Southern Africa Vol.13No/ J]illtQBJ_])@ffi~ March1998
.. ClJ -~.... Q.. The ANC 1S 50th Conference What Power to the People? ~@WL~lffi®~ID ~if~il©@l March 1998 REPORT Vol. 13 No.2
Contents
Editorial: Of Spectres, and Harangues ...... 1
The ANC's 50th Conference A House of Many Mansions? . 3 Power to Whom? . . . . 10 Exiles and Homecomings . 12 Southern Africa REPORT Mugabe under Siege: is produced quarterly by a collective of TCLSAC, the Toronto Committee Ending the Plunder? 16 for Links between Southern Africa & Canada Behind the Protests . 19 427 Bloor St. West Toronto, Ontario M5S 1X7 Tel. (416) 967-5562 Mozambique: email: [email protected] Soldiers of Misfortune 22 web site: www.web.net/~tclsac/ Submissions, suggestions and help in production are welcome and invited The Big Bungle: ISSN 0820-5582 Teacher Redeployment in South Africa . 26 Member: Canadian Magazine Publishers Association Indexed in: Canadian Index; Canadian Business & Current Affairs Wit's Going On? Revisiting the Makgoba Affair All rights reversed 30 Subscriptions Southern Africa Report subscription & TCLSAC membership rates: SAR Collective SUBSCRIPTION: Individual (per year) $18.00 Institution (per year) $40.00 Margie Adam, Stephen All en, Carolyn Bassett, MEMBERSHIP: (includes subscription) Christine Beckermann, Lois Browne, Marlea Clarke, Regular . . $35.00 David Cooke, David Galbraith, Marnie Lucas-Zerbe, John S. Saul, Unemployed Marit Stiles, Lauren Swenarchuk, Joe Vise, Student . . $18.00 Jonathan Vise, Mary Vise Senior
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Canadian Publications Mail Product Sales Agreement No. 569607 Thabo Mbeki {seated) listens to Cheryl Carolus and Jacob Zuma during opening day of the 50th Conference Of .Spectres, and Harangues
A spectre is haunting South Africa. ordinate their commercial interests but relatively powerful stratum of A statement by Thabo Mbeki, late to the necessity to gi~e black people the emergent black elite. On the last year, catches the tone (from a share in the economy." Change is other hand, one cannot doubt that his interview with Die Burger, as not a threat, Mbeki stated; rather, Mbeki and others are aware of paraphrased by Southscan, Novem "too little change is a threat"! larger circles of discontent in the ber 7, 1997): "South Africa could Such statements are double society and of the vast numbers of have race riots in three to five edged, of co urse, and potentially people whose aspirations for socio years time if the living standard ambiguous in their implications. On economic change in the wake of of black people had not improved. the one hand, some critics have seen apartheid have been far more cruelly He warned whites that they would Mbeki as, first and foremost, seeking thwarted than have those of any have to make sacrifices and asked through them to further facilitate aspirant black bourgeoisie. Indeed, them to emulate the response of the advance of African entrepreneurs Souths can takes Mbeki 's waming to the Chinese in Malaysia, who had into the circles of capitalist privilege, be "the most direct indication to voluntarily agreed to a distribu a modest Africanization of the date of the fears which now prevail tion of their wealth." Further established economic system, as it in government at the low levels of more, "business leaders should sub- were, in the interests of a small growth and consequent job creation
Southern Africa REPORT march 1998 1 and the social instability this may ference generated elsewhere, how care: them as has, keeps. At best, foster." ever. Lodge cites, rather incred one fears, there is a certain (in True- a point we return to below ulously, the Independent's descrip tentional?) naivete as to just how -one can doubt whether the ANC's tion of Mandela's speech as be deep seated and structural South adoption of a broadly neo-liberal ing "antiquated Marxist gibberish." Africa's socio-economic inequalities economic strategy can really be ex Closer to home we find our very own really are. True, "retribution" is not pected to ameliorate, rather than ex (Toronto) Globe and Mail editorial a particularly promising policy op acerbate, such problems. N onethe izing haughtily against "Mr. Man tion for South Africa. "Redistribu less, it need come as no surprise dela's harangue" (December 19, tion" surely is. that fear of similar spectres (along 1997). Noting that "the South South Africa's political leader side similar ambiguities about the African economy, the strongest in ship can't afford to be quite so smug appropriate response to them) were Africa, is owned and operated by as is the Globe and Mail: they evoked by Nelson Mandela in his whites" the Globe slates Mandela for can feel the hot breath of reality five-hour opening address to the "accusing (the white elite) of cling - those various spectres: race war? ANC's recent 50th National Confer ing to their privilege and conspir class war? or, as sometimes hap ence. This important conference is ing to deny other races their rightful pens when vast inequalities go unre analyzed in depth in three articles share of prosperity": "His remarks el ressed, further social d isi n tegr a at the heart of this issue of SAR. In will only encourage those among tion? - breathing down their necks. particular, the opening address itself the new generation of South African And yet several of our authors seem - at once valedictory and a sign-post leaders who believe that white priv to fear that (as hinted above) the to the ANC's post-Mandela future ilege is the country's main problem ANC's own faith in the magic of is front and centre in each of these and that confiscation and retribu the market may be just about as articles. We will therefore not at- · tion are the solution." "Pure fool utopian as is that of the Globe's tempt to summarize the speech here. ishness," harrumph the editors. editorial writers. Whites to make Suffice to say that, as regards both Rick Salutin, the Globe's ad sacrifices to help overcome the deep this speech and their broader assess inequalities in South African soci ment of the conference, our author's mirable house-radical columnist made one essential point about his ety? But what meaning can that perspectives differ widely, albeit in possibly have within the framework ways that we hope readers will find paper's approach. As part of a cri of a macro-economic policy choice - to be instructive. tique of the Globe's more general "tendency to judge all good things hands-off neo-liberalism - that is al Thus, Tom Lodge concludes his ready producing, and at a fearsome careful analysis of the events of from the standpoint of the rich" ("Of winners, losers and a not so pace, further inequalities along both the conference by noting, positively, class and racial lines. its essentially unifying thrust and merry Calvinist Christmas," Decem outcome. In contrast, Oupa ber 26, 1997) Salutin reiterates the Perhaps we're merely giving Lehulere and Dale McKinley are far paper's reminder to Mandela that aid and comfort to the Globe more critical in their shared concern his economy is "owned and oper ed itorialists by allowing our authors (although from different points on ated by whites." Salutin's response: to so argue about the "benign" the political compass) that socio "Operated? The mines? The farms? intentions (at least from what we economic inequality was merely Earth to Globe editorial board"! take to be the editorialists' point of "handled ," even stage-managed, as There's not even the most mini view) of the ANC. Cool it, fellas. an issue at the conference, rather mal sense of history in the Globe's God's in his counting-house, along than dealt with in any serious formulation, of course. If polit with you and the ANC leadership, way. In making this case, the ical inequalities founded on racial and all's right with the world. Moreover, the degree of unity of latter both cite the relative ease authoritarianism weren 't legitimate, purpose manifested (Lodge) and/or with which GEAR, the ANC's why are socio-economic in equalities schemed for (Lehulere, McKinley) at neo-liberal economic strategy, was - arguably the starkest in the world the ANC national conference might granted safe passage through the - that were created by that same just hold. conference, somewhat in defiance racial-capitalist order any more so, of prior expectations as to what or any less worthy of redress? Per But then again - and here com might transpire at Mafikeng. What haps, behind all this, lies the Globe pare recent events in Zimbabwe, none of the three authors (including editorialists' utopian faith - no sur the riots and other protests chron Lodge) would claim, however, is prise to faithful readers - in the be icled in this issue by Iden Wetherell that anything very radical in socio nign workings of the market as of and Patrick Bond - it might not. economic terms occurred there. fering some kind of solution to the And that would be something for You wouldn't know this from inequality question. Or perhaps, the Globe and Mail really to worry some of the coverage of the con- as Salutin implies, they just don't about. t::mJ
2 march 1998 Southern Africa REPORT The ANC's 50th Conference A House of Many Mansions?
ro u
"'0 <( Gertrude Shope (centre left) and iibertina Sisulu (centre right) at the opening session of the 50th Conference
BY TOM LO D'GE ists were almost invisible and the left ternal observers, certainly matched Tom Lodge is Professor and Head of tl1e demonstrated its presence only in the mood of his audience. Reports Department of Political Studies at tl1e the leadership elections rather than from the provinces before the con University of the Witwatersrand. in any debate or discussion. More on ference suggested widespread disap the mark when it came to prophe pointment with the slow pace of gov The ANC's 50th conference, held cies was the ANC's Kwa-Zulu Natal ernment delivery over the last three in Mafikeng, December 16-20, 1997, deputy chairperson. Sibusiso N de years. Recent opinion polls have will be remembered as the occasion bele, who told a Sowetan journal suggested that such sentiments are on which Nelson Mandela abdicated ist that the ANC would not find it not simply confined to an activist his political authority to Thabo self under siege at the old Boer war minority; though other parties are Mbeki, but otherwise it seemed citadel: "Instead it wi ll ... be cele not gaining support significantly the to herald continuity rather than brating" (Sowetan, 16/12/1997). ANC's following seems to have been change. Neither expectations of an eroded by apathy. It took Mandela African nationalist challenge to lead Any potential rebelliousness five hours to read an edited version ership policies nor the predictions amongst delegates may have been of his valedictory speech, a coll ec of a concerted left wing rejection deflected by Nelson Mandela's open tively scripted oration. The con of the government's fiscal orthodoxy ing Presidential address which, how tent and phraseology of the speech proved to be accurate: the African- ever much it may have displeased ex- closely reflected the substance of the
Southern Africa REPORT march 1998 3 ANC's "Strategy and Tactics" circu lie deficit. The main thrust of this ment to a "further strengthening" lated in draft several months before section emphasized the necessity for of relations with its allies, he stated the conference. The speech can be "the deracialization of productive that such a commitment should ac taken as an authoritative expression property" and the institution of a knowledge the existence of differ of the political mind-set of Mbeki's "system of social accountability for ences. "The SACP is a political future presidency. capital" through the establishment formation which has a responsibil Mandela's speech by the state of regulatory mecha ity to mobilize for its own political nisms to counteract the inequalities support." How such a mobilization The first half of Mandela's speech generated by globalization (pp.22- would relate "to the issues of the was largely constituted by harsh in 27). SACP's membership of the Progres vective against what he termed "the sive Alliance and the ANC's lead Though the speech's authors anti-democratic forces of counter ership of this Alliance are precisely were careful to buttress social crit revolution" ("President's Report, the difficult questions which have to icism with supportive quotations 50th National Conference," p.3).t be answered" (p.47). Meanwhile, These included "opponents of fun trade unionists had every right to damental change" who "have sought represent the interests of their mem to separate the goals of national rec bers, but these we~·e not identical onciliation from the critical objec to those of the ANC's broader con tive of social transformation" (p.3). stituency and the unions should re "Various elements of the former rul member that their following occu ing group" were conspiring in "a pied "a relatively privileged posi network" to promote a "campaign tion" (p.49) when compared to the of destabilization" through weaken unemployed. ing the ANC and its allies, through using crime to render the country Fierce rhetoric against oppo ungovernable, and through eroding ~ nents of social change might rea popular confidence in government ~ sonably be assumed to presage a (p.4). Members of such a network 6 stronger future commitment by the were located in the civil service but u government to transformative poli they were helped by "white parties" ~ cies. As Pallo Jordan explained to who had "essentially decided against ·.8 journalists after Mandela's oration, the pursuit of a national agenda," z tensions in South Africa were ex "foreign funded NGOs" working "to ~ pected to heighten as transformation corrode the influence of the move u of society and the economy acceler- :E ment," and "the bulk of the mass
4 march 1998 Southern Africa REPORT "metal of revolutionaries." Rhetoric viewed (critically) USAID's support ing the left" but certainly in Man aside, the programmatic dimension for "old struggle organizations" in deJa's discourse the ANC's authori of the presidential address was fairly South Africa. USAID funding re tarian reflexes were more in evidence anodyne. cipients include SANCO, still a for than any of its democratic predispo Authoritarian reflexes mal ANC ally but increasingly pre sitions. disposed to assert its political auton What about the criticisms Mandela omy. Of course, it would be odd if Delegates in GEAR? directed at civil society? Should the opening address at a ruling party they too be taken with a pinch of The apparently unanimous approval political conference offered praise for of each of the conference resolutions, salt, as merely "conference hyper the governments opponents and crit bole" (The Star, 20/12/1997), to all three volumes of them, might be ics, but the ANC's characterization thought by some observers to signal quote a phrase used by Pallo J or of such bodies as IDASA or the civic dan in the subsequent press brief an obedient conformity with lead movement as reactionaries and for ership prescriptions amongst dele ing? Certain ANC leaders may eign instruments suggests a fairly believe that a conspiracy links re gates. The reality was more com deep seated distrust of independent plicated. Kader Asmal claimed in actionary civil servants, white op organizational life. position parties, NGOs, and the the wake of the conference that the newspaper industry in an orches occasion was "lively and vital, stim trated "counter revolution" but nei ulating and tiring" and Pallo Jor- ther Mandela's speech nor the sub "' dan felt that delegate endorsement sequent conference proceedings re ~ of policy was not without reserva vealed any serious intentions to g' tions but that generally "the confer- curb the activities of the govern 3 ence was an occasion for people to ro discuss the government's policy, and ment's critics. The kind of language to understand it better" (Mail and used to describe the ANC's oppo g ·~ Guardian, 24/12/98). nents is partly attributable to the z movement's continuing adherence to c In fact many of the resolutions "national-democratic" and "revolu G as well as the "discussion papers" tionary" phraseology which makes it ~ which supplied their justifications difficult to view opposition as legiti Cheryl Carolus themselves embodied compromises mate or patriotic. which had been reached in earlier meetings which had been much more Even so, after making allowances Outside of the ANC and its tra for the immediate context of the ditional allies, only Inkatha earned contentious. One month before the conference, for example , the Eastern speech and the intellectual tra any praise from the president, this Cape provincial ANC was reported ditions which helped to influence for its role in the governing coali to be in rebellion, with its secretary, its form, the antagonism Mandela tion and in Natal peace initiatives. Humphrey Maxegwana promising to evinced towards "foreign funded" In a press conference the day before "actively campaign for GEAR to be NGOs was worrying. This was the speech Mandela went so far as to reviewed" and with a nomination a theme which was reasserted in call for an IFP / ANC merger, noting list for the ANC's top six positions the Secretary-general's report when that "both parties shared the same in circulation including Winnie Cheryl Carolus accused NGOs of be vision of a free market economy and Madikizela Mandela and excluding ing constituents in "a concerted ef the importance of traditional lead Jacob Zuma. The more fervent fort to halt transformation" ( "Secre ers" (The Star, 15/12/1997), a per critics of GEAR may have believed tary General's Report," p.17). She ception which has since become a noted "a proliferation of reactionary, repeated refrain in statements by that by the time of the national conference they had extracted as very well resourced NGOs," mov other ANC leaders. This may come ing "into the new democratic spaces as a surprise to the thousands of much in the way of concessions as they were likely to achieve. with vigour" and dominating par trade unionists and civic activists liamentary hearings. Carolus's re who have been assaulted by Inkatha This might explain the dis marks seemed to be mainly directed impis over the last decade but pre cernibly more conciliatory language at liberal organizations which have sumably Mandela's warm words for employed by COSATU spokesmen assumed a lobbying function, in his coalition partners were mainly with respect to government macro cluding the SAIRR and IDASA. earned through their supine perfor economic policy in the days be In his comments on NGOs "as in mance in parliament. Le Monde's fore the conference. Thus, just struments of foreign governments," correspondent may have been over before the conference, Zwelinzima Mandela referred to a report writ stating the case when he interpreted Vavi, COSATU's Deputy Secretary ten by US Republicans which re- the speech as an agenda for "silenc- General, had confined himself to ob-
Southern Africa REPORT march 1998 5 serving mildly that COSATU would liance needed "to look at alternative justed through the policy processes "provide its input on how the Gov approaches to the budget, the bud adopted at this conference" (p.37). ernment's GEAR policy could be get deficit (to) the approach adopted The resolution was adopted refined," and his superior, Sam in GEAR"; these might include im unanimously after a bare fifteen Shilowa had noted that "the is plementing a pay as you go system minutes discussion at the plenary sue" was "not how the ANC and in the pension fund (p.26). session, this despite an earlier ex COSATU had differed on GEAR, The "Economic Transformation" pression of reservation by Trevor but how as an alliance we can resolutions reflected some of these Manuel who felt that "the level work towards socio-economic trans arguments as well as the findings of a of detailing (in GEAR) is disem formation of our country" ( Sowetan, policy conference held by the ANC's powering to people" and that "the 17 /12/1997). SACP chairman Blade Commission on Economic Transfor ANC conference should not be asked Nzimande also seemed determined mation on 1-2 November. Its re to endorse GEAR" (Business Day, to be diplomatic: "the party" did port ("Challenges and Programmes 19/12/1997). The adoption of the "not want the conference to degener resolution had come after two days ate into a war over GEAR" and was of commission sessions; five hun "approaching the meeting in a spirit dred delegates had broken up into of unity." ten groups to discuss economic pol The report of the Alliance Sum icy. Apparently d~legates with re mit held on August 31st, and dis cently acquired municipal council tributed at Mafikeng, helped to ex experience played an especially im plain the conciliatory mood char portant role in such discussions: lo acterizing these statements. There cal government financial administra Mandela had conceded that "it was tion has given the ANC rank and file wrong for any party to adopt a a new degree of competence in de- ~ bating econon1ic policy, as well as, non-negotiable stand" ("Report of ::' the Alliance Summit," p.l). The rn perhaps, an understanding of the fis- summit had agreed that "a demo 6 cal limitations which confront social cratic state needs to be active and u reformers. interventionist," not laissez faire. 6"' Even so, the voting unanimity The National Democratic Revolu ·~ was surprising - Tito Mboweni, tion was "a transformational en chair of the Commission confessed zc gagement with the continuous ten rl as much afterwards. It may also dencies of capitalist accumulation ¢: have been partly attributable to to exploit and oppress" (p.5), and 6 march 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ------~©~~ill ~~~n©~ m©~------guments favouring the abolition of Steve Tshwete. Lekota's victory within the Women's League was "two-tier" metropolitan authorities may have owed something to del slipping; her outspoken criticism of which will upset opposition parties egate displeasure with Tshwete's government "delivery" shortcomings which favour decentralized munici public censure of Winnie Madik and the testimony offered to the palities. Nor will Inkatha be pleased izela Mandela three weeks before the Truth and Reconciliation Commis with the ANC's determination tore conference as well as sympathy for sion had helped to alienate members duce chiefs to advisory and ceremo Lekota engendered by his removal of the League's executive. In the nial functions, removing from them from the Free State premiership af event only 125 delegates were will their exclusive control over commu ter attempting to punish corruption ing to second her nomination and nal land allocation. Newspaper edi within his cabinet. Gender Commis she stood down. A secret ballot may tors may well be alarmed by a pro sion Chairperson Mthintso is known have demonstrated more support - posal from the International Rela to be an outspoken opponent of nomination was through a show of tions Commission that "the state GEAR; she won a more narrow . hands - but her slide to fifteenth po- needs to consider its relationship sition (2,059 votes) in the NEC elec with the media which is largely for tions, from fifth in 1994 was a telling eign owned, and which seeks to indication of her declining influence project us in a negative light." in the organization. The NEC ballot Amongst the more consequential was secret, and administered by the alterations to the ANC's constitu Electoral Institute of South Africa. tion delegates accepted a revision 3,064 delegates voted, each of sixty to the requirement that conference of a possible 131 candidates. should meet every three years - in Peter Mokaba, another key figure future such assemblies will be held "' in "populist" or "Africanist" ANC every five years. The constitutional ~ circles also lost ground in the changes also included provision for g> elections, only just claiming a place the appointment of a "National List 3 in the top twenty in comparison with Committee" of 5 to 9 members, cho ro his third highest tally in the 1994 sen by the NEC which would have .Q poll. Discouragingly for those who final authority over the election of -:;; shared Mokaba's view that "non parliamentary candidates, another z Africans" and Communists share significant addition to the scope of ~ disproportionate influence over the u leadership authority (in the last elec ;::: movement, only three "Africans" tion candidates were chosen through <( were among the ten who received a process of nomination and ballot Cyril Ramaphosa most delegate support and each of ing though the subsequent lists were these three, Cyril Ramaphosa, Tito victory against Mavivi Myakayaka adjusted by leadership) . Mboweni and Pallo Jordan are at Manzini, Thabo Mbeki's "eyes and If odds with the Africanist/populist the last of these decisions sig ears" in parliament. nalled an expansion of executive camp. power within the ANC, the NEC Three of the ANC's national of and officeholde~ elections were an fices would have been contested be Many Inan sions cause up until the elections them illuminating demonstration of the If the Africanists did not carry the selves Winnie Madikizela Mandela limits of leadership authority. If day, however, it would be almost considered herself to be a can leadership got its way over pol equally difficult to claim that the didate for the deputy presidency icy, left wing critics of economic left had done so. Moreover, "the against the executive's favoured J a "neo-liberalism" could claim gains left" itself represents a pretty- dis cob Zuma. Energetic canvassing by from the elections. Despite be parate coalition. Cyril Ramaphosa the leadership in the months pre hind the scenes pressure on candi is believed to continue to enjoy ceding the conference had persuaded dates to stand down, two of the SACP support but as South Africa's the provincial executives to nom six top positions were contested, leading black businessman he can inate Zuma, and a constitutional the posts of National Chairman and hardly be counted within the social amendment increased the propor Deputy Secretary General. Both ist camp. Nor is this the case with tion from ten to twenty five per these contests were won by the can respect to Lekota whose candidature cent of delegate nominations from didates supported by COSATU and for the chairmanship was favoured the conference floor which Mrs Man the SACP, Terror Lekota and Then by the party and COSATU. Trade dela needed to stand. Two weeks jiwe Mthintso, in the case of Lekota, unionists may derive some satisfac- overwhelmingly against Sports Min before the conference it was increas ister and ANC National Organizer ingly evident that her support even continued on page 33 Southern Africa REPORT march 1998 7 BEST, OETHE AL~ERNAT I V E L PRESS Looking for an With over 25 years of journalistic ARTICHOKE is Western Canada's visua l adventure in your experience, ALTERNATIVES is the arts magazine and winner of the 1996 most widely-read environmental Western Magazine of the Year Award for magazine reading? journal in Canada . Thought-provoking editorial excellence . Launched in Calgary in Order a sample copy of the best of articles go beyond band-aid solutions 1989, ARTICHOKE sustains a critical to consider concrete alternatives for a dialogue about visual arts in BC, Alberta, Canada's other press by simply filling wide range of environmental issues. Saskatchewan, and beyond . Each issue out the request form. 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And you get its world readership and representation, only (no orders), e-mail [email protected] or award-winning investigative journalism and ground-breaking research on women's that the mainstream won't touch . global and community realities. fax:(604) 875-1403. • •••••••••••••••••••••••••••• Southern Africa REPORT march 1998 9 ------~©~~ill ~~~~©~ lli@~------~--- The ANC's 50th Conference Power to Whom? BY DALE T. MCKINLEY Conference resolutions on the other. its major strengths. As could be Dale T. McKinley presently works at The fact that the (ideological) bat expected of an organization holding the Head Office of the South African tles around key issues of ANC (as the reins of government, discussion Communist Party and is author of the government) economic and political at the Conference covered a wide recently published book The ANC and strategy were not reflected in Con range of issues. And yet, a cursory the Liberation Struggle: A Critical ference resolutions only serves to glance at the resolutions adopted at Political Biography (Pluto Press). confirm the success of the leader Conference gives practical content to ship's political management capabil the old adage that "the more things After reading local and international ities. change, the more they remain the same." press reports on the ANC's 50th Set against the backdrop of National Conference (16-20 Decem the ANC's two previous "post Nowhere is this more clear than ber 1997), one could be forgiven apartheid" Conferences (1991 and in the centrally important Confer for thinking there had just been a 1994), the Mafikeng Conference rep ence resolution dealing with "Eco joyous family reunion in the dusty resents, above all, continuity. At nomic Transformation." Despite provincial town of Mafikeng. If both of those gatherings there was the overwhelming opposition by only it were that simple. Despite heated debate around the political the majority of the ANC's own descriptions of the Conference as strategies and organizational char constituency to the ANC-led gov "miraculous," with delegates emerg acter of the ANC. For example, at ernment's neo-Thatcherite macro ing "invigorated and united against the 1991 Conference most delegates economic strategy adopted in 1996 all odds," the harsh reality is that argued the need for a strengthen (called Growth, Employment and the ANC - as a political organi ing and consolidation of revolution Redistribution - GEAR), the start zation representing the majority of ary mass mobilization to re-assert ing point for the resolution's im South Africans - is more contested the mass-led character of both the plementation of economic policy re than ever, post-Conference appear ANC and ongoing political negotia mains "a competitive, fast growing ances and utterances to the contrary tion. And yet, watered-down Con and developing economy." The res notwithstanding. ference resolutions were followed by olution goes further to state that Like past Conferences, the little change in the way in which the GEAR "aims at creating the en Mafikeng gathering confirmed that ANC leadership approached the ne vironment of macro-economic bal the ANC's "unity" is not predom gotiations. It was just such elite ances required for the realization inately derived from ideological or led political management that con of the RDP" (referring to the Re strategic harmony amongst its mem tributed decisively to the demobi construction and Development Pro bers. Rather, the "success" of the lization of much of the ANC's mass gramme formally adopted by the 50th Conference was the result of base. In this sense, Mafikeng cer ANC's 1994 Conference). For the leadership's mastery of polit tainly continues an ANC tradition, those with short memories, the ical management. Such manage but it is not the one that most ob RDP explicitly stated that economic ment was clearly applied in the slick servers think it is. "growth" is dependent on the radi hand-over of leadership from Man cal redistribution of wealth 1 " Open debates"? deJa to Mbeki (something of an ob Following a similar path of trans session of the mainstream press and Delegates at the Mafikeng Confer forming clear political and policy sections of the progressive interna ence have described the debates in mandates from Conference partici tional community). However, the the various commissions as "spir pants into often unconnected (and real source of the ANC's ability to ited" and "open." Indeed, the abil unintelligible) policy, the resolution appear "united," derives from the ity of the ANC leadership to gen on "Poverty" offers an interesting leadership's power to manage the erate (and more recently to encotu· version of what needs to be done. It contradictions between Conference age) relatively lively internal debate resolves that: "inefficiencies in mar discussions on the one hand and the whilst containing and channelling kets, institutions, spatial structure practical implementation of ANC the political (policy) implications of and delivery mechanisms that prej (governmental) policy as guided by such debate has always been one of udice those who are underprivileged 10 march 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ------~©~~ill ~~~~©~ ill@~------should be identified and removed." of central concern. Thus, reading colour and gender around a common A strange way of carrying out the through the report, Conference del patriotism, one of whose critical core mandate of the ANC to "fun egates must have been a bit sur elements must be the establishment damentally" transform the political prised to find out that it is the views of a caring society. economy of the most unequal soci of capitalist financial speculator ex As hard as it might be to take se ety in the world. But then again, if traordinaire, George Soros, that now the ANC's 50th Conference clarified riously the hypocritical philosophiz provide philosophical and ideologi ing of a man (Soros) who almost anything it is that most of the top cal sustenance to the historic mis leadership have wasted little time in single-handedly ruined the lives of sion of the ANC. Arguing for the millions of workers in Asia in a becoming avid followers of a tech need to create a "system accord nocr·atic "market democracy" which frenzy of speculative profiteering, ing to which the owners of capital the important point is that the has little to do with "fundamental would, willingly, understand an.d ac transformation." ANC leadership does so. The rea cept the idea that business success son is simply because this leader The "success" of the leader can no longer be measured solely by ship views the ANC's mission of ship's political management skills at reference to profit" Mandela quotes carrying out the oft-mentioned "na Mafikeng thus obscured the true po Soros, at length, on "what is to be tional democratic revolution" as the litical and ideological character of done": oretically and practically consistent the Conference. As a result, there By taking the conditions of supply with capitalism (albeit a capital has been an all-too-predictable con and demand as given and {by] check ism that is at once deracialized and centration on the outcome of leader ing government intervention, laissez "more humane"). All the debates at ship challenges and lively, but rela faire ideology has effectively ban Mafikeng, however genuine the in tively peripheral debates around the ished wealth redistribution. Wealth tentions of the debaters might have racial and organizational make-up of does accumulate in the hands of its been, were fundamentally concerned both the Alliance and the ANC it owners, and if there is no mechanism with the specifics of how the or self. However, much more central for redistribution, the inequities can ganization will proceed within this politically was the fact that - de become intolerable. The laissez-faire strategic framework. To reiterate: spite whatever more substantive dif argument against income redistribu the "success" of the 50th Conference ferences of perspective there might tion invokes the doctrine of survival lies precisely in the leadership's abil be amongst them - the majority of the fittest. Tl1ere is sometlJing ity to politically manage the contra membership of all components of the wrong with making the survival of dictions inherent in such an under Alliance (ANC, COSATU, SACP) the fittest a guiding principle of civ taking. came to unite around a common ilized society. theme: that the Alliance must re What the leadership of the ANC main intact (at least through the As if that were not enough, Man (and sections of other Alliance lead 1999 elections) . deJa proceeded to inform delegates ers) can not so easily accomplish - and an audience of millions more though is an extension of these man Unity ... and Sorosism - that Soros' perspectives (including agerial skills beyond the confines of a But what lay beyond this "politics of his criticism of the fact that "peo Conference hall. The strategic path the lowest common denominator"? ple increasingly rely on money as the chosen (which is , at best, a kind of a If there is any o;1e event/ document criterion of value"!) were just what rehashed "third world" Keynesian that reveals the core strategic-cum was needed for the "moral renewal ism pursued within the context of ideological message that emanated of our country" and for reaching an increasingly arrogant and preda from the ANC's 50th Conference, "our objective of creating a people tory economic imperialism), com it is Mandela's opening presiden centred, humane and caring soci bined with massive domestic class tial report. For it provides the ety." Taking at face value what, in oppression , ensures that the ANC philosophical premises for the exis the context of Soros' original writ will remain a battle-zone of ideolog tence and functioning of the ANC, ings, is merely a flabby, charity ical contestation. Politically manag as laid down by the leadership be inflected rationalization for capital ing the search for a false unity in the fore Mafikeng through its actions in ism, Mandela summed up this newly face of real contradictions may pro governing the country. discovered philosophical foundation vide some short-term "success," but stone by throwing out the following it is certainly not a solid basis for Leaving aside the much- challenge to the ANC: giving revolutionary content to the publicized attacks on the media, central slogan of the ANC's Strategy What this all says is that we will NGO's and rival political organi and Tactics document: "All Power have to travel a difficult road before zations contained in the first half to the People." of Mandela's report, it is these we can truly unite the majority of more philosophical matters that are our people, without regard to race, Southern Africa REPORT march 1998 11 The ANC's 50th Conference Exiles and Homecomings BY OUPA LEHULERE It was to this theme that Nelson opportunity to question the GEAR Oupa Lehulere works as a labour educa Mandela, outgoing President of the strategy. tor for the union support organization, ANC and soon to be outgoing The rumblings in the ANC were, President of South Africa, returned Khanya College, in Johannesburg. however, not the principal reason in his last speech as leader of for public interest in the GEAR de The 50th conference of the African the ANC. Quoting United States bate. Three months earlier, the National Congress (ANC) held in President Lyndon Johnson's speech country's largest trade union feder December 1997 in the North West at Howard University in 1965, ation, Cosatu, published a report President Mandela argued that Province town of Mafikeng has been which called GEAR 'a programme of "we seek not just freedom, but billed as the conference of the "financial capital." At its congress opportunity; not just legal equity, "changing of the guard." The town in September, Cosatu leaders and but human ability; not just equality of Mafikeng has two claims to fame members had a heated exchange as a right and a theory, but equality in South African history. with President Nelson Mandela and as a fact and as a result." Firstly, it's known for the siege made clear their rejection of GEAR, of the town during the Anglo-Boer The Mafikeng conference was a position not held by Cosatu war at the turn of the century. one of homecoming to the ANC alone. The South African Non It was the compromises struck at of the first half of this century - Governmental Organization Coali the end of that war that led to to the ANC of Sol Plaatjie. But tion added its voice to the rejec the exclusion of blacks from South homecomings like this one take a tion of GEAR, and a leading anti Africa's parliamentary politics for long time to prepare. apartheid cleric accused the govern the best part of this century. The road to the Mafikeng confer ment of "unleashing a rampant cap italism on an unsuspecting popula Mafikeng's other claim to fame ence was paved with political con is one that binds it to the history frontation between Cosatu and the tion." All this, and Cosatu's par of the ANC and now to its future. ANC, organizational manoeuvres, ticipation at the ANC conference, added up to an expectant mood The town is the home of the first and by a process of self-sanitation secretary-general of the ANC, Sol worthy of the party of the ruling around the GEAR debate. class that the ANC has become. Plaatjie. Plaatjie, a li terary man As it turned out, the mountain and intellectual, spent the early The ANC adopts GEAR brought forth a molehill. GEAR part of this century campaigning The runup to the ANC conference was adopted by the conference against the land dispossession of generated intense public interest in without any serious objections. The the African people. Out of that the deliberations on economic pol leadership's claim that the GEAR experience he has left one of the icy. This conference was, after was merely a tool to implement most memorable records of the all, the first ANC conference since the RDP must have played a part trauma of dispossession in his classic the government adopted its contro in smoothing the adoption, but it Native Life in South Africa. versial nee-liberal economic policy was the format of the conference But Plaatjie also represented a known as the Growth, Employment discussions that played the most particular phase in the evolution and Redistribution, or GEAR in important role. After a number of the politics of the ANC. He 1996. When GEAR was adopted, of presentations to delegates by the lived during a period in which the ANC as an organization was pre Ministers of Finance, of Trade and the ANC, then a party of (tribal) sented with a fait accompli by the Industry and of Labour, a request chiefs and educated Africans, called ANC cabinet. Indeed, the ANC's by delegates to hear a presentation for equal opportunities for these highest decision-making body was by Cosatu on why it rejected GEAR groups in a world created by rapid only convened to endorse GEAR af was turned down. Ironically, it industrialization. The political issue ter the government had announced was the SACP Deputy General of the time was equal opportunity its adoption. It thus came as no Secretary, Jeremy Cronin, who in his for educated Africans in a world surprise that the Eastern Cape, a capacity as overall convenor of the created by the mining magnates, historical stronghold of the ANC, resolutions committee, turned down or Randlords, as they were known. announced it intended to use this the request. Without a formulated 12 march 1998 Southern Africa REPORT counterview, Minister of Finance changed one from the ANC of April The fusion with the state, and Manuel's view at the conference 1994. dependence on it, will be taken that "the level of technical detail The fusion of the ANC with the a step further by proposals calling [of GEAR] ... is of such a nature state apparatus for political parties to be funded that it is disempowering for people" by government. Given that the became a self-fulfilling prophesy. Organizational weaknesses, falling ANC already gets substantial funds membership and non-functioning Imposing leadership from above from external donors, financial branches also conspired to smooth independence from its traditional The manoeuvres during conference, the victory of the new right in the base will ensure that the ANC will however, were preceded by manoeu ANC. The Eastern Cape province, be less and less responsive to the vres outside conference. The runup once the strongest ANC region, had needs of the working class. period saw a determined attempt by its delegation to the 1997 conference the ANC national leadership, and as reduced by half (compared to 1994) Recreating the ANC rumour would have it, by the new because of falling membership. In the years before the ANC ANC president, Thabo Mbeki, to GEAR's passage was not. only was driven into exile, and before fashion a leadership after its own im smoothed by an ill-prepared mem the student uprisings of the 1970s age. In three provinces - Free State, bership, weak organiz ation and de brought into the ANC a generation Northern Province and Gauteng - clining membership. It was also of militant youth, the ANC had the national leadership tried to im smoothed by changes in the for by and large been led by the pose its own choice of leaders against tunes of the membership. When the aspirant black middle classes and resistance by members. In Gauteng, ANC went to conference in 1991 it (tribal) chiefs. The years of militant this led to a long drawn out battle, had no access to bureaucratic power mass politics, coupled with the on the one hand, between provin and privilege. The 1994 conference destruction of the black middle class cial cabinet ministers supported by came too soon after the April elec by apartheid, saw many militants the national leadership, and on the tions to reflect changes in member from the ranks of the working class other, an overwhelming majority of ship and local government elections ascend to the leadership of the ANC. the provincial membership. After came m.1y in 1995. Now, with the 1997 conference, the postponing elections, rewriting elec In Mafikeng, the number of cell pendulum has begun its swing back tion rules and orchestrating charac phones and fancy cars told a dif to the aspirant black middle classes. ter assassinations in the press, the ferent story. So in evidence was candidate of the ANC national lead The leadership succession was the new elite that an anecdote is ership lost by a large margin. fought out, although largely sym told that at one point the air con bolically, around the national lead Although the national leadership ditioning system in the conference ership's attempts to prevent Win lost the battle, it was able to win hall failed because the power was nie Mandela from running for the the war. In the heat of the battle overloaded with delegates charging Deputy Presidency. The methods against attempts to impose new their cell phones! The 1995 local used were not only politically vile, leaders from above, a battle which government elections connected the but also historically significant. Af is by no means unimportant, the last tier of the organization with the ter an intense campaign within the political orientation of the people 's machinery of power. In addition to organization to ensure that none of candidate was lost from view. As Members of Parliament, Members of the provincial structures would nom it turned out, Gauteng ANC's new Provincial Parliaments and munic inate Winnie Mandela, the national leader, Mathole Motshega, does ipal councillors now also formed a leadership proved that it had learnt not represent a serious political significant part of delegates. With from its defeat in the Gauteng lead challenge to the national leadership a parliamentary system based on ership battle. At the beginning of of the ANC. In a twist of irony, the party lists, for the first time in the the conference, the constitution was organizational defeat of the national history of the ANC, leaders at lower amended in a way that prevented leadership in Gauteng, as also in levels owed something to those at Winnie Mandela's nomination from the Northern Province, served to the top: their positions. the conference floor. In the pre confirm its unchallenged political The close synchronization of the conference constitution, 10% of con hegemony in the organization. ANC with the state apparatus was ference delegates could nominate a Notwithstanding their impor taken a step further with an amend candidate for high office from the tance, the organizational manoeu ment to the ANC Constitution that floor. At the beginning of the confer vres tell only part of the story of set the conference and the tenure of ence, this figure was raised to 25%. GEAR's adoption, and a secondary the national leadership at five years. The new president had not been a one at that. A more important rea This was in order that the cycle long-serving member of the polit son was that the ANC that went of ANC conferences would coincide buro of the Communist Party for to conference in 1997 was a much with that of the government. nothing. Southern Africa REPORT march 1998 13 The anti-Winnie campaign reached its height with the hear ings by the Truth and Reconcilia tion Commission, which were held a few weeks before the conference. These hearings involving Winnie Mandela's activities could not have come at a more opportune time. The hearings, the longest single hearing for an individual, were given full television coverage. By distancing itself from Winnie Mandela's 'reign of terror', the ANC was in effect dis tancing itself from its history of mil itancy and violent struggle against apartheid. In South Africa's black townships, and indeed among the amnesia-prone ruling classes of the old order, it is common knowledge that Winnie Mandela's strong arm tactics, even against anti-apartheid political opponents, was a feature of the highly charged atmosphere of the 1980s. This combined with the dominance of Stalinist politics to produce the kind of political in tolerance that Winnie Mandela was significant: it was in the choice of faction," the only representative called to answer for. With Winnie methods in sending the signal. that the local media could find Mandela's TRC hearing, the ANC was . . . Terror Lekota. On the As with Winnie Mandela, so also was recreating its image as an orga contrary, the leadership elections with Mathole Motshega, digging nization that is peace-loving, gentle revealed the delegates' comfort with up old dirt was the preferred and tolerant. the new elite. The country's political instrument used to fight leading black businessman, ex-ANC present battles. This practice secretary Cyril Ramaphosa, was In any event, Winnie Mandela forms part of the ANC's inheritance returned with the highest votes. declined her nomination from the from the old order, and is further And Ramaphosa is not alone in this floor, and so the 25% rule was evidence of its integration into achievement; many ANC MPs and not tested. The significance of the South African ruling class. leaders, or their relatives as proxy the Winnie Mandela saga lies not This use of past transgressions for them, are being integrated into in whether she represents a serious found its most celebrated usage in many corporate boardrooms and political challenge to the orientation the struggle for succession between directorships in South Africa. It is of the ANC. In fact , she has been the "conservative" faction of the this integration that accounts for the unable to offer a serious political National Party led by B.J. Voster stench of "gravy train" scandals that critique of the ANC, and has shown and the "enlightened" faction led engulfs the South African nation at her acute lack of understanding of by P.W. Botha in the late 1970s. the moment. the key issues being debated in With methods like this, the ANC South Africa by publicly trying to is not only going back to the Like so much of the conference, convince "foreign investors" that she politics of accommodation with the the leadership struggles and elec does not represent a threat to them I capitalist ruling classes; the ANC is tions represented a return to Sol The significance of this saga lies in being 'culturally' integrated into the Plaatjie's ANC - here too we had the fact that the ANC leadership politics of the old ruling class. a kind of homecoming. was sending a strong signal to any potential opposition from the ranks Besides returning all the cabinet The IFP coming home? of the traditional leadership that ministers, the composition of the Next to the sustained uprisings by such opposition, no matter what new National Executive Council blacks in the 1980s, a prominent fea its basis was, will not be tolerated. incorporated not one serious critique ture of black politics was the violent There was, however, another level at of the ANC in government. In struggles between ANC support which the Winnie Mandela saga was the desperate search for a "left ing organizations and the Inkatha 14 march 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ------~©~~ill ~~~~©~ lli@~------ Freedom Party, led by Mangosuthu The 1997 conference marked a part of this century, the ANC dedi Buthelezi. These struggles, and return to the pre-1979 period. In cated itself in policy and practice to their toll in human lives, continued a speech that delivered a tongue pleading with white authority to ad right up the 1994 elections and be lashing to all opposition parties, mit educated Africans into the world yond. But it had not always been so. in particular the white parties of the Randlords made. The end of Indeed, the IFP was the creation of the old order, President Nelson this phase began with the massacre the ANC in exile. Mandela singled the IFP out for of 69 Africans at Sharpville, which Even after being driven into exil e praise. Indeed, in the runup to led to the ANC being driven into by the apartheid government, the the conference, senior ANC leaders exile. The radicalization which be ANC did not abandon its politics in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, gan in the 1950s was completed with of accommodation. Even as the Buthelezi 's stronghold, waxed lyri the student uprisings in 1976. From black trade union movement rose in cal that "when ... Buthelezi .. . says then on, the centre of ANC politics the early 1970s, the ANC turned publicly that we need to unite ... shifted away from deputations to the its attention to the bantustan leader we know that the spirit of Dube and dusty streets of the country's indus Buthelezi, and this led to the Luthuli [former ANC presidents] is trial metropole: the Gauteng region, formation of what is now the IFP. stirring." At the conference itself, and to its industrial proletariat. According to ANC strategists at President Mandela personally intro the time, the IFP was to utilize duced the IFP delegate to loud ap The ANC's return from exile, the bantustan structures - dummy plause. Beyond the conference, the and the release of the leaders governments for blacks set up by the ANC public is being prepared for a incarcerated on Robben Island, was apartheid government - to advance possible merger of the two organi the beginning of exile from its the struggle for majority rule. The zations, and the accession of Man politics of exil e. It is significant student uprisings of 1976 sounded gosuthu Buthelezi to the position of that since its return from exile, not the death knell for this policy. Deputy President of South Africa one of the ANC's three conferences have been held in what is without The 1976 generation swelled under an ANC government. doubt the country's most important the ranks of the ANC and they region: Gauteng. As with Leningrad brought with them a total rejection For the IFP, too, the 1997 and Shanghai, physical distance of anything associated with the conference represented a kind of from the centres of the militant apartheid government - and this homecoming, even if the road is just proletariat is a sure sign that the included Mangosuthu Buthelezi and beginning. elites have begun coming home his party. The break-up of relations from the austere, hard and militant with the ANC in 1979 ushered in Exiles and homecomings exile. At Mafikeng, the ANC elites the bloody war that was to be a completed their homecoming. landmark of black politics in the From its beginnings as an organiza 1980s. tion of elites and chiefs in the early South Africa Ur:derstan ding th e Past & Lookin g into th e Futu re Saturday, April 4, 1998 Glendon College, York University 2275 Bayview Avenue, Toronto, Canada Presented by the York University International Studies Students' Association. The cost for students is $20, general public is $30, and $1 00 for corporations and/or a donation of equal or greater value. Confirmed speakers are: • Richard Chappell from the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade • Jabu Dube, former head of the Toronto Office ofthe African National Congress • Linda Freeman, Professor at Carleton University • Barbara McDougall, former Canadian Minister for External Affairs • Billy Modise, South African High Commissioner to Canada • JohnS. Saul, Professor at York University For registration or more information, e-mail at yu l [email protected] or contact Teresa at (4 16)440-92 13 Southern Africa REPORT march 1998 15 ------~Rlliill©~©ww® ------~--- Mugabe under Siege ) Ending the Plunder? l BY IDEN WETHERELL Iden Wetherell is assistant editor of the Zimbabwe Independent, a national weekly. Food riots that convulsed Zimba bwe's capital Harare in late January reflected the growing desperation of a social underclass marginalized in a mismanaged economy and denied political openings to express their discontent. Downtown Harare re sembled a war zone as thousands took to the streets protesting against rising prices, looting stores and bringing business to a halt for nearly a week from January 19-22. While the violent mass action focused on a 21% rise in the cost of the staple maize meal - subsequently withdrawn - it was at the same time a powerful expression of popular dissatisfaction with President Robert Mugabe's 18- year rule which has seen a privileged elite benefit from its iron grip on power at the expense of the urban poor. The protests, which soon spread to other centres, were only contained when the government called in the army. Things looked very different a year ago. The economy was experiencing solid growth with a booming stock exchange and robust agri cultural output after good rains. Investors were showing a strong interest in the country's potential, so ill-judged they had economists November to seize half the country's and despite missed fiscal targets the gasping for breath. Firstly, he commercial farms. government appeared concerned to decided in August to award veterans The reaction was entirely pre get the burgeoning budget deficit of Zimbabwe's liberation war large dictable. The Zimbabwe dollar col down. gratuities - Z$50 ,000 each plus lapsed in a fr enzy of speculation - monthly pensions of Z$2 ,000 - by up to 70% against the US dol Things fall apart without any apparent thought as to lar on "Black Friday," November 14 Then it all fe ll apart as President where the money was going to come - and investors fl ed the Harare stock Robert Mugabe dealt a double from. Then hard on the heels of that exchange in droves. It was an unmit blow to output in moves that were announcement came the decision in igated economic disaster compound- 16 march. 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ------~~Nill~~~WW@ ______ ing a growing impression of inept fis While the government had antic itself for the first time occupying cal management. ipated the opposition of the white the national high ground. One But the damage didn't stop farming community to its land pol protester who spoke to journalists there. In order to fulfil M ugabe's icy, it had not calculated on the summarized the mood: "Ivlu_gabe promise to war veterans - who reaction of its own constituency to is trying to please his ruling clique had embarrassed the president on the arbitrary tax imposts. Having for their own ends, not for the a number of public occasions with got away with a variety of levies in benefit of the nation as a whole," their noisy protests which they the past, most notably the Tobacco he said cheered on by his friends. had taken to the gates of State Levy on the country's most prof "Mugabe has no support among the House - the government introduced itable export earner and a Develop real people so he is going to buy swingeing new taxes and levies to ment Levy on taxpayers, all gobbled the war veterans' support at the raise the estimated Z$4.5 billion up by recurrent expenditure, clearly expense of the working people. The required. Sales tax was hiked from the government had thought it could central committee is a clique which 15% to 17.5%, new duties slapped ride out the storm that followed. suppresses the masses." on fu el and a 5% levy imposed on Resistance A poster carried by a group of all taxpayers and companies. It miscalculated. First, normally people put it another way: "Don't The government displayed the supine members of parliament re blame the whites for your failures," same arbitrary and clumsy approach jected the measures when they were it said. in its handling of land redistribu submitted for approval, and then, The government's response was tion - widely regarded as a neces tb Mugabe's chagrin, delegates to to blame the workers for starting sary reform requiring sensitive han a special Zanu-PF congress in early the violence in Harare, a claim un dling given its possible impact on December publicly repudiated the supported by evidence which clearly an agriculture-based economy. Ig levy. "Hatidi (we don't want it)," showed police units laying into noring assurances that only under they chorused when Mugabe put the workers with teargas and batons. utilized farms would be taken, the proposal to them. Equally insidiously, the Orwellian ruling Zanu-PF party's acquisition But that wasn't the end of the Ministry of Information dissemi teams were clearly unable t.o resist matter. The Zimbabwe Congress nated a story that white farm the temptation to designate some of Trade Unions, recovering from a ers and businessmen, embittered by of the country's most productive es lengthy malaise which had seen wild land designation, had engineered the tates among the over 1,400 farms cat strikes overtake institutional re strike by ferrying workers into the earmarked for acquisition. sponses to steadily eroding incomes, towns. With appeals to the courts ex had already summoned its members Turning point pressly precluded by constitutional to a nationwide protest on December This was greeted with universal amendments in 1993 , Mugabe's gov 9. ZCTU leaders were .unimpressed derision and marked a turning point ernment clearly hoped the initial by Zanu-PF's stand which they felt of sorts. The official line handed storm of protest emanating from the the government could easily circum down to state media and news farming community, many of whom vent. They wanted to ensure that agencies was no longer able to secure had at one str?ke been deprived Mugabe got the message the coun any credible purchase on the public of their livelihoods, would soon die try was sending out loud and clear mind. no more taxes! down. After all , herl' was a privi But the government, for all leged sector of society that, des pite Despite warnings from police its bluster, had got the message. its record of productivity, was irre commisswner Augustine Chihuri With the exception of the sales trievably tarnished by its association that the demonstrations were "un tax hike, the new taxes were with the colonial past - "Britain's necessary" because Zanu-PF had de withdrawn and ways found to raise children" Mugabe cal led them when cided against the war veterans levy, the funds needed by speeding up inviting the British government to hundreds of thousands of workers the sale of state assets. The pay the compensation he declined to gathered in centres across the coun government's response to J anuary's offer himself. try as all business ground to a halt. food riots has been to set up a His government would not pay a Apart from the violence that cabinet task force to recommend cent for the land, only improvements ensued in Harare when police ways of dealing with "profiteering." on it, he vowed in defiance of illegally tried to break up the This completely ignores the role clear requirements for compensation demonstrations by attacking groups of state borrowing and spending provided in his government's own of workers, the day of protest was in stoking inflation. Nor does it Land Acquisition Act of 1992 and peaceful in other towns and a major recognize the contribution of state the constitution. success for the ZCTU which found monopolies which have led the way Southern Africa REPORT march 1998 17 ------~mm~~~~------~--- in increasing prices, most notably opaque land acquisition policy, the are signs that the government is re the Grain Marketing Board which conference will clearly be one in sponding to growing pressure for it supplies grain to millers. which donors will be able to to spend less money on itself. examine Zimbabwe's proposals and More manipulatively, the In its assurances to the EU, set conditions under which aid Minister of Information, Chen a major donor, the government wo uld be made available. Chimutengwende, who so impressed has said that its latest package Mugabe by his denunciation of "an of measures to cover the costs imal lovers" opposed to the cu ll ing Mugabe has been reminded in all this that his current programme con of payments to war veterans will of elephants at last year's CITES not result in any reductions in conference, has merely trotted out travened solemn undertakings his own government had only recently planned expenditure in the social ·the familiar line that white farmers. services or any increase in charges and industrialists were once again made to international investors re garding the protection of assets. for the provision of public health and behind the disturbances. education. Whatever the historical justification Church and civil society groups for land redistribution, few investors * * * immediately put out a strong joint were likely to be enticed to a coun Beyond this there is now a palpable statement laying responsibility for try where the head of state and his sense that a govern.ment and party the food riots at the door of associates were the chief pillagers of long accustomed to regarding the government's fiscal mismanagement private property. - stated to have forced up the cost of country as a prize of war to living for the majority to intolerable Minister of Finance Herbert be plundered at will is beginning levels - and condemning attempts Murerwa. has now given written un to discover the hard way the by ministers to find scapegoats for dertakings to both the Wo rl d Bank meaning of accountable governance. their own fai lures. and the EU that the government's In part this is evidenced - as land programme wi ll not jeopar argued above - in an incr·easecl D on or p ower dize agricultural production. Fur vulnerability to donor pressure. While the mood in the townships thermore, the government has un But recent events have also seen remains volatile, Mugabe still finds dertaken to abide by Zimbabwe's a further strengthening of the himself in a fix on the land ques constitution and laws in proceeding country's fledgling civil society. In tion. Firstly, the Blair government with land reform. particular, Zimbabwean workers and in Britain .proved unexpectedly firm This in effect means land reform the seething lumpen proletariat in in declining to accept responsibility will now proceed on a more orderl y the townships have learnt that the for its colonial legacy while making basis and in close cooperation with power of the people pays: the the point that confiscation of pro affected parties including donors. It government surrendered to civil ductive farms, when state land al also means compensation for land service strikers in 1996; to a ready acquired lay idle, would do tal 18 march 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ------~nlliill@~@~------Mugabe under Siege Behind the Protests BY PATRICK BOND high fixed capital investments of ment. After the payout, however, intense popular resentment emerged Patrick Bond is Assistant Director of the late 1980s and early 1990s, tl1e Public and Development Manage following the stagnant, misnomered given that a sales tax (and indeed ment Programme at the University of "socialist" era immediately after initially an income tax and petrol Independence, could undergird a tax increase) was imposed to par tl1e Witwatersrand. (This text, provid ing a background to !den Wetherell's financial superstructure that loomed tiall y cover the costs. preceding account of the most re spectactively out of control. Thus As for the white farms, the plan cent protests in Zimbabwe, has bee11 the 1997 fin ancial and currency was that there would be on ly partial adapted by the author [com the pee turbulence set the stage for a long compensation, but again this raised face of his forthcoming book, Uneven and potentially quite deep slump in the likelihood of fiscal convulsion. Zimbabwe: A Study of Finance, Devel the real economy. The damage to the commercial agri opment and Underdevelopment {Africa Orthodox economic commenta cultural sector (and related indus World Press and Unive1·sity of Zimba tors were universally despondent. tries) would be heightened by the bwe Press}.) For them, the roots of Zimbabwe's fact - as conceded by the Agricul late 1990s socio-economic crisis were ture Minister in a subsequent radio In the waning weeks of 1997, Zimba to be found nearly entirely in the broadcast - that the recipients of bwe's citizens suffered an economic political sphere. Bucking strident the farms would be wealthy politi nightmare punctuated by terrify advice and monetary arm-twisting cians not land-starved peasants. Pa ing financial meltdowns. Surface from in ternational financial institu tronage was the point, at a time level symptoms included a spectac tions, President Mugabe had, after other routes were closing. Gov ul ar crash of the currency (55% for all , sustained his controversial Oc ernment was once again apparently the year as a whole, but 75% in a tober 1997 decisions to pay off a not serious about thorough-going re few hours on "Black Friday" - 14 chall enge from thousands of liber distribution, which would require November - requiring a temporary ation war veterans - who received vastly greater resources, support central bank bail-out); dramatic in Z$50 ,000 each (plu s a Z$2,000 per structures and administrative staff creases in interest rates (6% within month pension) - and at long last than were budgeted and planned, one month); a plummeting stock to begin implementing the 1993 not to mention a shift in class power market (down 46% by the end of Land Designation Act (1,500 mainly away from the emergent bureau the year from peak August 1997 white-owned farms were identified cratic bourgeoisie. Nor was it likely levels); renewed inflation, especially for initial redistribution). that the ambitious designation ex for fo od; and unprecedented fiscal The pensions were transferred to ercise could be successfully brought stress. the bank accounts of 50,000 combat to fruition even · on its own terms; Ironically, last year's financial ants in late December, fo llowingjus more feasible would be case-by-case calamities occurred at the tail end tifiabled hand-wringing about how compromises with only the most in of a long-awaited economic revival the deal was to be financed. There debted designees agreeing to depart. (more than 8% GDP rise in 1996 were approximately 60,000 combat The IMF and World Bank effectively and 3% in 1997). Yet that brief ants from the ZANU and ZAPU vetoed the land grab in January, as upturn on Zimbabwe's roller-coaster armies, of whom fewer than 36,000 part of the conditionality on two new business cycle mainly reflected how were given demobilization pay of bailout loans. extraordinarily far , on the one Z$2,420 in 1983. With high-profile Political unrest hand , the economy had plunged exceptions, such as cabinet min during the first Economic Structural isters and other high-ranking offi At the same time, rancorous po Adjustment Programme (a 40% cials whose dubious disability claims litical background noise rose inex drop in the volume of manufacturing plundered government's limited pre- orably. There were vociferous de output from 1991-95, for instance), 1997 allocations, most veterans were mands from an indigenous business and, on the other hand, how needy povo. They were success lobby still often shut out of white mired Zimbabwe was in a long ful essentially because their 1997 controlled markets and financial in term capitalist crisis dating to the demonstrations in Harare caused the stitutions. Organized labour be mid-1970s. Not even the relatively ZANU government acute embarrass- came in creasingly militant, both in Southern Africa REPORT march 1998 19 the public sector (where in mid- ranged, and as the political elites tern that continued into 1998, as 1996, 160,000 employees walked out enjoyed conspicuous. consumption documented in the preceding arti and a general strike was contem (e.g., the extravagant presidential cle in this issue by Iden Wetherell plated) and around private sec wedding) though not without the - the editors] . A cross-class al tor wage struggles (in mid-1997, danger of socio-cultural delegit liance of organized labour, the con 100,000 workers were involved in imization (e.g., of former president strained petty bourgeoisie, sympa strike action, even extending to Canaan Banana, accused of serial thetic employers and various other poorly-organized agricultural plan sodomy and rape). Occasional but activists had emerged around issues tations). Autonomous, shopfloor vicious police clampdowns did not, of accountability and abuse of public based actions outran the ability of as of late 1997, deter growing pub funds, fuelling a growing sentiment national union bureaucrats to con lic dissent. The opposition press that after two decades in power, Mu trol or direct the membership, and continued to harangue government, gabe and his ZANU party could po the corporatist strategy mistakenly the early 1980s Matabeleland atroc tentially be voted down in the next pursued during the mid-1990s by the ities were constructively publicized (2000) general election. Indeed, it Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions by human rights groups, and there had begun to appear that an uneasy (ZCTU) quickly became irrelevant. were inklings of electoral challenges blend of divergent ideologies might More general popular alienation in the emergence of independent possibly coalesce to at least threaten from government intensified dur (mainly petty-bourgeois) candidates such a feat - though it would un ing the late 1990s, as civil ser and in a widely-supported human likely be sufficiently influenced by vice corruption was repeatedly un rights campaign to amend the coun ZCTU advocacy on behalf of its veiled, as officials continued to try's constitution. broader constituency of workers and rig tenders (e.g., construction of By year-end 1997, an anti the poor, and bedeviled by the ap a new Harare airport), as shady government stayaway and several parent lock ZANU enjoyed on ru and incongruous international in large urban protests on "Red Tues ral loyalties. Would such a coalition vestment partnerships (especially day," 9 December, were joined by replay neighbouring Zambia's early with Malaysian firms) were ar- more than a million people [a pat- 1990s conversion from stagnant au- .... u "'c. E "'c a3 ~ .0 Q) u"' 20 march 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ------~!mill~~~~------thoritarian populism to some initial domestic credit crunches and stock in any way to an underlying ten steps towards the deepening of de market panic. This partly followed dency to economic crisis, as has been mocratization (albeit with the at from the frenzied, footloose rush of witnessed so frighteningly in the re tendant danger that this might ulti international financial capital, but current financial market upheavals , mately be joined, as in Zambia- or, more fundamentally, from the awe nevertheless, Mugabe's willingness for that matter, as in post-apartheid some problem of systematic overin to discard his mask of investor South Africa - to even more rapid vestment, overproduction and over friendliness does not necessarily war neoliberal economic decay)? trading in the productive sectors of rant sympathy. Bank-bashing pop the world economy. ulism, at which Mugabe excels, is of Assessing the conjuncture Within this maelstrom, the Zim ten a guise for conservative not pro There were two opposing ways of babwe government's two emerging gressive politics, based ultimately on looking at the conjuncture. Mu neoliberal strategies - "Zimprest" slight adjustments to flows of re gabe's land "reform" and veteran and "Vision 2020" - were taken less sources for the sake of patronage, payoff manoeuvres surprised this au and less seriously. The International not economic transformation. thor and many others who had Monetary Fund and World Bank er Contradictory? Yet this is the watched ZANU drift steadily into ratically endorsed and then unen cul-de-sac in which the Zimbabwean market-oriented ways of running the dorsed the state's progress during political elite now finds itself: the government and the economy. Were the mid-1990s. By mid-1997, Zim stark realization that there is no these reflections ofthe leader's capri babwe debuted in the Swiss-based way out must by now be upon ciousness and desire to divide-and World Economic Forum's Global this regime. .Moreover, if any of conquer his subjects by addressing Competitiveness Report at third to the argumentation above has merit, the needs of discrete constituencies? last, out of 55 countries. True, the this must also be the cul-de-sac Or did they, in contrast, represent ineffectual, debt-ridden character of that any state manager of southern the political last-kicks of an eco the state helped bring Zimbabwe's African capitalism - from Mandela nomic horse that could no longer rating down. But this was at a time to Chiluba and all others in-between perform even mundane functions? when nearly all other neoliberal ad - confronts at the end of the 1990s. In short, did the political crisis set vice had been closely followed, and the stage for economic catastrophe, as even foreign investment (mainly Meanwhile, the left's structural or was the sustained economic fail mining, retailing and banking) had weakness in all parts of the African ure associated with the Economic picked up from minuscule levels of continent means there is no formal Structural Adjustment Programme the previous fifteen years. political solution on the horizon at and, indeed, nearly a quarter this stage. Instead it is in the century of falling living standards As a result, a certain frustration autonomous, unplanned but hope the underlying cause of the politi must have emerged in Mugabe's fully better directed protests than cal crisis? (Or was it something of inner circle regarding both state occurred during the January riots, both?) capitalism (1980s) and neoliberalism that we can expect a stimulation of (1990s). One short-term gut Political fluidity was certainly popular imagination. That imagi reaction was a return to dirigiste evident in the dramatic backlash nation will take forms hardly pre methods, including the land grab against Mugab~'s two very non dictable at this stage. If in undo and the takeover of foreign-currency neoliberal turns, reflected in the in ing the placid reputation of Zimba denominated accounts (at a discount ternational and local investor panic bwe's citizenry - translated to me to the unwilling sellers) - thus in November 1997, the December once by a Canadian graduate stu doing great damage to government street protests, and the unprece dent as "Prozac Nation" - there are credibility on financial liberalization dented rejection of tax increases (to many false turns, at least there is -as part of an initial, vain attempt pay for the war vets pensions) by emerging a militant sense of larger to protect the value of the currency delegates to a major ZANU con rights and wrongs, and courage to during the November 1997 tumble. ference and by parliamentarians in face the troops in the streets of the But the medium term would see between. But perhaps of deeper sig capital city. Of course, social justice more dramatic reductions in the nificance here was the overall global in the long term will depend, in the state budget, the introduction of economic trend during the mid- and short- and medium-terms, on deep Value Added Tax (largely to squeeze late-1990s. From Mexico (1994) to ening the left critique of a situation an extra 5% or so of the income that is now too readily being under Brazil (1995) to South Africa (1996) of rural consumers who had avoided · to Southeast Asia and even South stood as exemplifying merely anti the general sales tax), as well as Korea (1997), the semi-periphery of government sentiment. It is that, larger-scale privatizations. the world economy was subjected to certainly, but it is potentially much formidable waves of currency spec If these aspects of Zimbabwe's more indeed. ulation, raiding of foreign reserves, political superstructure were related Southern Africa REPORT march 1998 21 ______lliffi@~@lliill@~~W@ ______Mozambique: Soldiers of Misfortune BY CAROL THOMPSON Carol Thompson is Chair of the Department of Political Science at Northern Arizona University. The conditions match any of the most terrifying and depraved suf fered by past generations afflicted by war. Yet the victims are not only soldiers. At the beginning of this century, 90 percent. of war casual ties were military; today about 90 percent are civilian. Yet even this sobering UNDP (1994) figure does not name the problem, for the term 'civilian' obfuscates the vulnerabil ity and innocence of child victims. The conditions for children who are forced to bear arms erase the tra ditional analytical categories of mil itary, civilian and child. An es timated 250,000 children under 18, some as young as five years old, are currently serving in 33 wars around the world right now . The first question is why children face this new technique of abuse. The military answer is easy: in the last 20 years, modern technology has provided weapons which weigh less than seven pounds, cost about $6 (or the price of a chicken in Africa), and can be stripped, reassembl ed, loaded and fi:ced by an illiterate child of 10 . Children have been used as cannon fodder, advanced as the first wave of infantry-style assaults with the purpose of inhibiting the enemy, who may be reluctant to fire at children. The social, political and economic answers are more difficult. The second question asks why Mozambicans have been relatively successful in reintegrating boy sol diers and other children trauma tized, exploited and displaced by The third question poses a documented and onl y need brief ref war. It is community values and challenge, ' Where are the girls?' erence here to remind us of the his community organizing that are rein tory, which forms the background tegrating Mozambican children, not Boy soldiers and girl concu for the use of child soldiers. the formal institutions of the state, bines of opposition parties, or of the econ The origins of Renamo (Mozam Documentation over more than a omy. bique National Resistance) are we ll decade concludes that Renamo sys- 22 march 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ______Nill@~~Nill~n~~@ ______tematically kidnapped and forcibly for example, raping women less Kenneth Wi lson summarizes Re recruited boys to train as sol frequently in northern Mozambique namo's exploitation of women as diers; girls became personal ser than in the south. While not more than a tactic of war: "Rape vants, which included providing sex questioning that mili tary tactics and the use of slave-wives is rather ual services, with some remaining required different approaches in seen by Renamo soldiers as their with one man or boy for years, 'zones of control' vs. territory right of access to women, and a key later to be designated as 'wife.' through which Renamo passed, the 'perk' of the job, not a direct tac Documentation also shows that the destruction, brutality and rape were tic of war . .. Renamo commanders government of Mozambique forcibly systematic policies of Renamo. repeatedly stress their special rights conscripted some unemployed urban A UNICEF survey (1990) sug to women and girls, along with the youth (14-16 years). Yet interna gests the degree of brutality against status and prowess that this con tional agencies conclude that the women even in areas where Renamo fers upon them as men of power rel use of boy soldiers for transport of was interested in instilling allegiance ative to the Renamo rank and file goods and for armed combat was among the population. lvelte Je ... The almost ritualized allocation .werwhelmingly Renamo, not gov ichande interviewed 132 'mulheres of women to Renamo soldiers af ernment, practice. clislocadas' (women captured by Re ter their initiation has also been re ported ..." According to agencies working in namo) in Maputo province, 83 in Mozambique, such as the Red Cross, The leadership of Renamo con UNICEF, and Crianr;as e Familias sistently denied they were even us Desenvolvimento, recruitment of ing boy soldiers, let alone forcefully children is considered desirable for recruiting girl concubines. In Febru several reasons. First, children have ary 1994, however, Renamo agreed high energy levels. Second, they with Unicef to transfer child sol are more susceptible to propaganda diers to non-military transit cen and therefore, more readily obey. tres, wh ich took almost a year to Third, their moral values are still accomplish. The very first sol in formation so they can, more dier demobilized under UN auspices, easily than an adult, suspend moral with the leader of Renamo, Afonso judgments. Right becomes one with Dhlakama, in attendance, submitted obedience: according to UNICEF, his gun and then told the press he commanders say child soldiers are ~ was 16 years old, was kidnapped in "more obedient, do not question So uthern Africa REPORT march 1998 23 ______mm©~~mm@n~~------~---- This local policy has now been Folk healers provide psychoso treated by Western psychology were verified cross-nationally in six re cial intervention which builds on the never able to recount their stories. gions (Europe, West and Central strengths of families, rather than on To give one concrete example, Africa, Eastern and Southern Africa, the concept of pathology. Whole in Xai Xai a family decided a Asia and Pacific, and Latin Amer families were affected by the war, daughter could move in only after ica) by the 1996 UN study on the with adults feeling guilty for not pro a house purification ceremony was impact of war on children. A com tecting the child who was captured. held. That ceremony is normall y bination of approaches is best, with held only when a member of the Traditional purification cere 'normalcy' and engaging in commu family has died. She was kidnapped monies which isolate the returned nity life essential for healing: "Psy when only 11 and for ced to serve as a child for a few days are used chotherapeutic approaches based on soldier's wife; she became pregnant to reestablish communication with western mental health traditions but the child was still born. After the ancestors. Herbs are used to tend to emphasize individual emo the ceremonies, her family accepted cleanse, both internally and exter tional expression ... In-depth clin her as a 'new' daughter, totally nally. Harmful spirits are exorcised. ical interviews intended to awaken different from the one who left . the memories and feelings associ The child discards his/her identity and is 'reborn' as a different person. ated with a child's worst moments Location and reunification risk leaving the child in more severe Further, ceremonies call on t he an pain and agitation than before. . . . cestral spirits, who are all-knowing; The second progra~ of tracing chi l Rather than focusing on a child's no one can hide what sjhe did, what dren who had been captured or lost emotional wounds, programs should atrocities were committed. Recon during the long war was only par aim to support healing processes and nection with the ancestors is the first tially successful in its efforts to re to re-establish a sense of normalcy acceptance back into the commu cover both the boy soldiers and the ... including community life." nity. Thus, the child is absolved of girl (now women) concubines. Us the behaviour of the previous, dis ing Mozambican volunteers, male Thus, from the mid-1980s, carded identity. and female, organized via their tra Mozambican policy has centred on ditional networks, in coordination the community. First, to give ma Children emerging from purifica with the NGOs, the success rate of terial assistance to vulnerable fami tion have been able to recount their locating the boys became very high. lies so they can sustain their children experiences, considered by Western and second, to reunite children with psychology as basic to the healing Community groups were formed families as quickly as possible. process. In contrast, many of those of 20-30 people. In the cities and at centres, posters were made of about 21 children's pictures per poster. Mass meetings were held in villages where details of the chil d were given, such as the surname, name of grandfather, village names, places named after events - any detail the child could remember. Quickly, the word would spread among chiefs, traditional healers, traders, and travellers - which led to locating relatives. The UNDP now estimates that 95 percent of the ~ estimated 250,000 affected boys have g; been reunited with a family member. "' >..... However, neither demobilization ~ nor tracing seems to have occurred liiL.:::'-'~•~r~'"":l!l E for the girls, now women , who were forced sexual partners, some now ;~~~~~~ c with their own children. There is no ~ data about how many were 'linked :!( to' soldiers, how many went home c with them during demobili zation : to their districts, how many were ~ simply abandoned. The UNDP ...... ~-e~~~;:~o..~Co.o.llll....., Q reports Renamo soldiers boarding 24 march 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ------dillilJQ)~~}J]]l@JlC[llill,@ ______ LLw u z ::J N eN 0: ~~u... ~--~--~~~~------~~------~------~----~--~ ~ ,)'ocial integration rehabilitation from the war - street chzldren in games fj dances the vans to return to their home This finding (or non-finding) Peace must bring basic economic districts, simply leaving the women is not exceptional to Mozambique, survival, or there will be no peace. standing in the road. Women's however. The international agencies This study demonstrates why the welfare organizations also reported conducting campaigns to censure international community needs to women and their children being the use of boy soldiers have not support UNICEF's call for children dumped or in other cases being raised the issue of the girls 'given' to to be 'zones of peace.' The goal is to forced to accompany the man. the boys as a reward, although the outlaw adults from using children as During the exercise to return the practice appears to occur in every targets or as instruments of war. demobilized soldjers to their home conflict where there are boy soldiers. What these international cam districts, women were seen trying to Can policies that ignore such a social paigns have not highlighted, how get out of the vehicles, screaming, group claim to be ' humanitarian?' ever, is the forced concubinage of "I want to go to my home!" girls and women, treated as 'war About 91,000 male soldiers were Tasks ahead booty' and as property to be used demobilized, from both sides. How The economic prerequisites for rein or distributed by the highest rank many women were abandoned? How tegration of boy soldiers and girl ing male. Not exactly new, in many were coerced into remaining concubines are fundamental, as the fact as old as war itself, it is time concubines? two-year world-wide UN study con that this practice is named and con It is quite astonishing that cluded: "The field visits and re demned as enslavement. Human Mozambican girls and women still search . . . repeatedly stressed the rights groups need to begin doc accompanying soldiers at the time importance of links between edu umenting and writing chapters on of demobilization in 1994 were not cation, vocational opportunities for 'forced concubinage,' as they con counted, or cared for. It appears former child combatants and the tinue their excellent work exposing that no one among either the economic security of their families. other violations of human rights. international or national agencies These are most often the determi The abuse of ' boy soldiers ' has at )mows exactly what happened to nants of successful social reintegra tained international notoriety. It is them. They and their scars remain tion and, importantly, they are the time to add the girls. invisible. factors that prevent re-recruitment." Southern Africa REPORT march 1998 25 ______@@~©@~~@ID ______ » .:.: > "'0 c -o :::J ~ u -o > ___...... o"' Teachers protest "rationalization & restructttring" in Potchefstroom The Big Bungle Teacher Redeployment in South Africa BY DAVID CHUDNOVSKY dren of the country, and a key ide training is changing radically. The law has been changed to require, for David Ch udnovsky, a teacher in Surrey, ological training ground for the per the first time, that all young people British Columbia, and executive mem petuation of apartheid. attend school. ber of the British Columbia Teachers' The state organized separate Federation, has worked with the South ministries of education for each of The African National Congress African Democratic Teachers ' Union the so-called racial groups in South - by far the most popular politi (SADTU) on the development of train Africa - White, Indian, Coloured, cal party in post-apartheid South ing programmes. African. Each of these had its own Africa, and the senior partner in bureaucracy, curriculum and exam the National Government - has com "To the disadvantaged, rationaliza ination system, and funding. State mitted itself to an education sys tion is a long overdue process. It revenues were all ocated inequitably. tem which provides equal opportu means the redistribution of financial During the apartheid era, as much nity for all children. But the pace of and human resources in order to ef as ten times the resources were dis reform is often hesitant and un even , fect equity. . .. Born out of strug tributed to White schools as were at times ambiguous at best. gle and being part-and-parcel of the made available to African schools . A case in point is the attempt cause for the poor, SADTU aligns it As a result, pupil teacher ratios in to redress the historic inequality in self with the ... position - that ratio White schools were often as low as pupil teacher ratios (PTR). Clearly, nalization must take place to address 16:1 , while they reached 60: 1 or dramatic steps must be taken to the imbalances of the past." more in many black areas. make PTRs more equitable if the (South African Democratic Teach Since 1994, a massive program commitment to equality is to be ers' Union G~neral Secretary Thulas of reform has begun. All of more than a slogan. Granted, there Nxesi, SADT.U News August 1996) the previous structures have been is much more to education than consolidated into one Department of PTR. Indeed, there is much more Apartheid education was a funda Education. The entire curriculum - to education funding and resource mental factor in the success of the from pre-primary to post-secondary allocation than PTR. Nevertheless, old South Africa. It was both an ex - is being re-written. Both analyzing initiatives in this area can pression of racism towards the chi!- pre-service and in-service teacher shed light in a very practical way 26 march 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ______®c9lW©~1tdL©m------on the resolve of the government, redeployment, and rationalization the agreement. Further, in line with and the ability of the new South in the public education system. government policy described above, African society, to take the concrete In addition to this constitutional there were to be no retrenchments or steps necessary to improve the lives compromise, the new government forced retirements. of the majority of its citizens. pledged when it took power after On its face, a commitment to April 1994 that there would be SADTU responds redressing historical inequities in no layoffs (retrenchments) of state The South African Democratic the area of PTR seems a simple employees, including teachers. This Teachers' Union (SADTU) is the matter to deal with. However, the was a personal pledge by President union representing a majority of legacy of apartheid is everywhere an Mandel a. teachers and principals in South impediment. Rationalizing the teachers Africa. An affi liate of the Congress Constitutional Challenges of South African Trade Unions, During the negotiations for a new In 1995 and 1996 the government SADTU grew out of the anti constitution which took place prior and the teachers' unions negotiated apartheid struggle, and the move to the 1994 elections, the leaders an agreement which, it was hoped, ment towards unity and consolida of apartheid South Africa searched would lead to an orderly rationaliza tion of the former ethnically based desperately for a way to secure a tion and redeployment of the teach teacher organizations. ing force based on the commitments state apparatus which would con SADTU negotiated and agreed tinue to serve their interests. For that had been made, the needs of students, and the input of teacher to the plan for redeployment and them, this meant a guarantee that rationalization. The union saw there would be no p1trge of civil ser organizations. The process was to work as follows. First, a buy-out the process as a genuine attempt vice positions, and that the struc by the government to improve the would be offered to any teacher in ture of the state would remain sub educational situation of the vast stantially unchanged. This objec the country willing to leave his or her post. Some consideration had majority of students in the country. tive had two purposes. The obvious Moreover, the plan was consistent one was to attempt to insulate gov been given to making these incen tives available only to those educa with trade union principles: there ernment and state structures from was to be no coercion (no teacher meaningful reform , notwithstanding tors who taught in areas where there was a relative over-supply of teach would be forced to change jobs), the imminent victory of the ANC. there were to be no layoffs, and The second was more practical. The ers (i.e. in white schools). But this was rejected for a couple of rea PTRs for the vast majority would state had been a source of employ be reduced (so working conditions ment for white supporters of the sys sons. First, in post-apartheid South Africa, a good deal of time and en - and learning conditions - would tem, and an attempt was made to improve). defend these jobs. ergy is spent on formulating policy The ANC proposed a total trans which explicitly rejects racial cate Some SADTU members opposed formation of the state - includ gorization. Second, it was realized the plan. They argued that to agree to incentives for teachers to ing the right to reform the govern that buy-outs offered to white teach ment and its institutions at every ers only would simply add to their leave the profession when millions of students were in very large classes level in the post-apartheid period. privileges relative to their non-white This would mean the bureaucracy colleagues. - if they were in school at all - could not block needed changes, and The second stage in the process was irresponsible. Moreover, it was would open up jobs to those who called for teachers to willingly re argued, the money spent on the buy previously had been excluded. In locate to historically disadvantaged outs could be used better to improve the end, a compromise was struck: areas. The next step was to be an as the system itself. Nevertheless, all those who were in employment sessment or audit of the distribution ultimately SADTU and the other were guaranteed their jobs, but once of educators in the country. These teachers' unions agreed to the plan. those individuals left their positions, analyses would demonstrate the ef In practice, however, the pro a democratic, non-racial approach fects of the historical inequities, the cess of rationalization and redeploy would be used in hirings. The new buy-outs, and the voluntary rede ment has been fraught with diffi government's right to hire additional ployments. Finally, there was to culties and disappointments. Many employees would not be restricted, be a process of appointing teachers black teachers working in the most and it was expected that those who to achieve a balanced PTR, some disadvantaged areas have taken ad remained on the government payroll where in the 1:35 or 1:40 range, vantage of the incentives offered and would be offered incentives to leave across the entire country. It was left the profession. Many of these their positions early. agreed that at the end of the pro are senior and experienced teachers These agreements later became cess there would be no fewer teachers and principals, as the buy-outs are critical to the issue of reform, in South Africa than at the time of most attractive to those with the Southern Africa REPORT march 1998 27 most seniority. In addition, after accepting buy-outs, some educators have been hired to senior positions in the system: their very seniority and experience makes them valuable to the education system. This has un derstandably generated a great deal of bitterness among teachers left in the profession, and the public. The state (now the nine new provincial governments) has also been unable to determine how many teachers work in the schools. For the most part, this is a result of the underdeveloped structures and processes left over from apartheid days. Several of the provinces have been unable to respond to SADTU's simple request for the School room in Khayelitsha - 33 teachers 1215 st1tdents in the school number of teachers working in those provinces, for instance. In other tion and data, and in implementing to collect the pay of a deceased cases, the figures provided by the change, in addition to the other rea teacher or one who had moved or ministries have been so obviously sons. left the system. Moreover, the anarchy in many African schools in incorrect that they are not reliable To make matters worse, all for the serious discussions which the decades leading to the defeat provinces must address the bizarre of apartheid, resulted in many must take place between union and phenomenon of phantom t eachers. management. emotionally disabled teachers who It is not clear how many pay are unable or unwilling to carry out Instead of implementing im cheques are issued each month to their duties to this day. proved PTRs, SADTU and the gov teachers who either don't exist, or ernment have spent much time de who only show up at school to Teachers rally bating the number of teachers cur receive their cheques but do no By mid-1997 it was clear that there rently in place. The situation teaching, but certainly there are were serious flaws in the implemen is more difficult in the Western thousands - and perhaps tens of tation of the plan which was to have Cape and KwaZulu-Natal, the two thousands. This situation again is a substantially re-shaped the teach provinces which do not have ANC legacy of apartheid. Administration ing resource base of South African provincial governments. In these and organization of the former schools. In many areas the situa cases there is a political motive African schools was so chaotic that tion was actually worse than it had to delay providing basic informa- it was relatively easy to continue been in 1995. Some staff mem bers had taken buy-outs, and were not replaced. This was most of ten the case in the most disadvan taged areas which had expected dra matic improvement. Though there are no reliable statistics, it is prob able that there are fewer teachers today in South Africa than there were in 1995. In April, May, and June, tens of thousands of SADTU members in several provinces ral lied and marched to highlight their >- ~ frustration with slow and bungling 1) progress. In early June, the SADTU .§ leadership took the unprecedented ::J .<: step of writing a public letter di u -o rectly to the Minister of Ed uca- ~ tion, strongly stating their displea- 0 sure with the process. 28 march 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ______®@Wl©~J:t~il©m------ .'·)r/wol room in J(/wyelitsha - classes with up to 92 students zn 1992 Obviously, the issue is complex. creases their ability to mobilise suffi posed by the national government, What is less obvious is why such cient development resources, includ but the retrenchments were in direct disappointments have been encoun ing from the democratic government contradiction to the commitments tered. Clearly, the legacy of racism, where necessary. The RDP reflects a made by the ANC and by Mandela, in its profound and subtle manifes commitment to grassroots, bottom and the agreements negotiated with tations, is the chief culprit. Other up development which is owned and SADTU. SADTU threatened to go factors are also important, however. driven by the communities and their to court to get an injunction to pre It is evident that the redeployment representative organizations. vent the retrenchments. On Jan uary 16, there was a breakthrough and rationalization process has been With the unveiling of a new gov flawed. ernment macro-economic strategy in in negotiations between the union Also troubling, the current 1996 , the GEAR (Growth, Employ and the Minister of Educa:tion, Sibu siso Bengu, when seven of the nine macro-economic strategy of the gov ment, and Redistribution), the focus ernment provides a difficult, if not of government policy has changed. provinces agreed to rehire the teach impossible, context in which to The GEAR is characterized by a ers or postpone plans to allow their execute effective education reform . focus on deficit reduction, conven contracts to expire. Discussions This has been a dramatic change in tional monetarist policies (inflation with the other two provinces (Gaut government policy. Recall the Re is a principal concern), private sec eng and Western Cape) were still continuing. co nstruction and Development Pro tor growth policy, and trade liber Given current government pol gramme, upon which the Alliance alization. This all too familiar ap icy, these flare-ups seem inevitable. campaigned for the ANC in the proach has had the inevitable ef What is heartening is the commit April , 1994 election: fect of squeezing public services, and ment of teacher unionists to press The central objective of our RDP is threatening public sector jobs. for a thorough reform of the educa to improve the quality of life of all tion system, to serve the needs of the South Africans, and in parUcular the * * * ch ildren of South Africa. SADTU 's most poor and marginalised sections In November and December 1997, leadership, and its ability and will of our communities. This objective the education departments of all the ingness to mobilize its membership, should be realised through a pro provinces announced massive lay will be an important factor as this cess of empowerment which gives the offs of teachers. They were re issue continues to development. poor control over their li ves and in- sponding to budget constraints im- Gil Southern Africa REPORT march 1998 29 ------dillll©Th&©Th&@ ______Wit's Going On? Revisiting the Makgoba Affair BY EDDIE WEBSTER Eddie Webster is Professor of Industrial Sociology at the University of the Witwatersrand. From late 1995 until April 1996 - a period of more than six months - the University of the Witwatersrand was engulfed in a crisis . The imme diate source of the conflict was the credentials and conduct of the newly appointed Deputy Vice-chancellor, Malegapuru William Makgoba. A group of thirteen senior academics, led by social historian, Charles van Onselen, accused Makgoba of ad ministrative incompetence, disloy alty to the university and embellish ing his curriculum vitae. The confli ct was eventually "re solved" when Makgoba resigned as Deputy Vice-chancellor but stayed on as a research professor in the medical school. But the events took a high toll - one of the signatories, Etienne Mureinik , a brilliant young law professor, committed sui cide at the height of the confli ct, others re signed. Most of the signatories have since withdrawn from involvement in university governance . The conflict - what became known as the Makgoba Affair - po larized the un iversity along racial lines. Makgoba's supporters, drawn largely from the black staff and students, saw the allegations as concrete ev idence of institutional racism. The first black person to be appointed to a senior adminis trative position, his supporters ar gued, was being publicly vilified and his character assassinated, his un doubted academic rep utation rub bished and his plans to "Africanize" Wits dismissed. How , black staff asked, can a black person advance at Wits if this is the way a distin guished scholar is treated? Wits, 30 march 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ______lliill@Ik©Ik@ ______they concluded, will never be trans the Union of Democratic University sity, he argues, is an inherently racist formed into a genuinely African uni Staff Association (UDUSA). institution and, in setting forth this versity. case, the book does provide an in In 1993, it was decided to appoint a search committee to valuable insight into the obstacles Under attack ensure that a suitable candidate was facing institutional transformation in South Africa. But Makgoba also Makgoba's critics, drawn largely appointed. It was rumoured in links such concerns to a telling of his from white staff and students, the corridors that Wits had found own life story that is worth noting in argued in Makgoba a "black Charlton" - the opposite. Many whites its own right. felt that far from lagging behind, a reference to the Vice-chancellor, "transformation" at Wits had gone Robert Charlton , also a medi cal Thus the book begins with an too far and standards were dropping. man. intriguing account of his upbringing in Sekhukhuneland, his ancestry as Makgoba, through his attacks on Makgoba seemed ideal for the Eurocentric ed ucation, was himself a a direct descendent of the famous job. He had grown up in the North racist who was not committed to the Chief Makgoba, who defended his ern Transvaal. He earned his medi- university's long standing non-racial people against the Boers a hundred principles. Many were disgusted by years ago. Makgoba discusses, with Makgoba's publi c attacks on Wits refr eshing frankness, the customs and felt that he showed a lack of and rituals of rural African life; appreciation of its history of liberal practices that continue to shape his opposition to apartheid . Above all , behaviour today and of which he is it was felt that he was not doing very proud. He writes warmly of his his job properly; he missed meetings, experiences at Oxford, Birmingham wa.'3 indiscreet and was siding with and London where he was accepted student and worker militants. a.'3 a scholar and a colleague. This latter co ncern gets to _£ The tone of the book changes the heart of the matter. The _£ dramatically after his arrival at Wi ts demographic composition of Wits ~ in October 1994. Wi thin weeks , had profoundly altered over the 1 just before he was to chair his precedi ng decade a.'3 classrooms .2 first selection committee, the Vice changed from wh ite middle class to ~ chancellor summoned him to resolve increasingly bl ack and wor kin g class. .g a hostage taking incident. However, Led by the South African Students ~ when he wisely suggested n1ediation, Congress (SASCO) and National ~ his advice was ignored, the police Educational and Health Workers Q) were summoned, the door kicked .0 Union (NEHAWU), a vari ety of o down, and the students and workers forms of mass action - hostage cr: were arrested. taking, tra.'3 hing of the campus and M. W. M akgoba Lacking proper support and vandalism - had become co mmon cal degree at the U ni versi ty of N a thrown in at the deep end of a in the eat) y nineties . At the tal where he had performed bril racially polarized campus, Makgoba core of these co nflicts were a set liantly, topping the class in some began to publicly criticize the uni of legitimate demands for finan cial of his courses. He had completed versity. This made him an identi assistance, greater attention to hi s PhD at Oxford and proceeded fiable target for what he calls "the teaching and learning, and the need to establish an international reputa conservative liberals." A secret and for institutions of higher learning to tion as an immunologist. What the systematic investigation on the ac become more representative of the university es tablishment found espe curacy of his CV was unofficially em population of South Africa. cially attractive was that he had not barked upon by Van Onselen . Un In order to meet this latter been active politically while a stu able to establish any significant in demand, Wits had begun searching dent or while he li ved abroad. accuracies, he widened his search to for a black person to fill the vacant include Makgoba's job performance Mokoko post of deputy vice-chancell or. Two and mobilized senior members of the candidates had been interviewed - Why did things go so horri bly and university to support his claims. Sam Nolutshungu , who t urned down tragically wrong? M okoko: The the offer, and Mala Singh, who M akgo ba Affair, A Refl ection on The rest of the book is a convin c came up again st strong opposition Tmnsformation (Vivlia, 1997) is ing defense of Makgoba's academic because of her past pres idency of William Makgoba's explanation of credentials, but not of his response the left leaning staff association , what happened at Wits. The univer- to this attack. Deeply wounded Southern Africa REPORT march 1998 31 ______dilliHQ)Jk©Jk@------=----- by the questioning of his academic credentials and offended by the se cret way it was conducted, Makgoba delved into the confidential fi les of his accusers and made them public. Put simply, two wrongs do not make a right and Makgoba lost the moral high ground. Instead of accepting an impartial commission of inquiry where he could have openly cleared his academic reputation, Makgoba inexplicably agreed to a privately brokered settlement. Underlying the Makgoba affair was another, more simple agenda. Robert Charlton was due to retire at the end of 1997 and Makgoba's opponents were afraid that he might succeed him. They were keen to promote their own slate of candidates with June Sinclair, Mal.:goba at the Great Hall. Wits, early 1996 at th e height of the turmoil Deputy Vice-chancellor at the time and a major opponent of SASCO Wi ll iam Makgoba has written the left and liberals. In the and NEHAWU, as Vice-chancellor. a moving book that is deeply seventies and eighties, this was They failed badly. Instead , in troubling in its implications for strengthened by the emergence of a reaction to the Makgoba affair, a transformation in South Africa. But group of progressive academics such strong progressive caucus developed it is also an incomplete book as it as David Webster and the formation in the selection committee between portrays the conflict as one between of UDUSA in 1986. students, workers and academics conservative li berals and Africanists. Transformation in the late eight that led to the appointment of first Although the progressive academics ies a nd nineties was led by SASCO, Nolutshungu, and, after his tragic at Wits were marginalized during but SASCO failed to reestablish a n withdrawal, Colin Bundy, as Vice this period, the University has a alliance with progressive academics chancellor. long and proud progressive tradition thus clearing the way for the con going back to the forties when servative liberals. The undisciplined What n ext? Joe Slovo, Ruth First and Nelson behaviour of SASCO allowed the Mandela were students and Harold conservatives to demonize the stu In his conclusion to the book , Wolpe was SRC president. Indeed Makgoba cla ims that the power of dents. This led to the transforma- student politics has tended to be tion discourse being dominated by a the conservative liberals at Wits ha.'3 dominated by an a lliance between been broken . While it is true t hat thinly disguised racism . The result Sinclair was not appointed Vice was fatal for Makgoba. When he ar Chancell or and a new University rived at Wits in 1994, he not only Council has been appointed, Senate entered a racially polarized campus: - the centre of academic power in there was also no coherent progres the university - remains in large part B sive presence and. lacking direct ex perience of the collective nature of unchanged. The number of black ARTCRAFT •/ ACTION PRINT the democratic struggle, he fail ed to professors in the Senate has hardly Specialists in Multicolour and rebuild the left/liberal a lliance. changed since I became a m ember of Black & White pre-press, Senate ten years ago. A lot of work printing and finishing ln the end , Makgoba's vision lies ahead if W its is to regain t he for Wits - and for higher educa Newsletters * magazines * brochures tion more generally - does not dif ground lost over the last few years Envelopes of all sizes are our forte fer all that much from the conserva of d ivisive politics. The lesson I Business and Personal Stationery draw from the Makgoba affair is that tive liberals. They both hold on to institutions such as W its remain Desktop output *& camerawork*· * services a notion of the university as an au deeply entrenched in the ways of the 2370 Midland Ave .. Unir C·IO. Scarborough, tonomous institution, somewhat di old South Africa and institutional OnL MIS 5C6 (416) 412-o412 /F'.!X 412-o4I4 vorced from the pressing socioeco change wi ll take a long time. Call today for estimate and advice.' nomic issues that surround it. Of 32 march 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ______TITID,@)k@)k@ ______course the difference lies in their at At the same time, Nlakgoba's failure African transition. As with the rest titude towards race. Conservative to recognize the contradictory na of South Africa, black and white are liberals do not believe that Wits was ture of Wits is not itself racist. In struggling to find a common project. one of the beneficiaries of the apart the concluding chapters of the book , Many, of all races, see a way for heid system and they rej ect the no Makgoba argues for the Africaniza ward but have not yet found the tion of institutional racism. Mak tion of Wits, an approach endorsed most effective way to realize it. In goba, on the other hand, sees Wits by Deputy-president Thabo Mbeki the case of Wits, 1998 begins with as a central institution designed to in his preface to the book. How a new Vice-chancellor, Colin Bundy, maintain and perpetuate the privi ever, in doing so- and we must as who has an established reputation leges of the white minority. For him sume Makgoba does not disagree - as a progressive scholar with a com race is not irrelevant to an under Mbeki cleverly appropriates the dis mitment to transformation. While standing of Wits: it is , in fact, his course of "Africanism" while also ex the Makgoba affair revealed the clark only explanatory category. panding its definitions: he supports side of Wits, there is also an alterna This race reductionism is prob the idea of pan-africanism but lo tive legacy of genuine non-racialism lematic in as much as it is unable to cates it in the context of the African grounded in an active and schol account for those - admittedly small National Congress' commitment to arly commitment to the creation of numbers -of staff and students who non-racialism and cultural plural a more participatory and egalitarian were actively engaged in resistance Ism . society. Fortunately Wits has been to apartheid and retain a commit given a second chance to reclaim this ment to an egalitarian South Africa. * * * legacy and to take its rightful place It thus offers an incomplete under The Makgoba affair provides a deep in the new South Africa. standing of Wits as an institution. and tragic insight into the South c;:J A House of Many Mansions? continued from page 7 had brothers and Housing Minis When the history books about the ter Sankie Mthembi-Mahanyele were new South Africa are written it tion from the movement of NUM cases in point). Trevor Manuel's is unlikely that the assembly at leader Kgalema Motlanthe into the high seventh ranking was especially Mafikeng will be understood as con AN C secretary general's office. It noteworthy given his identification stituting a turning point. Trade should be noted, though, that the with unpopular fiscal policy. unionists signalled that despite their NUM is among COSATU's affiliates, A final consideration in any ef displeasure with the government's one of the most politically loyal to commitment to economic liberalism the ANC. One person who expressed fort to assess the ideological mix in the ANC top echelons after the con they still have more to gain from regret at Motlanthe's elevation was partnership within the alliance than Stella Sigcau, Minister of Public En ference should be the organization's increased financial dependence on opposition outside it. Rank and terprises. She was overheard prais file delegates in their voting demon ing Motlanthe for his helpful role black business: the Treasurer's re port noted that black businessmen strated an impressive adherence to in privatization negotiations "in get the ANC's traditional non-racialism, ting the unions on board" (Business who used to donate R250,000 can now be approached for donations despite this being a more visible part Day, 19/12/1997). Sigcau, inciden of its life in leadership circles rather tally, was the only cabinet minister of R2 million. In an organiza tion with declining membership and than at the grass roots. The ANC who failed to obtain a seat on the leadership were sustained in their National Executive. dwindling sources of foreign finance, this group is likely to command in conviction that they could continue creasing influence. Peter Mokaba's to function as a liberation move Most members of government ment and not a more sharply de fared well in the NEC elections, contentions about capitalism's place within the ANC's ideological tradi fined political party, a house of many though, calling into questions pre mansions, accommodating the rural conference reports concerning ac tions may have found little favour within the community assembled at poor, organized labour, the emerg tivist displeasure with government ing black "patriotic bourgeoisie" and performance (though it may be Mafikeng but they may not have been so far ahead of their time [see the rainbow coalition of liberals and significant that those personalities radicals which have for so long dis widely believed to be particularly also, on the this point, the accom panying article by Oupa Lehulere - tinguished it from nationalist move indebted to Thabo Mbeki for their ments elsewhere on the continent. elevation fared comparatively badly the editors]. in the NEC elections - the Pa- * * * Southern Africa REPORT march 1998 33 Canadian Research Consortium on Southern Africa ANNOUNCEMENT OF SPRING WORKSHOP AND CALL FOR PAPERS May 28 - 30, 1998 Location: Donald Gordon Centre, Queen's University Kingston, Ontario, Canada All of those planning to attend are encouraged to offer either full papers or shorter presentations for the work-in-progress sessions. Proposals on any subject connected with the history, contemporary development experience and future prospects of the southern African region are welcome. Abstracts should not exceed four pages. THE DEADLINE FOR THE RECEIPT OF ABSTRACTS AND/OR APPLICATIONS TO ATTEND THE WORKSHOP IS FRIDAY, MARCH 27,1998. For further information contact: Alan Jeeves or Belinda Dodson before March 27, 1998 Queen's University 11 St. Lawrence St. Kingston, Ontario K7L3N6 Email: [email protected] Tel: 613-545-6964 Fax: 613-545-2171 8006~