman (1989) and Hillman et al. (1993) also discuss as missing foods]—taxa not represented in most botanical data sets. This is a problem for whole categories of plants, like tuberous plants that do not preserve because they are too soft, or tree 64 Hastorf taxa that do not have a pollen rain and therefore do not exist in the archaeological record. Some of these invisible taxa have preserved phytoliths and thus can be registered. Phytoliths add to the other data sets to create a more complete picture of past plants in a region. Although identifying diatoms has traditionally been a paleoclimatic procedure, their use in the study of past environmental reconstruction and human impact is valuable. Diatoms are single-celled algae that reside in all bodies of water on earth. They have a siliceous skeleton that, like phytoliths, preserves in most soils. They are sensitive to water and soil conditions within lakes and thus can aid research in any temperate region. The review article by Battarbee (1988) will help the uninitiated discover their potential. Pearsall (1994) includes the presence of diatoms in her discussion of New World tropics phytoliths. Genetic research also has joined the search for plant identification and evolution. The first archaeological research on human DNA (Paabo, 1985, 1993) and on seed RNA (Rollo, 1985) was published in 1985. Once the potential of such research was established, scientists began looking at very old plant and animal DNA, from as far back as the Miocene (Golenberg et al., 1990), including extinct plants (Poinar et al., 1993) and animals from museum collections (e.g., Handt et al., 1994). Such genetic research could only begin after the amplification process of polymerase chain reaction (PCR) was developed. In essence, this procedure allows for small, broken pieces of DNA to be duplicated, thus gaining more visibility (Rollo et al., 1988). Yet there are still many complications to be solved. A most important problem is controlling against contamination of what is being duplicated and studied, especially from introduced fungi and molds. A second problem is that many analyses are required to pro- duce enough of a plant or animal genome to be able to complete both genetic and cultural research. Despite these drawbacks, the potential for archaeology is exciting. Ultimately, this genetic procedure should be able to trace domestication sequences, plant dispersals, and speciation and relatedness of varieties within taxa. These data will provide an increased ability to discuss archaeological trade. The first archaeological plant studies are focusing on major crops: wheat, barley, and maize (Allaby et al., 1994; Brown and Brown, 1992; Brown et al., 1993; Goloubinoff et al., 1993, 1994; Rollo et al., 1988, 1991; Thuesen, 1995). Electrophoresis (SDS/PAGE) and isoelectric focusing of proteins in common beans and potatoes are allowing researchers to learn about the varietal ancestry of these important crop plants, as well as to gain a greater understanding of their domestication loci and the prehistoric movement of early domesticates (Gepts et al., 1986; Quiros et al., 1990). Using related Recent Research in Paleoethnobotany 65 approaches, exciting new and controversial evidence for the origins of maize in the Rio Balsas area of Mexico has been put forward through the use of isozyme analysis of maize (Benz, 1994; Benz and Iltis, 1990, 1992; Doebley, 1990, 1994). An archaeological example of this application is seen in an article by Riley et al. (1990), who use morphology and isozyme data to follow early maize evidence in eastern North America. Using maize morphology they illustrate how difficult it is to trace archaeological movements of the crop. They build on Doebley's maize isozyme work and discuss the continuing issue of entry into eastern North America either through the American southwest or via the Caribbean and Florida. Smith (1989) questions some of the earlier models of domesticate migration applying the allozyme research Decker-Walters et al. (1993; Decker and Wilson, 1987). They suggest independent squash domestication in eastern North America. Encrustations, resins, glues, and amorphous substances have been under investigation now for several decades using chemical analysis in addition to the extraction of pollen, phytoliths, and starch grains. Mclaren has applied a range of chemical analyses to identify charred matter success- fully (1995). Lipid analysis is the most common and important chemical to be pursued, allowing us to learn about vessel contents and therefore their uses (Evershed, 1993; Evershed et al., 1990; Hill and Evans, 1989; Rottlander, 1990). Lipids are midsize molecules that are diagnostic and preserve better than DNA. They can even survive some charring. Being small, they seep into the pores of ceramics and other spaces, even into lithic tool crevices. Diagnostic "signatures" of steroids and lipids now be- coming available will allow many archaeologists a chance to identify ceramic uses more specifically. The edited volume from a Society for Scientific Archaeology symposium on material analysis of organic contents by Biers and McGovern (1990) provides useful examples of chemical analyses. These analyses include gas chromatography, isotopic analysis, and pine-pitch analysis. Infrared spectroscopy helps identify less well-preserved plant fragments (Badler et al., 1990; Letts et al., 1994). Spectra signatures of taxa are created on individual plant specimens or extracted chemicals, as in the case of tartaric acid in grape wine. In theory, such a procedure works by comparing the spectrum of the archaeological unknown substance to a range of spectra from known species. Once a large type collection of spectra is created, there will be possibilities to identify archaeological plant parts and organic deposits with more accuracy. Research on grapes, rye, and maize has launched this technique. 66 Hastorf

ORIGINS OF AGRICULTURE

One of the major topics that continues to dominate archaeology and paleoethnobotany is the origins of agriculture, in terms of both primary and secondary centers. Pursuit of this subject continues to lead to new discoveries, dates, and plant identifications. The most comprehensive book on this subject is Harris and Hillman's Foraging and Farming, the Evolution of Plant Exploitation (1989). Comprising 45 chapters, it is based on a symposium at the 1986 World Archaeological Congress, along with many added papers. Besides spanning a wide range of regions, authors, and crops from across the world, it includes classic as well as new views about the onset of agriculture, refreshingly including non- Near Eastern examples. For example, a paper by Timothy Johns (1989) on the chemical characteristics of root and tuber plants discusses the idea that flavor selection played a part in the domestication of specific crop varieties. The papers in Foraging and Farming that review crop and agricultural systems tend to be thorough, providing up to date syntheses. There is a long section on nonagrarian plant exploitation with detailed ethnographic information on collecting procedures. This section of the book focuses on Aus- tralia and Asia and lets us begin to see foraging diversity and similarity in different landscapes and cultures. A large ethnographic section on the impact of the shift to farming helps us gain a better sense of how the transition to domestication differed throughout the world. Another edited book on the origins of agriculture is Cowan and Wat- son (1992), based on a 1985 AAAS conference. These 10 papers span the world including East Asia (Crawford, 1992a), the Near East (Miller, 1992), Africa (Harlan, 1992), Europe (Dennell, 1992), North America (Minnis, 1992; Smith, 1992), Mesoamerica (McClung de Tapia, 1992), and South America (Pearsall, 1992). Introductory and summary chapters by the editors describe the basic models for domestication as well as the problems inher- ent in such models. The Soils and Early Agriculture volume in the World Archaeology series, edited by Thomas (1990), provides further examples that focus on the interrelationships of people's actions, soils, landscape, and plants, with some helpful papers on phytosociology. Gebauer and Price (1992; as well as Price and Gebauer, 1995) have edited two volumes on the onset of agriculture that span the world as well, with some diverse and innovative views. Bruce Smith (1995) also has written a clear, well-illustrated, synthetic book on the origins of agriculture worldwide. Zohary and Hopf (1993) describe Old World domesticates from West Asia to Egypt. This book systematically covers the major crop families, discussing the plants' anatomy, ancestry, and new archaeological evidence. Early agricultural material also is presented in the 1992 festschrift for van Recent Research in Paleoethnobotany 67

Zeist published in the journal Review of Paleoethnobotany and Palynology (Pals, 1992) and by Renfrew (1991). In both volumes we see Old World- based papers providing new evidence for early plant use. Of specific note also on Near Eastern early agriculture are the pro- vocative papers by Hillman and Davies (1990, 1993). Based on years of field experiments reproducing the morphological change that is visible in Neolithic cereals, they deduce that such a change could have occurred in a very short time, even in as little as 30 years! The morphological change of cereal grains and therefore domestication might have been due to a change in harvesting techniques, from beating the seeds off to cutting the stalks. Such a model further suggests that intensive harvesting could have started earlier and gone on for longer than has previously been considered. Intellectually along the same lines are the papers by Blumler and Byrne (1991) and Blumler (1992, 1994), focusing on domestication from a more geographical, human-plant behavioral orientation. In the Near East, refinement of interpretation is based on new data with a focus on individual plants and environmental change (e.g., Bar-Yosef and Belfer-Cohen, 1992; Bar-Yosef and Valla, 1990; Kislev, 1989; Kislev and Bar-Yosef, 1988; Liphschitz et al., 1991; McCorriston, 1992; McCorris- ton and Hole, 1991; Moore and Hillman, 1992; van Zeist, 1988; Wright, 1993). What we are beginning to see from the botanical material is that the plant assemblages that were the focus of intensive harvesting in the Levant included different plants—emmer wheat and barley—from those harvested to the north in the Euphrates-southeastern Turkish region—rye, einkorn wheat, and barley. These are the two areas where the Mesolithic and the earliest Neolithic plant material has been a focus of intense investigation (Bar-Yosef and Belfer-Cohen, 1989; Edwards, 1989; Henry, 1984; Hillman 1989; Hillman et al., 1989; Kislev and Bar-Yosef, 1988; Moore and Hillman, 1992). There seems to be a debate over the role of these two regions in staple plant domestication. McCorriston and Hole (1991; Smith 1995) have put forward a Levant-centered model of domestication based on climate change in the Jordan Valley, leading to increased seasonality that focused activities towards single domestication events. However, to the north there also is evidence for a contemporaneous climate change in the steppe and nearby foothills of the Euphrates area. With this change, a wide variety of ultimately domesticated species migrated into the region and thus also created conditions for increased collection and domestication there as well (Moore and Hillman, 1992). The climate did change quite quickly during the Younger Dryas (increased seasonality), which would have shifted the location of wild cereal steppe, in association with oak forests (Moore and Hill- man, 1992; Wright, 1993). The reactions of plants to human cultivation and 68 Hastorf impact are diverse. Some plants change morphologically and show evidence of domestication; some do not respond well to human cultivation and remain "wild." The above named cereals, however, seem to have been re- sponsive to increased human interaction. At this stage in the research, some of the earliest domestic cereals are being found in the Levant, as are the earliest olives, legumes, and acorns (oak). The Euphrates region had a different climatic and forest-steppe regime than it does today, making it the home of different cereal domestication at about the same time. These regions now offer us a view of two major cultural and economic trajectories that can been studied in new ways. Of interest, too, is the increasing evidence for secondary agricultural dynamics and spread. In some places evidence of agriculture is being found earlier than previously thought, in others it is later. One cogent example from Japan illustrates the ongoing work, where the entry and spread of millet and rice are found at Jomon sites that previously were labeled as nonfarming, "forager" sites (Crawford, 1992b; Crawford and Takamiya, 1990; Crawford and Yoshizaki, 1987; D'Andrea, 1995a, b; D'Andrea et al., 1995). Large storage areas and macrobotanical remains of crops not only are present much earlier than previously thought, but are found at sites that are part of a complex foraging culture. In the New World, we begin with Keegan's important volume on horticulture and early agriculture in eastern North America (1987). This volume presents a new and substantial range of information that allows us to see long, gradual indigenous agricultural developments in that region. In part, this has been advanced by systematic work, but also by applying new technologies to previously collected plants. Bruce Smith, Gayle Fritz, and others have published a series of articles on Chenopodium and Amaranthus in the eastern United States (Fritz, 1984; Fritz and Smith, 1988; Gremillion, 1993a; Smith, 1987; Smith and Cowan, 1987) in which they have found early and indigenous domestication of those crops by measuring the thick- ness of the seed's testa, making eastern North America another independent center for Chenopodium domestication. As mentioned above, there also is new evidence for squash domestication in that region as well. The 1990 Corn and Culture conference produced an edited volume that has many new insights into the evolution and migration of corn out of Mexico into both North and South America (Johannessen and Hastorf, 1994). Adams' (1994), Wills' (1988), and Minnis' (1992) new syntheses on the onset and role of agricultural crops in the American Southwest depict less sedentism, accompanied by a slower shift from gathering to production than was previously thought. Perhaps more radical, this view of a stepped agricultural adoption appears to fit the American Midwest as well. A series of papers and books on the midwestern Mississippian region demonstrate how Recent Research in Paleoethnobotany 69 an Eastern Agricultural Complex of locally domesticated starchy seeds was cultivated at least 500 years before maize entered the region (Johannessen, 1988; Keegan, 1987; Pulliam, 1987; Scarry, 1993; Smith, 1989; Wymer, 1987). This evidence provides a picture of local agricultural development, with the addition of maize found only rarely between A.D. 250 and 800, well after the process of sedentism and food production had begun. These new results change the timing and therefore our interpretations of political development for those regions. Now we see not only that maize became an important crop after agriculture was well established in many areas, but also that it was a political crop, always involved in the escalation of social difference. A later scenario for the onset of agriculture is discussed in Fritz's (1994) commentary, triggered by the new AMS accelerator dates for the early maize at Tehuacan of 3640-3360 B.C. (Long et al., 1989). Such a radical rethinking also is generated from the new AMS bean dates from central Mexico and Andean South America (Kaplan, 1994). These two direct dates from common beans now place the earliest ones around 335-480 B.C., vastly curtailing their early placement in foraging contexts (Kaplan, 1994, p. 131). One South American lima bean from Guiterrero Cave now directly dates to 1545-1375 B.C. These re-assessments have opened up the debate about when and how people took up agriculture. Fritz's late-adoption view is based on the direct dating of macrobotanical samples and is in sharp contrast to the recent microbotanical results, primarily from pollen and phytoliths from the moist central and northern South American tropics, most notably published by Pearsall and Piperno (Bush et al., 1989; Pearsall, 1992; Pearsall and Piperno, 1990; Piperno, 1990, 1993, 1994). Based on a range of independent data, these researchers suggest that land clearing linked to maize and manioc agriculture began perhaps as early as 5000-4000 B.C. in these moist, forested areas. There are now a series of locations where early agricultural phytolith remains have been found, ranging from Panama to Ecuador. Independent evidence of land clearing, such as soil strata and pollen cores, supports Piperno and Pearsall's phytolith evidence. Both data sets provide evidence of agriculture; the challenge now is to weave them together, as well as to decide if all of the new material is accept- able. Some of the discrepancies probably will be resolved as more dates are run (as has just been experienced with the very early squash dates of 5000 B.C. from Guila Naquitz [Smith, 1997]) and as maize is dated from a series of Mesoamerican locations. We now have an increased number of New World locations of crop domestication accompanying a wide range of dates associated with morphological change or plant distribution. 70 Hastorf

One reason for the heating up of this debate is that some scholars do not accept the identifications of maize phytoliths, whereas others accept these phytolith shapes, sizes, and ratios as valid for maize identification. A second problem with phytoliths is that, unlike macroremains, they cannot be dated directly. This poses a problem for validating the dates of maize entry, even if the identifications are accepted. It does seem that one can date a mass of in situ phytoliths, and this would be the surest dating strategy. This macro- micro debate will continue for some years in paleoethnobotany. The application of microbotanical remains, pollen, and phytoliths to questions of early agriculture is increasing rapidly, as techniques develop and more detailed analysis is undertaken. Pollen studies in Mesoamerica (Hansen, 1990; Jacobs, 1992; J. Jones, 1991, 1994; Jones and Bryant, 1992; Rust and Leyden, 1994) in association with macrobotanical studies (Lentz 1991) have proven useful. Evidence of early maize pollen is now known from the Tabasco and Maya wetlands (Rust and Leyden, 1994). Phytolith research, in association with other information from areas outside the moist tropics, provide new data on regional vegetation histories as well as on early agricultural practices (Dinan and Rowlett, 1993; Fujiwara, 1993; Pear- sail, 1990, 1994; Rosen, 1993, 1994; Umlauf, 1993). More use of combined micro- and macrobotanicals, in association with soils and other paleoclimatic data, hopefully will continue to refine our picture of agricultural developments in different regions.

ENVIRONMENTAL USE, RECONSTRUCTION, AND CHANGE

Ecologically oriented research, focusing on environmental reconstruction and land use, continues to gain from archaeobotanical studies. One of the prominent subjects within paleoethnobotany is the identification of the level of agricultural impact on the landscape. Of particular note are recent articles discussing the subsistence of past peoples from the cool temperate northeastern (Watson, 1989) and the southeastern United States (Gremillion, 1993b), the moister regions of Mesoamerica (Blake et al., 1992; Jones, 1994; Rust and Leyden, 1994), the moist tropics of South America (Pearsall, 1992, 1994, 1995a), and the very dry regions of north Africa (Haland 1992, 1995; Krzyzaniak, 1991). Increasing subsistence evidence also is seen from the wet Pacific and Asia (Hather 1992b, 1994; Keal- hofer and Piperno, 1994; Thompson, 1992), a particularly challenging region to study due to the difficulty of recovering identifiable plant remains. Environmental reconstruction is a common subject for paleoethnobotanists. We share this subdiscipline with paleoecologists in geography and Recent Research in Paleoethnobotany 71 geology. Fortunately, some of the recent discussions in all three disciplines have been more anthropogenically oriented. There is a great concern for the extent of human impact on the landscape, in both the past and the present, as well as a concern with local and long-range studies. Pollen data are still the most commonly used, although phytoliths, soils, and macroremains also participate in addressing questions of human impact (Behre and Jacomet, 1991; Bottema, 1995; Bradshaw, 1991; Edwards, 1991a; Kirch and Ellison, 1994; Piperno et al., 1991). Two books that discuss anthropogenically oriented reconstructions are Harris and Thomas (1991), focusing on northern Europe, and Bottema et al. (1992) for the eastern Mediterranean. Kevin Edwards (1991b) even calls his geographical subdiscipline "cultural palynology" and compares the pros and cons of off-site and on-site pollen studies in the interpretation of human use of the landscape. Pollen core studies have been successful in de- scribing off-site, local environments through time, such as as those by Richard (1993), Moore et al. (1991), and Delcourt et al.'s (1986) North American work on human impact on Holocene vegetation of the Tennessee River Valley. These studies demonstrate how, with closer scrutiny and well- controlled collections, we can see specific human impacts on local environments. Such projects track how the environment changed over the short and the long term. Our modern interest in 20th-century human impact on natural resources and their sustainability can gain much from these investigations of past human interactions. Knowledge about plant communities is a requirement for investigating past habitat use as well as environmental change. One vegetation reconstruction approach, phytosociology, has been most commonly applied in European archaeobotanical work. Phytosociology began within ecology some years ago in Germany and became popular with the work of Ellen- berg in central Europe (1978, 1988). He created detailed sets of plant communities and organized these hierarchically, based on plants' co-occurrence within habitats. This work is helpful to archaeologists, who can use the plants that coassociate in specific environmental zones to look for past zo- nal reconstruction, use, and foraging activities. This often is seen in archaeobotanical reports where plants are categorized as being from disturbed habitats, crop weeds, grassland species, forest plants, marsh plants, and so on. But habitats clearly have changed through time from the preagrarian plant communities, so it is awkward to use modern plant groupings uncritically to reconstruct and understand the past. The ecological phytosociological models have operating assumptions like constant mi- croenvironmental habitat relationships and regular successional developments. When the models are applied to prehistoric crops and their associated weed seeds, there has been critical discussion (Henry 1991; Hill- 72 Hastorf man, 1991; Kuster, 1991; G. Jones, 1992; van der Veen, 1992). It is never clear that a specific plant lived only in one plant community. More useful have been the less structured plant groupings, such as wet-land plants, salt- tolerant plants, or lists of the major environments in which a taxon might be found. In this way it is possible to indicate a clustering of what zones the archaeological plants are from, keeping in mind that archaeological assemblages will have filtered what was in the environment due to human choice. Wild archaeological plant remains and their likely past habitats can help us understand weed complexes as well as environmental use and al- teration. Because of this procurement information, archaeobotanists continue to remain intrigued with the concept of phytosociology. Less common are the studies that use pollen from sealed, protected, on-site contexts. These situations demonstrate pollen's potential in specific settings, including information on past plant use in ritual events (Leroi- Gourhan, 1975; Tipping, 1994). Environmental (climate) change and its impact on agriculture also are prominent in the recent literature. Chambers' (1993) edited volume on this topic includes examples from around the world, covering both moist and arid regions. Maloney (1992) discusses Southeast Asia, while February (1992) presents evidence from South Africa. Seltzer and Hastorf (1990) compare episodes of changing climate with agricultural shifts in the central Andes. In fact, as mentioned above, some recent explanations for Near Eastern origins of agriculture have returned to Younger Dryas climate change and its impact on the small- and large-scale events (Wright, 1993).

ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL ISSUES

Paleoethnobotanical research addresses economic, sociopolitical, and political economy questions as well. The three main economic subjects that paleoethnobotanists address are production-procurement, processing, and consumption. Political issues are more wide ranging.

Production and Procurement

Production and procurement include the acts of propagating and harvesting plants and the collection of wild plant products. Paleoethnobotani- cal reports commonly discuss the plants available for human use. While some studies fall short of discussing how the past economies and crop production actually worked, others use evidence for changing plant use to reconstruct past economies (e.g., Millisauskas and Kruk, 1989). Recent Research in Paleoethnobotany 73

Building on an earlier published approach to Old World cereal crop production by Martin Jones (1985), van der Veen (1991) presents a Cam- bridgeshire fen paleoethnobotanical study of production. By charting the ratios of grass seeds to weed seeds to cereal chaff, she proposes to identify subsistence production versus surplus, as well as to separate production- derived samples from samples that reflect consumption. Her interpretations are based on theoretical models. For example, she rightly assumes that winnowing will separate chaff from seeds, so that postwinnowed samples will have less chaff than pre-winnowed samples. Van der Veen's study using a theoretical model illustrates one of the two main interpretive trajectories in paleoethnobotany. This approach began with Dennell's 1976 publication on processing and production in the Bulgarian Neolithic The second major approach to production has been put forward by Gordon Hillman (1984) and Glynis Jones (1984). Their entry is different from the previously defined approach in that they construct their production and processing models from ethnographic observation and analysis of botanical samples collected from traditional cereal processing. These two paleoethnobotanists did their ethnographic work in Greece and Turkey, where archaic forms of domesticated wheats were produced and non- mechanical processing techniques were in use. Based on actual plant part frequencies and combinations gathered from the discrete processing stages, they created detailed models, noting each step in the sequence and the associated plant parts that are present in that processing stage. These ethnographic models provide a specific comparison between plant frequencies and associated activities. An ethnographic example of agricultural cropping systems is seen in the Jones and Halstead paper about Greek cropping through time (1995). They use modern ethnographic observation and collections of crop seed mixes associated with specific planting strategies to propose a range of identifiable archaeological strategies that not only aided in risk minimization while providing sufficient food for the year, but also diversified diet and crop genetics. Although theoretical models are effective, ethnographic models are probably more useful when interpreting flotation sample assemblages from individual locations. Regardless of which approach is used, it is important to be very explicit about model construction. Because most agricultural production occurs away from the excavated site, in the fields and farmyards, normally we approach production through the less direct method of identifying and tracking on-site processing and seeing how the processing strategies reflect different production techniques (see also Reddy, 1994). There is some recent work that tries to identify old fields through plant remains and chemical differences (Miller and Gleason, 1994). 74 Hastorf

Because the production processes of many New World plants are different from cereals in the Old World and there is not as much ethnographic use of associated wild seeds and plant parts, like cereal chaff, that can reflect types of production and processing, New World specialists tend not to apply the same types of theoretical and ethnographic models. Plant residue production models could be constructed for some crops, however. Maize produces both the inedible cobs and cupules as well as edible ker- nels. One problem with such model applications for maize production is that their seed heads are huge compared to the cereal seed heads and thus the plant parts do not get dispersed in a sequence of winnowing and beating activities like wheat, nor are they harvested with companion weeds. Beans have tough pods and seeds, but these are notoriously invisible (unidentifi- able) in archaeological assemblages (Butler, 1989; Kaplan, 1994). Sunflower or acorns have preserved husks and seeds, and these should be more ap- propriate for such analyses. There are some New World cereals (and pseudo-cereals: Chenopodium) that were domesticated (Cowan, 1978; Fritz, 1986; Hunter, 1992; Shipek, 1989). Their domestic status is based on morphological change, plant distribution and abundance, and ethnographic evidence. These seed crops could be amenable to chaff-seed studies, but the inedible plant parts are not normally identified and quantified (Johannes- sen, 1988). In temperate New World studies, plant part analyses are completed for collected nut resources, mainly because the husks tend to be preserved rather than the nutmeat. Domesticate data are presented by single species as standardized counts, frequencies, or densities or as ratios of one plant type to another, such as wood to seeds. There is little comparison of edible seeds to the weed seeds or seeds to their chaff. Chaff-to-seed and weed seed-to-crop seed ratios could be investigated more in New World examples. Such analyses benefit from specific ethnographic evidence on processing-stage residues but also from ecological field weed-crop-soil studies, in order to construct fairly specific models of plant taxa frequencies. Pro- duction and processing stages often are not broken down in the sample assemblages. It is difficult to clarify past foraging strategies and activities. Models of plant foraging are suggested regularly for many of the world's environments (cf. D'Andrea, 1995b; Edwards, 1989; Harlin, 1989; Harris and Hill- man, 1989; Hillman, 1989; Hillman et al., 1989; Keeley, 1992; Layton et al., 1991; Simms, 1987). Some are specifically applied to archaeological plant remains. Tool artifacts and on-site attributes as well as site distributions are helpful in determining the types and scale of plant foraging, but the plant remains are critical (Allen et al., 1989; Loy et al., 1992). For example, Pearsall (1988) constructed a theoretical model for wild plants entering a Recent Research in Paleoethnobotany 75 foraging site. She identified the potential activities (contexts) that could have occurred on the site and lists the associated plant taxa. These combinations were then compared to the botanical taxa from flotation samples.

Processing

Plant processing is the most common activity reflected by the plant remains found on archaeological habitation sites, yet it can be difficult to identify specific activities. This difficulty is due, in part, to the potential complexities of the many activities included in processing as well as to the fact that a series of activities could have occurred in the same location. Most often, paleoethnobotanists simply assume that processing occurred on the site and use plants to indirectly reflect production or even less directly, consumption. However, Susan Mulholland (1993) looked for evidence of maize processing on a North Dakota site, aware that maize was grown at the village. To her surprise, she found very few maize phytoliths in the houses. Thus she concludes that maize processing probably occurred off site. Glynis Jones (1984, 1987) has presented the most sophisticated example of identifying archaeological crop processing from archaeological plant assemblages. She bases her interpretations on statistical comparisons of the archaeological plant flotation samples with her ethnographic plant-processing results. She terms this an external analysis because she creates a model generated solely from her ethnographic processing information. This is done by defining processing stages based on weed characteristics and weed seed frequencies (Jones, 1984). She describes the different processing activities by their seed and weed frequencies (course or fine sieving, stored cleaned products, untouched harvested plants, etc.). For her archaeological analysis, she presents ratios of grain seed-weed seed-crop rachis (chaff) frequencies for each of the different processing activities, creating signatures, such as fine-sieved by-products that have more than 50% weed seeds and very few rachis internodes, or cleaned products that have more than 80% grain and few rachis internodes (Jones, 1987). These processing stage signatures are then compared to her archaeological material to find the best fit for each flotation sample. Taking the archaeological samples and grouping them by their degree of similarity to the external signature ratios, she concludes that the early stages of processing did not generally occur on the site, but probably occurred in the fields. She further identifies a series of later-stage processing and storing in her samples. This model, based on discriminate analysis, is time consuming but provides a tremen- dous amount of information about the site, its contexts, and the activities 76 Hastorf that occurred there. Such a protocol is proving productive in other regions (Colledge, 1994). This type of research plan will give archaeologists the closest view of on-site activities. Stahl (1989) provides a theoretical overview of several issues relating to archaeological food processing. She also considers consumption and pre- servability in the archaeological record.

Consumption

Traditionally it has been very difficult to reconstruct actual archaeological diets, except through coprolites (Bryant and Williams-Dean, 1975), stable isotopes, and trace element analyses. Coprolite studies are rare due to very unique preservation requirements: very dry or permanently moist and anaerobic. Recent work has been completed in dry areas of the world, like Chile (Holden, 1990, 1991), Texas (Sobolik and Gerick, 1992), and the American Southwest (Minnis, 1989). More recently, moist areas also have received dietary studies, as seen in the analysis of the gut contents of bog bodies (Hillman, 1986) and latrines (Warnock and Reinhard, 1992). Sobolik's diet conference and 1994 publication cover a range of important new data and methodologies for the study of diet. Research on soft tissue plant morphology in coprolites and especially gut contents by Hather and Holden has begun to identify some of the "van- ishing" food remains that are virtually never seen in macrobotanical analysis (Hillman et al., 1989). This approach requires specialized histological training as mentioned above. Macrobotanical remains from paleofaeces have long been studied from desiccated cave sites, providing an important view into past human diet. Recent methodological work has focused on pollen (Reinhard et al., 1991) and the chemistry of both gut contents and paleofaeces (Aufderheide et al., 1994; Wales et al., 1992). Coprolite food analysis is expanded by linking the results to other botanical data and evidence for disease (Faulkner, 1991; Holden, 1991). A little studied aspect of plant consumption has been the use of plants for medicinal purposes. Although this will always be a difficult subject to study, people are beginning to look for and identify medicines within archaeobotanical collections. Source identification has begun with pollen (Lietava, 1992; Reinhard et al., 1991). More common is the use of human bones to view a person's life-long average diet through stable isotopes (e.g., Ambrose, 1987; Hastorf, 1991; Spielmann et al., 1990.) This analysis is based on the assumption that one's bones take up small amounts of stable isotopes from consumed food Recent Research in Paleoethnobotany 77 throughout life. These selected isotopes are retained in the bone collagen and can be extracted from the bone and identified with a mass spectrome- ter. Carbon and nitrogen isotopes are the most commonly extracted and studied for diet reconstruction. As early as 1989, Sillen et al. detailed some of the pressing analytical problems involved in applying isotopic and trace element results to the study of past human diet. Trace element strontium and calcium have been even more controversial, yet they are still being selectively presented in the literature (e.g., Runia, 1987). Still very experimental, but with potential, is the less direct evidence of diet found by the study of tooth wear and the associated phytoliths present on teeth (Lalueza Fox and Perez-Perez, 1994). With proper systematic techniques and experimental work, this approach should be able to inform us about the amount of fiber in the diet, the amount of nuts chewed, and the types of processing food stuffs received before being eaten. There is potential for more studies of diet from the perspective of food and cuisine: how and what people consumed as combinations and mixtures of foods, not just calories, or lists of food stuffs. Food ingredients are culturally meaningful, people do not simply eat the cheapest calories available. How plants and animal parts are combined in dishes is also an exciting research direction. Such an approach should be most effective through the use of multiple data sets as well as longitudinal studies. This new direction is seen in some of the studies mentioned in the next section.

Political and Economic Questions

Politically oriented research in paleoethnobotany has become more common in the last 10 years. Plants can be used, like ceramics, spindle whorls, grinding stones, or lithics, to address questions of hierarchy, difference, social relations, exchange, and conquest. The reinterpretation of the American midwestern agricultural origins, as illustrated in the papers by Johannessen (1988, 1993), is an excellent example of applying botanical data to issues of cultural and political change. In these papers she demonstrates how plant material adds detailed, new information to the investigation of the rise of political systems. Her specific case comes from the American Bottom of the Mississippi River Valley. There, we see how es- calating political centralization of Cahokia affected agricultural production, crop storage, crop choice, and dishes prepared for meals, as well as influ- encing other aspects of material culture. Welch and Scarry (1995) also have completed a study of Moundville chiefdom social relations using botanical, animal bone, and ceramic data. In their research they look at food distribution and food preparation to see evidence of tribute payment, differential 78 Hastorf status between classes, and diverse social settings present on the site. Such studies are exciting and productive avenues that allow us to view closely the evidence for chiefly power negotiation in the past. Political questions are visible in papers by Blake and his colleagues (Blake et al., 1992; Clark and Blake, 1994). Their research on Formative- period Mesoamerica includes evidence for early maize use along the southwest coast of Mexico. They show how the archaeobotanical data, analyzed by Feddema, alter our previous views of political development of the pre- Olmec Makaya. They note that maize was present quite early but not in large quantities. Maize became a dominant crop only hundreds of years later, as part of a larger-scale political shift in both regions. Taube (1989) also studies the role of maize in Mesoamerican cultural change. Through documentary evidence, he finds neighboring cultural groups using different food-processing techniques along with different maize symbolism regarding consumption. He demonstrates how the preparation of tamales in the Maya region and tortillas in the Valley of Mexico reflected different cultural groups. With the eventual cultural conquest by Valley of Mexico peoples of the southern tropical region, there was an influx of tortilla-processing evidence in the Maya area. In that same region we see even more detailed politically influenced food differences in Lentz's (1991) study of the rich and poor at a Maya center. Diversity of taxa in diet became the most important status marker. Another example of botanical data applied to political issues is Has- torf's (1990, 1991) study of how an Andean group's agricultural production and consumption changed with the conquest of the Inka. She finds that the Inka state entered and influenced local household agricultural practices in the central Andes. While local inhabitants still produced the same crops as before, the frequency of maize production changed significantly. Stable isotope results from human bone suggest that after the Inka conquest, the male consumption of maize increased relative to females. These combined data show how the conquering state influenced crop production but also local dietary consumption. Also illustrating how maize played a political role in a coastal South American state, Gumerman (1994) demonstrates that specific varieties of corn were used in different settings and different statuses in the hierarchical Mochica culture. He found certain maize types only in rich burials, with other varieties in the food rubbish dumps. Turning to the more economically oriented subjects in the literature, one very exciting approach is the use of multiple data sets to address economic questions of agricultural intensification and sedentism (e.g., Moore et al., 1995; Morrison, 1994; Zeder, 1994). By using both botanical and Recent Research in Paleoethnobotany 79 faunal material to unravel economic changes, a clearer view of past economic dynamics is illustrated. There continues to be a series of ecologically based models to explain economic agricultural change. One example of these is the application by Crites (1987) of a coevolutionary model, similar to Rindos (1984), to Mid- dle Woodland agricultural intensification. Here he presents a hypothetical scenario for an increasing focus on fewer plants, with human concern for intensification as the central driving force, rather than the traditional causes of population pressure or environmental stress. As Fritz (1994) points out, more scholars must begin to increase the archaeobotanical material extracted from sites through collection and analysis and, also, to broaden research vistas and ask cultural questions of the data. We cannot remain at the descriptive level or simply reuse old models. Of course some of the old models have served us well, and we have now some substantial and basic understandings of past plant use. But we will not be able to move our inquiries forward without new starting points and directions. There are subjects that are only just being brought into the paleoethnobotanical discussion that deserve more concerted effort in the future. Subjects such as fuel use, feasting, the cultural value and symbolics of specific plant taxa, the spatial distributions of plants, and their ritual meanings all await more work. Helping us towards these new ways of viewing plant material is the focused use of ethnography, more sophisticated computer models and simulations, systematic sampling, detailed analytical methodologies, and regular statistical procedures.

SUMMARY

Although this paper does not include all recent publications that are related to archaeological plant material by any means, I have tried to high- light some major themes in recent paleoethnobotanical research and to show the general directions this subdiscipline is heading. Due to my own interests and research emphasis on macroremains, I have discussed this domain more than microremains. My emphasis here does not mean, however, that pollen, phytoliths, coprolites, DNA, or other chemical analyses are not critical and integral to the future of paleoethnobotany and archaeology. One point I hope to have made in this overview of current research trends is that plant materials can substantively address any and all archaeological questions. However, there needs to be a continual and concerted effort on collection, methods, and technological training. Equally important is the need for crisp thinking on theories and model building that paleoethnobotanists can apply to archaeological questions. 80 Hastorf

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This project was supported in part by NSF-SBR 94-96251 and the Un- dergraduate Research Apprenticeship Program at the University of Cali- fornia, Berkeley. I want to thank James Barnes for work on the recent paleoethnobotanical literature bibliography, with help from Suzanne Calpestri of the Anthropology Library at the University of California, Berkeley. Deborah Pearsall, Gary Crawford, lan Hodder, and two anony- mous reviewers provided thoughtful comments on the text, as well as some references. Paul Minnis, John Jones, Bill Whitehead, Francis Mclaren, and Vaughn Bryant also provided help with references. Some sections benefited from conversations with Gordon Hillman and Sissel Johannessen, although all opinions expressed are my own.

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