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The University of Chicago Seizing a Seat at the Table THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO SEIZING A SEAT AT THE TABLE: PARTICIPATORY POLITICS IN THE FACE OF DISQUALIFICATION A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE BY DANIEL NICHANIAN CHICAGO, ILLINOIS DECEMBER 2016 Copyright © 2016 Daniel Nichanian All rights reserved Table of Contents Acknowledgments iv Introduction 1 Part I: Democracy and Mutuality Chapter 1: Mutuality’s Allure: The Madness of Participatory Action in 27 the Face of Disqualification Chapter 2: A Matter of Debate, or Just a Misunderstanding? Woman’s Suf- 82 frage, Constitutional Struggles, and the Ambivalence of Writing Part II: A Question of Capacity Chapter 3: The Specter of Populism: Radical Democratic Theory’s 129 Disqualifying Quest to Guarantee Political Agency Chapter 4: Seizing Competence: AIDS Treatment Activism and 180 Disputes over Popular Capacities Part III: A Question of Uptake Chapter 5: Threads of Reciprocity: Michel Foucault and Seyla Ben- 227 habib’s Promise of a Legible Freedom Chapter 6: Seizing Authorization: Frederick Douglass and the Politics of 294 Claiming Oneself Already Authorized Bibliography 354 iii Acknowledgments Interacting with my four advisers has proven to be a remarkable stimulant. Their guid- ance and the opportunity to engage with the substance of their works have been a major driving force behind this dissertation. Patchen Markell has shaped my project since its inception, offer- ing advice and support as I tried to get my bearings in the world of political theory; he committed to helping me develop what is distinctive about my own voice, and his dependably generous, ex- haustive and illuminating feedback has probed and refined each of my dissertation’s compo- nents. Linda Zerilli has opened my eyes to new intellectual stakes and political battlefields, and she has encouraged me to be both conceptually ambitious and grounded in political practice; she has drawn out of me intuitions that I would not have known how to make explicit or build on, complicating my theoretical assumptions and challenging me to rearticulate and reassess my views. I could not have asked for an interlocutor who is more rigorous and unrelenting in solicit- ing clarifications for my arguments’ conceptual mechanisms than Robert Gooding-Williams; our conversations have greatly enhanced the intellectual depth of my work. The faith John McCor- mick has shown in my abilities has been infectious; I am a stronger thinker, more attentive to how concepts connect to politics, because of how he has taught me to confront my philosophical reflections to instances of concrete politics. I believe that the influence of each of my advisers is evident in this dissertation, and I am particularly grateful for the generosity with which they have welcomed and encouraged the disagreements that I developed with some of their perspectives. Six years in a graduate program would not have been possible without the friendship and support of a wonderful community. I would like to thank Jessica Alms, Katerina Apostolides, Gordon Arlen, Christopher Berk, Philip Berkman, Amanda Blair, Yuna Blajer de la Garza, Han- nah Burnett, Anastasia Curley, Samuel Galloway, Adom Getachew, Rohit Goel, Allison Harris, iv Annie Heffernan, Omiela Hsu, Sarah Johnson, Morgan Kaplan, Matthew Landauer, William Levine, Benjamin McKean, Claire McKinney, Tanner McSpadden, Renée Melton Klein, Ray Noll, Erin Pineda, Lucas Pinheiro, Robert Reamer, Jeremy Siegman, Ian Storey, Nazmul Sultan, Tuomo Tiisala, James Wilson, and Daniel Wyche for engaging in countless intellectual exchang- es and ensuring my social sanity while in Chicago. I also owe a great deal to Julie Cooper, Da- ragh Grant, Bernard Harcourt, Gary Herrigel, Sankar Muthu, Jennifer Pitts, Dan Slater, Nathan Tarcov, and Lisa Wedeen’s mentorship, both in classrooms and workshops. I am thankful to Cathy Cohen for helping me secure my first appointment and to Kathy Anderson for her indefat- igable advice in navigating this program. I am lucky that my time at the University of Chicago coincided with that of Milena Ang, Ashleigh Campi, Steven Klein, Daniel Luban, Emma Mackinnon, Natasha Piano Berkman, Ethan Porter, and Tania Islas Weinstein. They have been a sounding board for many ideas, pro- jects, hopes, and frustrations; their companionship, advice and feedback has been invaluable. In particular, Steven Klein was a prized interlocutor as we entered the world of political theory to- gether; I later subjected many an intuition to the tough test of defending it in our exchanges. I also thank Christopher Berk, Ashleigh Campi, and Nazmul Sultan for having so incisively dis- cussed papers of mine in the University of Chicago’s Political Theory Workshop. I would like to recognize Karuna Mantena and Martine Leibovici, who supervised my B.A. thesis and my Master’s thesis, respectively. The research I conducted with them served as important stepping stones for this dissertation. Seyla Benhabib, Raluca Edon, Boris Kapustin, Anne Kupiec, Martine Leibovici, Karuna Mantena, Jim Sleeper, and Steven Smith inspired me to love and pursue political theory while I studied at Yale University and at Paris VII-Diderot. Lat- er, as I began to attend conferences as a graduate student, I met colleagues from other academic v institutions whose interest in my work has stimulated me further. I would like to thank in particu- lar Michaele Ferguson, Ayten Gündogdu, Jill Locke, Andrew Schaap for comments on various parts of this project; Michaele Ferguson’s feedback has sharpened my second chapter’s argu- ment. My parents, Anahid Garmiryan and Marc Nichanian, worked tirelessly to transmit to me their love for learning and teaching, and their immense intellectual curiosity. I now see how much I am driven by an aim to emulate them. This dissertation is just a small example of that, and I can only hope to have a sliver of the impact they have had on me and on the communities around them. I have also been sustained by the best communities of friends, from Mgnig to the three-way deed. Finally, while being a PhD student can produce many anxieties, Yonah Freemark’s calming support kept them at bay. He has read more drafts of my dissertation—and of papers, applications, e-mails, scribbles—than I can count, ensuring that my writing and think- ing is clear and direct. Perhaps most important to me is how my values have been shaped, and continue to be shaped, by conversations we have had for over a decade, from serious debates to daily jests. The substantial outlook of this dissertation would surely be different were he not con- stantly challenging my perspective on the world and on politics. And for that I am most grateful. vi Introduction “Governments can change a country. Protest movements simply agitate against those who govern.”1 This distinction, which Tony Blair deployed as part of his attempt to intervene in the Labour Party’s 2015 leadership elections, may seem remarkably overdrawn. But it gives voice to an intuition that shapes how many people (including some quite friendly to a radically minded politics) talk about protests and social movements, and more generally about unforeseen political events. These are commonly analyzed as expressions of anger, anxiety, and discontent, as de- mands for recognition and redress, or as symptoms of an antigovernmental orientation—but what is seldom taken seriously is the possibility that those involved in a contestatory politics are mani- festing judgments on governmental policies, let alone an aspiration to help run the country. Commenting on contemporary movements like Occupy, political scientist Ivan Krastev writes that “mass protests are meant to take on (in a nonviolent way) the role that violent insur- rections historically have played. [They] testify that the sovereign people exists and is angry” and they serve as a useful “eruption of civic energy.”2 Miguel Vatter similarly excises govern- mental considerations from radical politics when he talks of “separat[ing] the people from the business of government… for the sake of preserving in the people the sovereign indifference to rule.”3 Such perspectives need not deny that protestors do make some claims regarding policy. But they proceed from the assumption that, whatever a movement presents itself as doing, the true stakes of its intervention—what has brought its participants together, what makes it mean- ingfully oppositional—lie elsewhere. Anywhere, really, but in a popular interest to affect the “business of government.” This view is found in scholars and commentators for whom paying 1 Tony Blair, “Even If You Hate Me, Please Don’t Take Labour over the Cliff Edge,” The Guardian, August 13, 2015. 2 Ivan Krastev, “From Politics to Protest,” Journal of Democracy 25:4 (October 2014): 16-17. 3 Miguel Vatter, “Pettit and Modern Republican Political Thought,” Nomos 46 (2005): 150. 1 attention to “the strong and slow boring of hard boards”4 does not leave enough space to contest what ought to be contested, the idea being that having the former in mind discourages or even co-opts activism;5 and it can be found in institutionally-minded commentators and scholars, for whom introducing disruptive elements into the task of governing distracts from its seriousness. This dissertation addresses the difficulty of appreciating contestatory movements as a form of participation in the business of government. It outlines the distinctive political rationality and the value to democratic life of practices of contestatory participation. These are practices by which people act as if they have a seat at the proverbial table, negotiating the doubts as to their competence and authorization in the course of advocating their views in institutional spaces that present themselves as beyond their involvement. Practical disqualifications: A story about politics The political reason to revisit how a contestatory outlook intersects with participation in public affairs is that some people will find that their participatory ambitions on at least some is- sues are disqualified.
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