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Homicide in Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus 29 Alexandra V Homicide in Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus 29 Alexandra V. Lysova, Nikolay G. Shchitov, and William Alex Pridemore cal and economic stability in these nations over Introduction the last several years compared to the mid-1990s, homicide rates have not decreased as drastically This chapter discusses homicide in Russia, as they increased during that earlier period. Ukraine, and Belarus. Given its greater popula- Second, given the sweeping scale of socio- tion, geographic size, geopolitical presence, and economic and political change in the 1990s in more readily available data, we focus on Russia, Russia and Ukraine, and to a lesser extent though where possible we also provide informa- Belarus, these nations may serve as natural tion about Ukraine and Belarus. For a number of experiments for testing various sociological and reasons, these post-Soviet countries deserve spe- criminological theories, especially those related cial attention when considering homicide in to anomie, as potential explanations for the Europe. First, the social, economic, and political increase in homicide rates (Kim & Pridemore, turmoil experienced by many former Soviet 2005; Pridemore, Chamlin, & Cochran, 2007; countries following the collapse of the Soviet Pridemore & Kim, 2006). Recent research also Union was accompanied by a sharp rise in all- revealed several other factors that help to explain cause mortality. In particular, deaths from homi- the variation of homicide rates in these coun- cide increased sharply in many of these nations. tries, including specific historical conditions, In 2003, the Russian homicide rate of over hazardous alcohol consumption, social structural 21/100,000 residents annually (MVD RF, 2010) factors like poverty and family instability, and was the highest in Europe (World Health individual-level factors like education and mar- Organization, 2010a) and one of the highest in riage (Andrienko, 2001; Chervyakov, Shkolnikov, the world (Krug et al., 2002). Even though Pridemore, & McKee, 2002; Pridemore, 2002, Ukrainian and Belorussian homicide rates are 2004, 2005; Pridemore & Shkolnikov, 2004; lower than in Russia, they are still very high rela- Stickley & Pridemore, 2007). tive to other countries in the European Region Third, a few specific characteristics of homi- (6.46 and 8.53/100,000, respectively, in 2005) cide in these three nations require special con- (Tenth United Nations Survey of Crime Trends, sideration and explanation when compared to 2005–2006). Further, despite much greater politi- other European nations. These include the low proportion of homicides committed by firearms, the higher homicide rate in rural relative to A. Lysova ( ) urban areas, vast regional differences in homi- Centre for Criminology and Sociolegal Studies, cide rates (e.g., in Russia, regional homicide University of Toronto, 14 Queen’s Park Crescent West, Toronto, Ontario M5S 3K9, Canada rates range from a low of around six per 100,000 e-mail: [email protected] in the Republic of Kabardino-Balkaria to over M.C.A. Liem and W.A. Pridemore (eds.), Handbook of European Homicide Research: Patterns, Explanations, 451 and Country Studies, DOI 10.1007/978-1-4614-0466-8_29, © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 452 A.V. Lysova et al. 130/100,000 in the Republic of Tyva), and the three nations experienced swift, widespread, and changing nature of homicide in contemporary profound political, economic, and social change. Russia (Chervyakov et al., 2002; Pridemore, It was a time of emergence of new economic 2006a). and political philosophies and newfound indi- Finally, the legacy of the Soviet era – when vidual freedoms, as well as a period of disrup- crime data were strictly controlled and often fal- tion of formal social control and conventional sified when made public – and the ongoing lack social institutions and a time of multiple social of clear and transparent homicide reporting sys- problems, including high levels of poverty, tems in these countries, raise serious concerns unemployment, increasing inequality, and a mor- about the veracity of the official homicide statis- tality crisis (Kim & Pridemore, 2005; Walberg, tics (Pridemore, 2003a). Hence, the comparabil- McKee, Shkolnikov, Chenet, & Leon, 1998). ity of the two main sources of homicide estimates During the 1990s, there was growing economic in Russia, crime data from the Ministry of the polarization of the population, with an impover- Interior and mortality data from the vital statis- ished majority and a nouveau riche minority (the tics, registration system will be examined. “New Russians”) that is a source of continuing social conflict (Gilinskiy, 2005). According to official data, the ratio between the incomes of the Background bottom 10% and top 10% increased from 1:4.5 in 1991 to 1:15 in 1999. In the opinion of some Political Structure experts, the actual ratio between the incomes of the highest and lowest 10% is as high as 25 to 1 The Russian Federation (RF) came into existence in Russia (Human Development Report in the in 1991 after the breakup of the Soviet Union. Russian Federation 1999; Just and Unjust Ukraine became an independent state after a ref- Inequality in Contemporary Russia 2003) and 60 erendum on December 1, 1991. The Republic of to 1 in Moscow (Gilinskiy, 2005). Belarus’ Declaration of Independence was signed in July 1990. Each of these countries is a Presidential republic with executive, legislative, Population and judicial branches and, to varying degrees, democratic elections. There are, however, essen- The Russian Federation occupies one of the larg- tial differences in political climate between these est territories in the world, with over 17 million nations. Ukraine has had stronger democratic square kilometers. The population of these three tendencies over the last decade, demonstrated by former Soviet republics, including Russia, has intense political struggle between different politi- steadily declined since the early 1990s. The cal parties. The Russian Federation, on the other Russian Federation grew from 103 million resi- hand, has essentially turned to a “one party state” dents in 1951 to 149 million in 1991, then with one political party, United Russia, that declined to 139 by 2010, which translates to a enjoys the unabated support of the Prime Minister negative population growth rate of −0.47% annu- Vladimir Putin and that has consolidated enor- ally (CIA, 2010). The most rapid depopulation mous political power by suppressing its competi- has taken place in Ukraine, which had a popula- tors. While Belarus is formally a democratic tion of 45 million in 2010 and was experiencing presidential republic, it is in fact a “mild type” of a population growth rate −0.62%. Belarus has dictatorship with Alexander Lukashenko as dic- about ten million residents and a population tator (CIA, 2010). growth rate of −0.37% (CIA). After the collapse of the Soviet Union in the Among these three former Soviet countries, 1990s, there was a sweeping transition from a Russia has the most uneven population distribu- command economy toward a free-market democ- tion over its enormous territory. Russians pre- racy, during which the citizens of each of these dominantly (78% of the population) live in the 29 Homicide in Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus 453 European part of the country (west of the Ural enforcement officers per 100,000 residents. Mountains), with less than one-quarter of the Despite such an inflated militia staff and growing population living in the vast Asiatic sector (west paramilitarization of the police, Russian citizens Siberia, east Siberia, and the Russian Far East). tend to express growing distrust toward the About 75% of the population of each of the three police, which has been exacerbated by a large nations lives in urban areas, and the sex ratio – number of killings by police officers (Levada 46% men and 54% women – is nearly the same in Center, 2004; Luneev, 2005). Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus. Alcohol Use Police Since heavy population drinking has been shown There are two branches of the executive power in to be strongly associated with cross-sectional and each of these three countries dealing with homi- temporal homicide rates in Russia (Pridemore, cide: the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD in 2002; Pridemore & Chamlin, 2006), we briefly Russian) and the office of the public prosecutor describe the main patterns and trends in alcohol (Prokuratura in Russian). The Criminal Militia consumption in Russia and also in Ukraine and Department of the MVD is in charge of register- Belarus. Alcohol-related harm is considered by ing and investigating homicides. In addition to many to be a national disaster in Russia (Denisova, supervising the execution of the law, the office of 2010a; Leon et al., 2007; Leon, Shkolnikov, & the public prosecutor in Russia, Ukraine, and McKee, 2009; Nemtsov, 2002; Pridemore, 2004; Belarus also investigates homicide on its own. Zaridze et al., 2009). Following artificially low This incongruous practice, left over from the levels of consumption during the anti-alcohol Soviet era, serves as one of the factors conducive campaign of the mid-1980s (officially 3.9 L per to the distortion and confusion of the crimino- person, with Nemtsov’s (2006) estimates of logical statistical data, including homicide 10.6 L per person), drinking increased following (Luneev, 2005: 301). the campaign, increased again during and after Due to the legacy of the Soviet era’s extended the collapse of the Soviet Union in early 1990s, police network on the one
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