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Kurdiston Kurdistan And ProsPects for For decades Kurdistan has been rising up in arms against national Red Political Power subjugation; now it faces a new conjuncture: what will it take to Ibrahim Kaypakkaya on the Kurdish hoist the red flag, what dif- National l4 ference will it make to the op- Question pressed the world around to set the Kurdish prairie afire with a formidable red peshmerga army? Bonglo Desh Nejimeh Siavush discusses these crucial questions. The Tinderbox of Purba Bangla 27

Why Did Colombia's Government Bomb Its Own Palace of Justice t6 RIM Committee Message to RCP,USA 22 RCP,USA Celebrates 1Oth Anniversary 23

Seizing the Imperialist Citadels 40 Britain: Excerpts from Maniftsto of the Revolutionory Internationalist Contingent 41 Italy: Excerpts.from For the Revolutionary Communist Workers Orgonisation 4l

An analysis of the last few years ol growing political ferment in Bangladesh (Purba Bangla), where the U.S.-backed regime is A World lo Win is a quarterly published by World to Win, whose address is: confronted by a broad range of BCM World to Win opposition forces from diverse London WCIN 3XX, U.K. classes. This issue was printed by Russell Press, Bertrand Russell House, Forest Road West, Nottingham, U K February,1986 Subscribe to A World to Win

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:...- 5 KURDISTAN And Prospects for Red Politicql Power

by Nejimeh Siavush

"The best songs are sung to the Developments over the past sworn enemies and significantly con- tune of rifles," says one popular several years in Kurdistan and in the tributed to their demise from the revolutionary song. The staccato of region as a whole strikingly confirm Ottoman Empire to the dynasties- of machine guns ricocheting through the truth of this assessment; beyond the Hashemee and Pahlavi the mountain ranges has long been that, they have catapulted the inter- Monarchs. And it continues to be a a familiar feature of the Kurdish national and regional significance of major current that can play an in- landscape which spreads through the Kurdistan, and thus the complgxity dispensable role in initiating and car- countries of Iran, Iraq, Syria and of the struggle there, onto a decided- rying out the final ushering in of (a) Turkey. Not only has this been the ly higher plane. This is what compels truly revolutionary state(s) in the native territory of the Kurdish na- veteran executioners of the Kurdish region. Its historical development tional movement for decades, but it people like the French imperialists to has been conditioned by and intert- has also provided favourable scurry around with a garish pretense wined with the momentous interna- political and military terrain for the of concern for the rights of the tional events that have punctuated revolutionary forces fighting to Kurds while the bloc leader, the this century. The First and Second overthrow the reactionary vassal U.S., and its trusted hangmen prefer World Wars and both the inspiring states whose borders divide Kur- genocidal suppression campaigns. victories and the bitter setbacks the distan. And of course, the Soviet social- international proletariat has ex- Since the First World War, the imperialists never pass up an oppor- perienced, particularly in the Soviet Kurdish question has figured pro- tunity to support the Kurds. . .like a Union and in China, have exerted a minently in the calculations of the rope supports a hanging man, as profound influence' over the imperialists and their commissioned Lenin once said in another context. development of the movement in puppets to establish and hold on to Clearly the more that objective Kurdistan. their seats of power throughout the developments hurl the Kurdish peo- Furthermore, Lenin's statement Middle East. Although such calcula- ple towards the centre stage of con- that "One of the main features of tions have invariably called for flicts in the region, the more imperialism is that it accelerates vicious national oppression of the variegated becomes the motley array capitalist development in the most Kurds, executed by the lackeys of of "the concerned." This is, at once, backward countries and thereby ex- imperialism and later on of social- both a reflection and a cause of the tends and intensifies the struggle imperialism, they ironically only greatly heightened prospects and against national oppression" ("The helped to create and train a for- difficulties the current situation Military Programme of the Pro- midable enemy with a long history holds for the revolutionary forces in letarian Revolution," CW 23) has of waging armed struggle against Kurdistan. proved to be a valid assessment of oppression and enslavement, in all For many decades now a the historical impetus propelling the parts of Kurdistan. No small credit relentless struggle has held sway revolutionary and national move- will go to the reactionaries when the across the Kurdish landscape. It ment in Kurdistan, which has not armies of red peshmergas charge flares up amidst thunder and gunfire lost but gained momentum in the down the mountains and across the and retreats only to suddenly erupt face of the suppression and annihila- plains from four directions singing again where the enemy expects it tion campaigns Ied against it. their "best songs to the tune of least. A bold revolutionary initiative rifles," orchestrated this time The revolutionary struggle of the based on a critical evaluation of the around by the class-conscious pro- Kurdish people has been on a long movement, of its specific historical letariat. march. It has outlasted many of its character, is urgently demanded of 6

the revolutionary internationalist and therefore unsuccessful, revolu- cipal actors capable of exerting proletariat. This is essential if the tionary movements that the masses powerful influence in determining opening that is greatly magnified by gain experience, acquire knowledge, the resolution of the worldwide con- the increasing instability of the gather strength, and get to know tradictions in the region. crisis-ridden reactionary states, their real leaders, the socialist Considering the highly charged within the overall crisis of the world Irevolutionary communist terrain in Kurdistan, where all con- imperialist system, by the Iraq-Iran AWTA proletarians, and in this tending political forces with their war and by the rapidly intensifying way prepare for the general corresponding ideologies are being rivalry between the war-bound im- onslaught...." (' 'Self- compelled to deploy and manoeuvre perialist and social-imperialist blocs, Determination Sumrned Up," CW troops amid increasing tension and is going to be seized for the revolu- 22) Without overlooking or where issues have a long history of tionary cause of the oppressed. legitimising the past shortcomings being settled by force of arms even With respect to this task and and weaknesses of the international though not often commanded by obligation of the revolutionary com- communist movement and the na- revolutionary proletarian politics, it munist forces in the region, it is in- tional movement in Kurdistan, it can has become absolutely imperative structive to recall one of Lenin's be said that the revolutionary strug- for the genuine proletarian forces to remarks: "The dialectics of history gle has accumulated immeasurable establish and fortify a decisively are such that small nations, valuable experience and acquired the stronger presence. The objective powerless as anindependent factor raw material necessary for a deeper conditions are more than favourable in the struggle against imperialism, knowledge of its open and disguis- for this since the proletariat alone is play a part as one of the ferments, ed enemies and of its true leader, the capable of taking and fighting for one of the bacilli, which help the real international proletariat, in a long the consistently revolutionary stand anti-imperialist force, the socialist and tortuous ascent to maturity. that is required to unite and Iead the Irevolutionary communist Now, from the terrain of Kurdistan, vast majority of the Kurdish masses, AIYTWI proletariat, to make its ap- history presents great opportunities especially today. The history of the pearance on the scene." ("The for the proletariat to coordinate a national and revolutionary struggle Discussion on Self-Determination crippling onslaught against im- in Kurdistan is itself forceful Summed Up," CW 22) perialism and reaction. testimony to the necessity of pro- {) Although it is undeniably true The Sheikh Said Rebellion of letarian leadership for the victory of I that the struggle of the Kurdish peo- 1925, the Agri Rebellion of 1928, the the liberation struggle. Powerful up- a ple against national oppression has Zilan Rebellion of 1930 and the Der- surges as well as bitter setbacks ex- 3 already tremendously facilitated the sim Rebellion of 1938 in Turkey; the perienced by the Kurdish people in proletariat's ability "to make its ap- armed rebellions raging through the the past along with the currently 3 pearance on the scene" (particular- decades of the l9l0s, 1920s and despicable and patently counter- i ly the Communist Party of 1930s in Iraq; the struggle for the revolutionary practices of some of Turkey,/ Marxist- Leninist Kurdish Autonomous Republic of the forces there have awakened I (TKP/ML) and rhe Union Mahabad during the early '40s in among the masses a keen sense of {o of Iranian Communists(UIC) Iran: in spite of their weaknesses, all yearning, even if in a spontaneous tr Sarbedaran), still much more, these have contributed tremendous- form, for truly revolutionary politics o qualitatively more, is required from ly to the political awakening and and ideology. Only the class- the proletariat to prepare and preparation of the terrain in Kur- conscious proletariat and the revolu- = organise the Kurdish masses for the distan and the revolutionary tionary communists with the science "general onslaught" against the movements in general in the coun- of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung seats of reactionary power. The tries containing Kurdish regions. Thought can respond to and satisfy predatory and anarchic drive of im- Though the terrain in Kurdistan can this yearning and thereby unleash perialist economics and politics, by no means be considered asleep, the masses to generate a tremendous despite untold suffering and misery the assessment of the Decloration of fighting capacity, both politically brought down on Kurdistan, have the Revolutionory Internationalist and militarily, that can transform ultimately strengthened the material Movement that "The heightening of the Kurdish landscape into an un- basis of the revolutionary struggle in contradictions is now drawing and suppressable red base area for the Kurdistan. As Lenin pointed out, will do so even more dramatically in world proletarian revolution. That "Capitalism is nor so harmonious- the future, all countries and regions can and will be a thunderous blow to ly built that various sources of of the world and sections of the the imperialist and social-imperialist rebellion can immediately merge of masses previously lulled to sleep or war preparations and to the ongoing their own accord, without reverses oblivious to political life into the strife for strategic entrenchment and defeats. On the other hand, the vortex of world history" highlights which has taken on particularly very fact that revolts do break out at the regional and worldwide fdverish dimensions in the region. different times, in different places, significance of both the potential All the reactionary intrigue and and are of different kinds, and the impact of the struggle in sanguinary measures employed guarantees wide scope and depth to Kurdistan. with their militant against the revolutionary forces in the general movement; but it is only history of armed struggle, the Kur- Kurdistan by imperialism and its in premature, individual, sporadic dish people stand as one of the prin- regional puppets reveal their deep- 7

seated and well-founded fear that revolution is rapidly disappearing. enhanced the ability of revolu- the emergence of red political power Furthermore, on such terrain, a tionary forces to provide leadership in any part of Kurdistan would inex- qualitatively more powerful injec- for such a "performance" in all orably spread its influence not just tion of revolutionary communist parts of Kurdistan. throughout the Kurdish territory in politics could only be given and sus- Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey but tained through revolutionary war- through the whole of these countries fare that is capable of fully realising I. Kurdish Cauldron and even beyond. That is the fear and developing the revolutionary that sends chills down the spines of potential of the masses politically Such a spectre is indeed haunting the these reactionaries at the sight of a and militarily. Mao Tsetung did in regimes and their imperialist men- peshmergas (the Kurdish word for fact sharply state that, "Without a tors from both blocs. The Declsra- fighter), particularly one armed with people's army the people have tion of the RIM points out that the science of Marxism-Leninism- nothing," and "Political power "The current intensification of the Mao Tsetung Thought. The material grows out of the barrel of a gun." world contradictions while bringing basis for this agonising fear is yet to The Kurdish masses' experience has forth further possibilities for these be fully appreciated and acted upon borne out these basic truths. Now, movements also places new by the revolutionary forces. A more than ever, the question is to obstacles and new tasks before vigorous presence of the proletarian take up and wield revolutionary them. Despite efforts and even some internationalist line is both possible communist politics, which, to successes of the imperialist powers in and desirable. Moreover it would in- paraphrase Mao, can direct the per- subverting or perverting the revolu- duce a new alignment of forces, par- formance of many a drama, full of tionary struggles of the oppressed ticularly among the revolutionary sound and colour, power and masses, especially in the hopes of and progressive elements active grandeur. The formation of the turning them into weapons of inter- there. The current intensification of Revolutionary Internationalist imperialist rivalry, these struggles the international contradictions has Movement, which already embraces continue to deal powerful blows to already impelled a high degree of 2l genuine communist parties and the imperialist system, and to ac- polarisation among the various organisations, including the celerate the development of revolu- forces, and the middle ground bet- TKP/ML and the UIC tionary possibilities in the world as ween revolution and counter- (Sarbedaran), has qualitatively a whole." Despite a certain unevenness, the Kurdistan region remains the achilles' heel of these states. This fact, bearing crucial significance for the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat, has by no means escaped the attention of the contending im- perialist powers, even as they fran- tically try to undermine each other's strategic positions in the Middle East and project and entrench themselves according to the requirements of their global calculations. This makes Kurdistan a most coveted piece of territory, one where the contradic- 'l:r'it tion between the Western im- *f perialists and the social-imperialists, i and the contradiction between im- { perialism as a whole and the op- pressed peoples and nations, sharp- ly interpenetrate and aggravate each other. The fundamental difference bet- Making bread with open fireplace. ween the thorough-going revolu- tionary internationalist outlook of the Iraqi regime in a number of ma- The Barzani clique harassed, ter- the class-conscious proletariat and jor engagements with the army prior rorised and jailed these revolu- that of the Kurdish bourgeoisie, to this period, the Patriotic Union of tionaries under the guise that they which can still play a progressive and Kurdistan (PUK), founded in 1975 harm the national cause of the Kurds even a revolutionary role at times, and currently based in the central and they either should accept the ll) comes into sharp relief as the con- parts of Iraqi Kurdistan, was able to leadership of Barzani or stay ina'c- aI tradictions in the region sharpen fur- use this opening to reorganise its tive and not expose the betrayals of ther. Under the powerful traction of forces and to expand its activity the KDP-Iraq. Otherwise they S inter-imperialist rivalry, various through participating in the revolu- would face arrest and imprison- ? Kurdish bourgeois, petit bourgeois tionary struggle unfolding in the menl. But these revolutionaries were and feudal forces inevitably tend to Kurdish region and the rest of Iran. not terrified by these reactionary = find it difficult to maintain even a The Komala Ranjedaran, a major threats and secretly organised the P consistently revolutionory na- component of the PUK, was found- advanced masses to prepare for an {a tionalist stand, either falling prey to ed in the early 1970s by revolu- opening. q the manipulations of rival reac- tionary Marxists such as Dr. Aram Following the exposure of the o tionaries or outright succumbing to who were profoundly influenced by reactionary feudal-bourgeois Bar- counter-revolutionary schemes and the accomplishments of the Great zani & Co. when they concluded a = abandoning the revolutionary road. Proletarian Cultural Revolution in deal with the U.S. imperialists and China. They upheld Mao Tsetung the states of Iran and Iraq, openly Iraq Thought and firmly opposed the selling out the struggle in Kurdistan, The current configuration of forces social-imperialists of the Soviet the Komala Ranjedaran enjoyed and the specific intertwining of the Union. Until the infamous treachery wide support among the Kurdish major international contradictions of the thoroughly reactionary feudal masses, many of whom they trained have brought about a rather Barzani clique and the Kurdistan to be militant fighters. favourable setting for the revolu- Democrar Party (KDP) of Iraq in With such historical roots, the tionary movement in Iraqi Kur- 1975, the Komala Ranjedaran Komala Ranjedaran, a component distan. The outbreak of the [Organisation of Toilers] was forc- part of the PUK led by Jelal February 1979 revolution in Iran ed to work clandestinely in Iraqi Talebani, actively participated in the and the emergence of liberated areas Kurdistan. The Barzani clique, with revolutionary war against the holy controlled by the masses large the aid of the U.S. imperialists and crusade of the Khomeini regime to sections of whom were- led by their puppet the Shah of Iran, ap- suppress the movement in the Kur- revolutionary nationalist and ge- plied a policy of terror and intimida- dish region of Iran. In most of the nuine communist forces in the tion in order to drive the communist major military actions, the Komala Kurdish region in western Iran,- pro- and revolutionary forces out of Kur- Ranjedaran effectively cooperated vided a tremendous opening for the distan, while simultaneously apply- with the Komala of Iran (the development of the revolutionary ing pressure on the Iraqi regime in Organisation of the Toilers of struggle in Iraqi Kurdistan as well. order to pry it out of the social- Kurdistan-Iran). Having suffered crippling losses to imperialist orbit. Cooperation between revolu- 9 tionary groups has shown the highly of the KDP-Iraq(GM) which were to use different Kurdish groups as conducive nature of the Kurdish ter- aimed at destroying the influence bargaining chips andlor pressure rain for transmitting revolutionary and the forces of the PUK in Iraq. groups to increase the Soviets' own potential across the official state The June 18, 1978 issue ofthe reac- leverage in the region. One recent frontiers. After the temporary set- tionary Turkish newspaper Hi)rriyet important tactic of the Soviets in back of the struggle in Iran and the even went so far as publishing pic- Iran, Iraq and Turkey seems to be loss of open liberated zones in the tures of Turkish special counter- efforts to pull together a "front" of Kurdish region in lran, Iraqi Kur- insurgency commandos arm-in-arm different Kurdish groups of various distan has assumed the role of pro- with members of the KDP- political persuasions, including viding access and base areas for the Iraq(GM), who had been conduc- those like the Barzani forces who activity of the revolutionary forces. ting joint operations against PUK had been linked up with the U.S. However, not all the areas current- militants in the Hakkari region of Even some forces who previouslY ly inaccessible to or unsecured by the Turkey under the leadership of Zeki condemned social-imperialism are armed forces of the Iraqi regime are Bey and Mejid Haci Ahmed of the finding the Soviet carrot and stick controlled by revolutionary na- Turkish secret service. difficult to resist. tionalist or progressive Kurdish The list of the mercenary services forces. In the northern parts of Ira- of the notorious Barzani warlords Turkey qi Kurdistan, the so-called Provi- does not end there. During the The Western imperialist bloc, with sional Leadership of the Kurdistan revolutionary upsurge in the Kur- the U.S. as its gang leader, is striv- Democrat Party of Iraq (Guyadeh distan of Iran, the KDP-Iraq(GM) ing to savagely clamp down on the Movaghghad), and a number of made every effort to aid the Kho- revolutionary movement in Kur- groups consisting of reactionary na- meini regime by training its distan in order to shield its puppet tionalist forces and revisionist hirel- Pasdaran forces, who were not very states from any potential mortal ings, such as the organisations effective in suppressing the Kurdish blows. This is an important compo- Hassak and Passok, have establish- insurgents, by actively conducting nent of its policy of fortifying these ed a presence. armed suppression of revolutionary reactionary states as strongholds KDP-lraq was reorganised by peasant committees, by hunting'and against the rival social-imperialist Barzani's sons, Masood and ldris killing revolutionary militants, ter- bloc. Barzani, under the guidance of the rorising the masses, launching at- This suppression campaign has in- U.S. imperialists with local tacks on revolutionary workers in volved bloody counter-insurgency D assistance from the Turkish Na- the cities, and so forth. As befits operations, the forced migration of tional Intelligence Organisation these despicable mercenaries, the Kurdish villagers, the fanning of s ! (MIT), SAVAK of Iran, and the KDP-Iraq(GM) were at the religious differences, and has F Mossad of Israel. ln 197 6Idris Bar- forefront of the columns of the brought about the calculated re- tr zani opened offices in Washington, Pasdaran whenever they entered settlement of refugees from Tehran and Ankara to register revolutionary strongholds of the Afghanistan in rebellious Kurdish d volunteers for the family trade: ser- masses that had fallen to the enemy. areas in Turkey following the couP { ving as a willing tool of the im- Certainly this long and brazen d'6tat of September 1980. With the u perialists and reactionaries. In his devotion to counter-revolution and wholesale arrest of the male popula- head sabotage of Kurdish tion in Kurdish villages and towns, 5 memoirs, William Colby, of to the conscious 6 the CIA between 1973-76, openly national and social emancipation the establishment of strategic Ot admits that their fear of the Kurdish has aroused the hatred of the broad hamlets, restriction of freedom of (h movement in Iraq led them to "the masses. They are mercenaries. They movement by new martial law in- decision to support ( ! ) the separatist can enlist in the service of any im- junctions as well as efforts to movement. As a first step we perialist or reactionary state's army. establish a network of informers en- assisted them in getting organised. ' ' No matter what cover theY maY use ticed by bounty offers, the fascist (30 Years of the CIA). What Colby they are "sold out, " as the Kurdish regime in Turkey hopes to reduce the refers to is none other than the Bar- masses say of them, and must be ex- danger it faces there. ln accordance zani set-up, which was intended to posed, isolated and defeated. with the overall plans of their U.S. contain the revolutionary movement In the recent period, especially masters, the Turkish ruling classes in the Kurdistan of Iran, Iraq, and since the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq have relocated an important section Turkey. After 1976, the KDP- war, the various states in the region of their ground troops into the Kur- Iraq(GM) was particularly built up along with the imperialist powers dish region of eastern Turkey in ad- by the imperialist and local reac- have sought to build up and utilise dition to upgrading existing air strips tionary media as a "legitimate"(!) Kurdish forces along the principle of and building new ones for the quick force representing the Kurds in Iraq "the enemy of my enemy is my deployment of ground troops. All of and was aided in establishing an af- friend." For example, the Khomeini the European imperialists, especially filiate in Turkey. Plenty of regime has armed and backed dif- Britain, W. Germany, France and references could be found in the ferent forces in Iraqi Kurdistan Italy, have been actively involved in June-July 1976 issues of the while carrying out savage repression modernising and strengthening the Washington Post andthe New York in Iraniqn Kurdistan. Similarly, the Turkish armed forces to the tune of Times about the criminal activities Soviet social-imperialists are trying hundreds of millions of dollars in ,o

order to increase their capacity to eastern Turkey as well. Especially maintain internal security and to ef- from the mid-'7Os on, increasing fectively confront a possible Soviet numbers of poor peasants, semi- drive through the eastern borders of proletarians and students demanded Turkey. This underscores the inter- that they be armed and organised for national significance of the Kurdish revolutionary war against the regions of Turkey, of the resurgence regrme. of the revolutionary movement Within the Kurdish narional there, and particularly the establish- movement certain changes had ment of red political power bases. taken place with the consolidation of Prior to the 1980 coup, the Kur- the central state in Turkey and years dish region in eastern Turkey, due to of genocidal suppression campaigns the sharpening of the national and through the 1920s and 1930s. A sec- land questions, vigorously par- tion of the big Kurdish landlords ticipated in the countrywide upsurge had chosen to collude with the of revolutionary struggle. The Turkish ruling classes, and even a revolutionary upsurge that broke !'r i loose in neighboring Iran with the 4.,. February 1979 revolution and the , ,. ) : . ..* 4 emergence of liberated areas and I .,,, large guerrilla forces under the leadership of revolutionary na- tionalist and communist organisa- tions in Iranian Kurdistan em- boldened the revolutionary movement in the Kurdish region of

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tional oppression, assumed atrocious forms in Kurdistan. However even after the coup, despite all the sanguinary suppres- sion, a social base for armed strug- '1": gle has continued to exist among the Kurdish masses. Oppression breeds ,, resistance. During this period, TIKKO (Worker Peasant Liberation Army of Turkey) guerrillas under the leadership of the TKP/ML were able to carry on armed activity in

"x. this region.

Iran The Kurdistan region of Iran played a major role in toppling the Shah's regime in February 1979, and this in turn unleashed further revolutionary outbursts. Tremendous enthusiasm for the revolutionary transforma- tion of society was surging forward in search of ways and means to uproot and sweep away all that is responsible for the wretched condi- tions and the national oppression to which the masses have been con- demned for decades. Revolutionary mass organisations, organs of peo- ple's power, and small and large units of armed peshmergas emerged almost instantaneously. This E students and high school teachers, unrestrained revolutionary fervour, F- Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung particularly on the part of the poor U Thought was also rapidly spreading. peasants, semi-proletarians, pro- In fact, from the founding of the letarians, and revolutionary intellec- d TKP/ML (1972) onwards, this sec- tuals, readily gravitated towards the i { tion of the Kurdish masses has leadership of Kurdish communist played an role in fighting revolutionaries such as Kak Salah : ,,,i.,.,.t.1' important f or revolutionary communist Sham Borhan (a UIC leader) and s politics. Kak Fuad Soltani (the founder of a Ot number of big Kurdish bourgeois Some revolutionary nationalist Komala-Iran), who later fell as a q had defected to them. Through this petit-bourgeois Kurdish forces were martyr in battle against the Islamic period the Kurdish bourgeoisie was also influenced by Mho Tsetung but, Republic. This occurred even able to strengthen itself, reducing infected with a narrow nationalist though bourgeois-feudal nationalist the influence of the feudals on the outlook, they could not avoid forces and the reactionary Tudeh Kurdish national movement. By the disintegrating later on in the face of Party did much to hold them in early 1970s the leadership of the Enver Hoxha's attack on Marxism- check. movement was mainly in the hands Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought. May Day 1979 celebrations were of the Kurdish bourgeoisie, By 1980, different cliques within held all over Kurdistan, including a bourgeois Kurdish intellectuals and the Turkish ruling classes were ten thousand strong march in Ker- small Kurdish landlords. Some more panicking and hysterically accusing mashan under the red banner of passive and conservative sections each other of incompetence, which, Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung among these strata fell under the they said, was dragging the whole Thought. Communists vigorously direct or indirect influence of the country into civil war. Naturally the led activities such as organising pro-Moscow revisionists, sometimes Kurdish region was a rnain tributary revolutionary mass organisations, through their connections with feeding the potential for the revolu- peasant unions, the peasants' fight similar Kurdish forces in neighbor- tionary warfare that could cause the against feudal elements, the con- ing Iraq and lran. ground under their feet to give way. fiscation and redistribution of On the other hand, among the The white terror unleashed by the feudal landholdings, military train- Kurdish proletarians, semi- Turkish junta throughout the coun- ing of the masses, and so forth. proletarians. peasants, university try, combined with intensified na- The revolutionary stand of the t2

tionary nationalist leader Gazi Mohammed, thousands of people supported Komala's activities. And when the Kurdish counler- revolutionary forces chose to resort to such reactionary acl.ions as murdering UIC leader Kak Salah in order to hold on to their base and avoid being exposed, outraged masses showed where their sym- pathies lay when tens of thousands attended his funeral in Mahabad in the spring of 19'79. As for the UIC in this period, its revolutionary work, despite short- comings, demonstrated that new, small forces armed with the revolu- tionary communist outlook can establish and expand a mass base and a revolutionary army in a relatively short period on the political terrain of Kurdistan, which had grown even more favourable with the fall of rhe Shah. The emergence of a communist- led peasant movement the Peshmergas in the streets of Sanandaj a stronghold of revolution and peshmergas army under against the early ossaults of the Islamic- Republic. the leader- ship of the UIC, which won the con- fidence of the masses during the first UIC, together with its policy of and carry it forward by force of (summer of 1979) and second unleashing the agrarian revolution arms. This march also played an im- (spring 1980) wars Iaunched by the and setting up peasant committees, portant role in spreading the in- Khomeini regime against the revolu- led to the strengthening of the UIC fluence of Komala. tionary struggle in Kurdistan, in a relatively short period of time. In this same period, the Kurdistan demonstrated the correctness of this Revolutionary masses also en- Democrat Party (Iran) was point. thusiastically supported the militant enamoured with the possibility of The Khomeini regime's counter- positions taken by Komala of Iran, coming to terms with the clerics and revolutionary war against Kur- then under the leadership of Fuad securing regional autonomy in Kur- distan, directed by then Prime Soltani. Despite certain nationalist distan without disturbing the pre- Minister Bani Sadr, was a major and tendencies, Fuad was a Marxist- capitalist social relations and the quite risky effort by the new ruling Leninist and a strong defender of feudal landlords. KDP (Iran) class, and was prompted by their Mao Tsetung. He made tremendous leaflets had a distinctly Tudeh need to consolidate power and to efforts and contributions to organis- revisionist flavour, introduced clamp down on the overall revolu- ing and arming the peasanr unions. through the agency of the arch- tionary upsurge that had broken When the Islamic Republic of Iran revisionist Bullurian, who was the loose throughout the country. The first moved to establish its law and Tudeh Party connection in the KDP clerics were quick to detect the order in Kurdistan by erecting army (Iran) leadership at that time; they dangerous potential of the revolu- posts in Marivan, a major Kurdish did not fail to heap praise on the tion to gather momentum in Kur- city, Fuad initiated and led the Khomeini regime. It is important to distan and to become a base area for famous mass "March of Marivan. " keep in mind that all this was to no the deepening and even the consum- Thousands joined in, from peasant avail: the mullahs had no intention mation of the anti-imperialist anti- unions, from revolutionary mass of attenuating the national oppres- feudal revolution in Iran. The strug- organistions in different cities, along sion of the Kurds, let alone sharing gle in Kurdistan had a long history with armed peshmergas; they beat any of their newly acquired power. and, being deeply rooted among the back the reactionary armed forces of Furthermore, the policy of KDP Kurdish masses, could easily the Islamic Republic and gave a (Iran) did not win it credit with the generate a mighty mass revolu- small taste of their revolutionary masses. Even in Mahabad, which is tionary movement against national power. This march was a bold in- considered one of their base areas, oppression, imperialism and the itiative in unleashing the revolu- mainly due to the historical prestige feudal relations of production, par- tionary energy of the masses and they inherited from the short-lived ticularly if it were led by the pro- drawing them into political life. It Kurdish Autonomous Republic of letariat and genuine communists. As taught them to guard the revolution Mahabad in 1946 and its revolu- it was, the movement in Kurdistan t3 had already been a very significant ingredient of the popular revolu- tionary upsurge that swept away the blood-soaked throne of the Shah; a new and qualitatively higher upsurge in Kurdistan would send tremours through the country once again. awakening the vast army of peasants in the Iranian countryside, in- vigorating the struggle of other na- tional minorities and overall strengthening the revolutionary forces. Across the country the masses were still in motion, expecting that all the socio-economic props and buttresses of imperialist domination and exploitation would be complete- ly dismantled and that full democracy for the people would be achieved. Doing away with national oppression and uprooting the wret- ched semi-feudal economic relations in the countryside were crucial parts of the revolutionary transforma- tions that were required to extricate the whole country from the interna- tional imperialist network of bon- dage and to fulfill the people's power by a genuinely revolutionary event of setbacks suffered by the aspirations for New Democratic army of peshmergas would have revolutionary forces in the rest of the D Revolution. And Kurdistan was a dramatically transformed the country, Kurdistan could still have territory not a small one at that political climate in Iran. The Kho- provided a base area for the revolu- s where -the proletariat ! - could lead meini regime did not fail to sense tion until the conditions matured F the masses in realising these aspira- that the red storm from Kurdistan again fof a new all-around offensive tr tions and forcing their way out of could blow away the mask of against the regime. the straitjacket of the Khomeini Islamic obscurantism blended with However the political and d regime, which was gearing up to phony anti-imperialist rhetoric, ex- ideological crisis which came to a { resurrect the bourgeois comprador- posing and isolating it even more head following the reactionary coup : feudal dictatorship. Due to national among the Iranian masses. The class d'etat in China shortly after the oppression, the urgent land ques- struggle would have taken a death of Mao Tsetung seriously im- 6I tion, and other historical reasons, dangerous turn for the aspiring paired the ability of the revolu- o\ the revolutionary communists could clerical compradors and feudals, tionary communists in Iran to fully (Jr have mobilised the masses to carry with the advanced sections of the grasp and act upon the revolu- out armed agrarian revolution and masses rallying to the banner of the tionary opportunities. Within this other revolutionary democratic advancing revolution led by the pro- context, the outbreak of the Iran- transf ormations both in the letariat in Kurdistan. The support Iraq war particularly exacerbated economic base and the superstruc- for the revolutionary war and the the shortcomings and errors of the ture. All this would have greatly revolutionary transformations in revolutionary communists, giving enhanced their ability to build a Kurdistan, closely integrated with rise to a tendency to liquidate the na- revolutionary people's army to both the revolutionary struggle in the tional question and the strategic take part in and defend these revolu- cities and other regions, would have significance of the armed struggle in tionary transformations against all spurred and strengthened the social Kurdistan as part of the overall obstacles. The clerics' fear aside, this base of the communist movement struggle for political power. The would have been nothing short of and popularised its programme for UIC (Sarbedaran), in a lengthy ar- raising the red flag in its full New Democratic Revolution coun- ticle published in its central organ, grandeur as an inspiration, not trywide. This type of situation Haghigat which was later merely in Iran and the regibn, but would have enabled the revolu- reprinted in- the fourth issue of for the oppressed around the world. tionary communists to politically AWTW discusses the causes of Undoubtedly in a more im- train the masses and increase their these errors- and states that: "".. mediate sense the emergence of such military capacity for the decisive ideological deviations in our policies a red base in Kurdistan that could engagements shaping up in the and political line were the breeding defend its new democratic people's future. Furthermore, even in the (Continued to pqge 57 ) ,4 o lbrqhim on the Kurdish

The following text is excerpted from o lengthy polemic by lbrohim Koypokkoyo entitled The Notionol Question in Turkey. This work wos originolly completed in December | 97 1, be{ore lbrohim Koypokkoyo led the genuine Morxist-Leninists in splittlng with the Shofok revisionists, who were olso billinq themselves then os the RevolutiorLry Workers ond Peosonts Porty of Turkey (TllKP), ond founded the Communist Porty of Turkey/Morxist-Leninist (TKP/ML) in April 1972. The No- tionol Question in Turkey wos re- edited by lbrohim Koypokkoyo in June 1972, soon ofter the orgoniso- tl) tionol split with the TIIKP revisionists. The excerpts printed here ore as tronsloted from o collection entitled o\ Selected W riti n g s, I b roh i n Koy po k- koyo, which wos published by e Ocok Yoyinlori, lstonbul, i 1979-AWTW o h 2. Who is subjected to national op- {a pression? q According to the Shafak revi- o sionists, it is the Ku rd is h peop le who i are being subjected to national op- pression. This fails to grasp what na- tional oppression means. National oppression is the oppression to which the ruling classes of the domi- nant nation subject the oppressed, dependent and minority nations. In Turkey, national oppression is the oppression by the ruling classes of bourgeoisie, which forms part of the ing that appears in a specific the dominant Turkish nation not ranks of the people's democratic historical period only to disappear just of the Kurdish people but of the revolution against imperialism, later on; it exists in every historical entire Kurdish notion, and not even feudalism and comprador period. However, nations have ap- of the Kurdish nation alone, but of capitalism, is also included among peared together with capitalism and all minority nationalities. the classes of people. However, the ' 'in the epoch of rising capitalism' ' "People" and "nation" are not concept of "nation" comprises all and will disappear in an advanced the same thing. The concept of peo- of the classes and strata, including stage of socialism. ple today generally includes the the ruling classes. . . . The concept of people, in every working class, poor and middle People, in every historical period, stage of the revolution, changes. peasants, semi-proletarians and the refers to those classes and strata Horvever, nation does not depend urban petit bourgeoisie. In which benefit from revolution and on the stage of the revolution. backward countries, the revolu- form the revolutionary Today Kurdish workers, Kurdish tionary wing of the national ranks. People is not a social group- poor and middle peasants, semi- t5 Kqypqkkqyc- Nqtionql Ouestion

the dawn of capitolism. With capitalism penetrating into a coun- try and unifying the markets in that region to a certain degree, the com- munities already meeting all the other conditions are considered a nation. If it were not so, all stable communities in the backward coun- tries and regions where capitalist

."i development is limited could not be \\\\. "$ "d considered nations. In China up un- yi til the 1940's, there was a rather strong state of feudal fragmenta- ,r$ tion, and according to this logic, one would have to deny the existence of nations in China previously. Until the l9l7 revolution, feudalism had a strong presence in the broad coun- tryside of Russia; this understanding would lead to rejecting the existence of nations in Russia. In Turkey, for s instance, during the years of the -F Liberation War,* feudalism was tr much stronger than it is today; ac- cording to this understanding, one d would have to conclude that during t those years in Turkey there were no N u nations. In Asia, Africa and Latin America, feudalism exists in varying s degrees; with this understanding, it q\a would be necessary to reject the ex- Or istence of nations. Obviously, the thesis claiming that the Kurds do not constitute a nation is patently absurd from beginning to end, contrary to facts and also harmful in practice. Harmful, because such a thesis on- proletarians and the urban petit- more, these gentlemen even hatched ly serves the ruling classes of the bourgeoisie and the revolutionary the marvel that the Kurds do not yet dominant, exploiting and oppress- wing of the Kurdish bourgeoisie, constitute a nation due to the ex- ing nations. Hence they would have which is to join the ranks of people's istence of landlords in the Kurdish found a justification to vindicate all democratic revolution, are included region. This is a frightfully the privileges and inequalities in in the concept of Kurdish people. demagogic statement and a their favour and to legitimise the na- Whereas, other than these classes sophistry. Do the landlords not tional oppression and suffering to and strata, all other sections of the speak the same language? Do they which they subject the oppressed, Kurdish bourgeoisie and the Kurdish not reside on the same land? Are (Continued to psge 73) landlords are also included in the they not part of the unified concept of Kurdish nation. Certain economic existence and spiritual for- *This refers to the war waged under the leadership overly knowledgeable wiseacres mation? And besides, nations of the Turkish comprador bourgeoisie and claim that landlords are not con- emerge not with capitalist develop- landlords against imperialist occupation forces after sidered part of a nation. What's ment reaching its final limit but at wwl. t6 Why Did Colombiq's Bomb lts Own Pqlqce of Justic

.l985 ln November Colombio's them wos its Chief Justice, who hod "Poloce of Jusiice" wos seized by severol dozen men ond women o{ the M-I9 Movement who demond- ed thot the Supreme Court, then in session on the building's fourth floor, heor o 52-poge lowsuit they the press, "We never expected the hod come to file ogoinst the govern- bestiolity o{ driving tonks through ment of President Belisorio Beton- the front door." cur. They occused him of "betroy- Why did M-19 so bodly ing" o yeor-old truce between underestimote whot would hop- guerrillo orgonisotions ond his government which he himself hod iniiioied. Apporently these guerrillos hod expected negotiotions. ln one of their most fomous octions, in I 980, M-19 took over o cocktoil porty issue of Alborodo Comunislo (Communist Down), newspoper of the Revolutionory Communist Group of Colombio, o porticipoting orgonisotion of the Revolutionory I nternotionolist Movement. Betoncur government, which hod A short summotion of the guerrillo gronted omnesty ond even smoll movements in Colombio moy be in government stipends to hundreds of orderfor mony reoders. A notion of 29 million inhobitonts, o greot mony of them peosonts ruled by feudol londlords ond chiefs, Colombio hos been in the midst of or beiween civil portont buildings in the heori of the

votive porties beginning in 1948. lt ended in o power-shoring ogree- t7 Government t8

ment between the two porties. But on radio and TV. in mony of the country's rurol oreos, The bombing of the temple of the control of the centrol govern- bourgeois justice, with more than ment wos never re-estoblished. 400 people in it, forced the guerrilla Moss upheovols omong the commando to change its plans. They peosonts in the I 960s were occom- hadn't counted on this official ponied by the rise of o voriety of rived ot by o directly elected con- response. The events during the orgonisotions colling themselves. stituent ossembly" - which in foct "seizure of the Palace" and after- is how more thon one of Colombio's wards manifested the splits within severol reoctionory constitutions the ruling classes, the true character come into being. of M-19 and the polarisation among The FARC signed the govern- the masses in the face of the national ment's proposed truce in Morch political situation. 1984. The government then The international bourgeois sup- brought its troops to beor on the port which poured in from all over other, much smoller orgonisotions. Latin America, the U.S. and Europe The EPL ond loter M-19 signed in applauded Betancur's "firmness of August of thot yeor. However, in character" and the rapidity with June I 985 M- I 9 onnounced ihot it which he confronted the situation. considered the truce to hove been Taking his actions as a model for tionory Colombion Armed Forces ended by the Betoncur govern- how "terrorism" should be dealt (FARC), on ormy of I O- I 5,OOO men ment's foilure to live up to the ogree- qnd with, the call came from Mexico to women, moinly peosonts ment. - AWTW found a "worldwide front against whose poy ond living conditions ore terrorism," against communism in soid to resemble those of their At I l:45 in the morning of this period of crisis. In short, as brothers ond sisters in the stote orm- November 6th, a commando unit of Belisario Betancur said, "our strug- the M-19 guerrilla organisation seiz- gle is that of democracy against ter- ; ed the Palace of Justice in Bogota, rorism;" "you have to take sides." in order to carry out discussions Ir) within the framework of the The Dynamic of the Contradictions I "dialogue" about "violations" of Despite what has happened the rul- 6 the truce and other questions related ing classes and the Betancur govern- S to the "peace process." Starting ment are not going to give up the from this moment and for the next banner of "peace." The various : 28 hours, bloody combat took place contradictions within Colombian = between the guerrillas and the society are not all manifesting P defenders of the reactionary state. themselves with equal intensity. A {a At 3:30 in the afternoon the follow- careful study of the national tr ing Thursday, the official massacre political situation shows that what o ended amid rubble and the in- has been sharpening is the contradic- ed men ond women under its com- cinerated bodies of more than a hun- tion between the forces within the = dred men and women, including, country which are representatives of apparently, according to official the two imperialist blocs. Together sources, the entire guerrilla unit. with the sharpening of this con- Commander in Chief Belisario tradiction, the contradictions among launched "the biggest urban various forces of the pro-Western counter-guerrilla operation in the bloc are also sharpening, including nome, April l9th Movement, comes world," with the intention of show- those in power and those in the from the dote of the 1 970 notionol ing the world's reactionary govern- unarmed or armed opposition. ments how it's done. The disposition Betancur's proposed policy for a of forces included 25 tanks special- "peace process" or "opening" ly outfitted for urban counter- his amnesty, armed truce, pardon- guerrilla warfare, armoured cars, for the guerrillas and proposed rockets, helicopters, airborne reforms have not been welcomed assault units, every conceivable kind by some- sections of the ruling of bomb and over 5,000 soldiers, classes. Some radically pro-U.S. sec- police, "intelligence" operatives tions have brought strong pressure and DAS agents in Red Cross against it, criticising the policy as a uniforms, armed to the teeth. All of whole, the handling of the guerrilla ed them sent to "Defend Democracy, groups and the terms of the deals ed Boss!" as the pig colonel who com- and agreements. The proponents of rie manded the military operation put it what they call "restricted t9 democracy" have not opposed the the government is willing to talk and Political power is defended with policy of "democratisation" itself, negotiate only with the "mature, guns, and not with the jurisprudence taken to mean the promotion and serious, veteran" guerrillas of the of the judges. But this affair also strengthening of democratic FARC. Under current national con- shows that bourgeois democracy (of regimes, but they have criticised the ditions, there is no way the regime the old type) is a hollow and formal Executive and the policy of can carry out the "peace process" reality in the face of the reactionary "creating an opening." Since the just using machine guns. The con- power of imperialism. With the beginning of the "armed truce," tradictions within the ruling classes order to level the palace the essence Betancur has praised M-19's stand over how to negotiate with the guer- of what the regime sought to ac- and in turn M-19 has consistently rillas and the summation of what complish was this: on the one hand defended his policies. The contradic- happened at the Palace will not lead it wanted to show just who has state tion between M-19 and Betancur, as to cancelling the "peace process," power, and on the other with this ar- well as the contradiction between but rather to focusing their twin my action it sought to convince the M-19 and some typically pro-U.S. policies of negotiation and repres- masses that armed revolutionary circles, including some among the sion and strengthening their unity, struggle is useless. armed forces, sharpened with the above all in defense of their reac- Confusion and indignation arose seizure of the Palace; but this was a tionary state. in various quarters which could find process in which M-19 gradually lost The opinions put forward by the no explanation for why Betancur the support of sections of the heads of the different political par- had said in his first speech that bourgeoisie linked to Europe. This ties have gone no further than refer- "During my government not a drop does not mean that Betancur is not ring to "the deterioration of the of blood will be spilled" and, never- pro-U.S., which he certainly is, but peace process;" they've claimed that theless, several hundred people have that his stand is to play cards with the government has been "soft" on already been killed in confrontations the pro-Soviet forces in order to the guerrillas but nobody has called between the guerrillas and the army, shore up the pro-Yankee camp. for rejecting the "peace process." and hundreds have been tortured or The disagreements within the rul- Further, the strongest criticisms "disappeared," even without coun- ing classes revolve around the pro- have come from among supporters ting the massacres of November 6th Sovietism of the PCC and the of the government. After the army's and 7th. The "Palace massacre" FARC-UP. That is why the ruling massacre, even those who demand- was a rude shock for some people classes are clearing the way to deal ed Betancur take action against who used to consider the govern- D with them. So "why doesn't the M- subversion and added their voices to ment "progressive." For others, the E 19 keep its promises, why does it just the army's exaggerations, still sup- most backward, it was a demonstra- o create problems instead?" port the government. The opinions a government is tion that "strong" -F On March 20th 1984, the FARC of the "great" reactionary party needed to fight "terrorism." tr set up a mass organisation, the leaders are clear and not at all ac- The pro-Soviet PCC and the Patriotic Union (UP), to struggle for cidental. The pro-U.S. Conservative FARC-UP also seem to have d a "return to normalcy," "for a Alvaro Gomez and the pro-U.S. benefited from this situation. The { reform of political customs," with Liberal Carlos Lleras Restrepo dynamic of the contradictions, the main slogan, "make way for essentially agreed in their statements especially the contradiction between z reform." The government is giving that "as important as the lives of the representatives of the pro-U.S. s the pro-Soviets guarantees persons (i.e. 6 all the bourgeois leaders) may and pro-Soviet forces, has not been o\ they need to allow them to par- be, the most important thing was the extinguished; in some ways it has (lr ticipate "constitutionally" in elec- defense of institutions," and that, grown sharper. Characterising the tions. In this way the "democratic "since the armed forces are the M-19 action which all the Colom- opening" has been drawing lines of defenders of the constitutional bian and foreign press had labled demarcation : on the one hand, the order, they acted quite properly." terrorist, the PCC called it "a\ at- M-19 and the EPL; on the other, the Both these men raise a hue and cry tack carried out by madmen, FARC. In a year of armed truce, it about the struggle against "ter- isolated from the masses, at a time has become obvious which of these rorism. " when the country is facing new and the government considers more im- The Palace seizure demonstrates dangerous conditions," when portant in its "peace" agreements the Marxist-Leninist truth that the "right-wing enemies of peace" (i.e. and which is the principal contender army is the principal aspect of the the pro-U.S. forces) have been with the ruling classes: the pro- state, which is why "political power strengthened. For the pro-Soviet Soviets. grows out of the barrel of a gun." forces, what happened will not From this point of view, "defen- The reactionaries defended their change their tactical plans. ding democratic institutions' ' political power with their guns Although a certain hardening of the doesn't mean attacking only M-19 because some of them believed it was regime is foreseen, the agreements and the other groups ofthe so-called in danger of being seized by M-19. between the government and the "Guerrilla Coordinating Commit- The power of the Executive has FARC are not considered in danger. tee." Above all it means attacking been being strengthened to the detri- The pro-Soviet forces and their thc PCC ANd thE FARC-UP. ThC ment of the legislative and judicial army will not take up armed actions Palace massacre clearly shows that branches for some time now. without taking into account the 20

situation in Central America and the (Quindio), the attack on Army head- attacked and never will attack the balance of forces in the whole world. quarters in Bogota and finally the workers of the justice system (this is Before taking such action they need seizure of the Palace of Justice, all how Betancur referred to the judges to broaden their influence among during 1985, have led to a loss of at their funeral AWTW). On the the masses and build up their guer- prestige for M-19 among some sec- contrary, we went- to the court of rilla front; they need to win public tions of the bourgeoisie and the honour and law because the country opinion among other guerrilla "left" petit bourgeois intelligentsia. has sufficient grounds to put this forces, and now more than ever to Some of them believe that the government on political and judicial struggle for reforms in order to con- "democratic opening" is the correct trial, and because the Supreme solidate their zones of influence. road to follow; they believe in the Court and the State Council have "peace process" offered bythe pro- demonstrated their conscience and Loss of Support and Reformism U.S. Betancur regime. All these dignity" (El Tiempo, l4 November The pressure of the other Latin facts have political significance for l 985). American governments against the M-19, and this public opinion will With this there's nothing to dobut Colombian government's negotia- not necessarily be channeled into believe that they mean what they tions with guerrillas may have some pro-Sovietism, at least for now. say. M-l 9 respects "constitutionali- effect on the "democratic opening," Some circles tend to support the ty," bourgeois democracy, and its since in some other countries it is regime. worn-out three branches of govern- more practical for the pro-U.S. But the same can't be said of the ment. They believe in the rule of law regimes to take a hard line against broad masses, who in one way or and all they demand is that this the armed or unarmed opposition. another see that the road of armed capitalism have a "human face." In Latin America, there is for in- struggle will ultimately be the only Thus their military operation was to stance the example of the Manuel way out of poverty and oppression. confront the Army and not to kill Rodriguez Patriotic Front in The question is exactly who among hostages. But they made a mistake. Chile, a basically pro-Soviet guer- the various political forces and guer- They didn't take into account the rilla group which has recently rilla organisations in the field will be whole background, the previous ac- declared that the conditions have able to draw upon these sentiments. tions and present position of the matured for a general insurrection War is a continuation of politics regime and its armed forces. Thus agilinst Pinochet. To this we lo would by other means. This is valid for they did not and could not take into I add that a basically pro-Soviet of- reactionary and revolutionary account the possibility that the army 6 fensive, utilising mass actions for the political parties alike. In its action would "level the whole place,'' as it s defense of "democracy" and "the the M-19 clearly manifested a did. Since their line is reformist, not rule of law, " would sharpen up con- political and military line of "arm- one of putting an end to capitalism z ditions within their strategic vision ed reformism." Since M-19's Iine as a system but one of making it i of imperialist war. and programme are reformist, its more livable, their military orienta- g It is an obvious fact that some sec- military actions have the same con- tion is rife with the same outlook. tions of the bourgeoisie have been tent. To fight for "reforms" and For Ml9 war is a continuation of {a gradually withdrawing their political "peace" within the framework of their reformist politics by armed q support for M-19, especially since the present state is to fight in order means. It is a bourgeois political and o the Mexico meeting between Betan- to negotiate. In the analysis M-19 military line, in the social cur and Ivan Marino Ospina, then did after the seizure ofthe Palace, it democratic style, and thus does not = head of M-19, who was later criticised the government's er- seek a correct solution to the coun- assassinated. Recent editorials and roneous attitude in justifying what try's problems.... articles in the newspapers El Tiem- had happened : "this attitude only For the revolutionary com- po and Nueva Frontera show that confronts us with the abyss of the munists, the fundamental political the bourgeoisie used to consider M- government's senseless hatred and principle is to carry out the New 19 a formidable force because it makes it even more difficult to work Democratic revolution, which enjoyed favourable public opinion. for peace by methods other than means destroying the old Today these same newspapers are guerrilla struggle" (El Tiempo, 14 bureaucrat-landlord pro-imperialist saying that M-19 has lost that public November 1985). state. In military terms this means support. What are these other roads utilising revolutionary armed forces. The much-discussed break-up of besides guerrilla struggle which lead Based on this fundamental political the "armed truce" and the later to peace? What is being said is that principle, there must be a com- clashes in the department of Cauca, armed struggle is not the way to win munist party, the only guarantee of the taking of the town of Miranda peace, nor independence, liberty and victory for the oppressed, which in there and of the town of Genova in happiness for the oppressed. M-19 a process going from smaller to Quindio, clashes in the department simply wants reforms : "We took larger arouses the masses, builds of el Valle, the attempted assassina- the Palace of Justice for the sake of guerrilla zones and revolutionary tion of the head of M-19 and the truth and democracy. Not to de- base areas, building the political assassination of Ivan Marino Ospina mand alms or to benefit ourselves, power of the masses of people. This in Calle (el Valle), the attack on the not to attack the courts ofjustice nor is what is called revolutionary war, Cisneros Battalion in Armenia their representatives. We have never people's war.... tr The Declarqtion of the Revolutionary Internationqlist Movemelrl was adopted in March 1984 by the delegates and observers at the Second International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations which formed the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement. The following are the participating parties and organisations of the RIM: Central Reorganisation Committee Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Ceylon Communist Party Communist Collective of Agit/Prop [taly] Communist Committee of Trento Utalyl Communist Party of Bangladesh (Marxist-Leninist) [BSD (M-L)] Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist) Mao Tsetung Regional Committee Communist Party of Peru Communist Party of Turkey,/Marxist-Leninist Haitian International Revolutionary Group Nepal Communist Party [Mashal] New Zealand Red Flag Croup Revolutionary Internationalist Contingent IBritain] Proletarian Communist Organisation, Marxist-Leninist Italy] Proletarian Party of Purba Bangla (PBSP) [Bangladesh] Revolutionary Communist Group of Colombia Revolutionary Communist Party, USA Revolutionary Communist Union IDominican Republic] Union of Iranian Communists (Sarbedaran) Available in the following languages (partial list): Arabic, Bengali,Chinese, Creole, Danish, English, Farsi, French, Cer- man, Cujarati, Hindi, Italian, Kannada, Malayalam, Nepali, Punjabi, Spanish, Tamil, Turkish. lf plus 50 p handling. For more information write the Information Bureau of the Revolutionary lnternationalist Movement at the following address: BCM RIM London, WCIN 3XX U.K. 22

RIM Committee Messqge to RCP,USA

Dear Comrades, Marxist-Leninist party in one of the other oppressed nationalities, On behalf of the Revolutionary principal imperialist citadels. Your women, other proletarian sections as Internationalist Movement we salute struggle against the U.S. imperialist well as students and revolutionary the lOth anniversary ofthe Revolu- ruling class is of great importance intellectuals took up combat against tionary Communist Party, USA - for the struggles of the proletariat U.S. imperialism. the vanguard party ofthe proletariat and oppressed peoples of the world Most of all these years were mark- in the United States and an impor- with which it is inseparably linked. ed by a worldwide confrontation tant detachment of the international U.S. imperialism has long been between Marxism and revisionism. proletariat. exploiting and oppressing not only This monumental struggle led by The foundation ten years ago of millions of proletarians and oppress- Mao Tsetung reached its highest ex- the RCP,USA on the basis of the ed in the U.S. itself but has also been pression in the Great Proletarian revolutionary science of Marxism- maintaining its vicious empire at the Cultural Revolution. The struggle Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought expense of the misery, poverty and against modern revisionism led by was a victory for the proletariat in very lives of proletarians and op- the reactionary ruling clique of the the U.S. and worldwide. Since then pressed masses throughout the Soviet Union opened the way for the the RCP,USA has continued to ad- world. For this reason, the armed formation of genuine revolutionary vance along the path of the world seizure of political power in the U.S. communist organisations based on proletarian revolution and today, as by the proletariat and the establish- Marxism-Leninism- Mao Tsetung part of the Revolutionary Interna- ment of proletarian rule will repre- Thought. As Bob Avakian, Chair- tionalist Movement, is doing so all sent an extremely important stride in man of the Central Committee of the more. transforming the world and advan- the Revolutionary Communist Par- The Declqration of the Revolu- cing toward communism. Making ty, USA put it : "It is no exaggera- t iona ry I nte rnsti ona list Movement - revolution in such an imperialist tion to say that without the theory confirms the Leninist principle that citadel requires a well organised, and line developed by Mao and the "the world revolutionary movement well rooted, revolutionary interna- practice of the Chinese masses in is composed essentially of two tionalist party guided by Marxism- carrying it out, especially through streams - the proletarian-socialist Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought. the Cultural Revolution, our party revolution waged by the proletariat The RCP,USA was forged out of would not and could not have been and its allies in the imperialist the revolutionary upheavals of the founded when it was and on such a citadels and the national liberation, 1960s and early '70s in the United revolutionary basis." or new democratic revolution wag- States and around the world. In The RCP,USA was able to suc- ed by the nations and peoples sub- these years millions around the cessfully confront the situation after jugated to imperialism. The alliance world and in the U.S. itself were the counter-revolutionary coup between these two revolutionary awakened to political life and d'6tat in China following the death currents remains the cornerstone of entered raging battles against im- of Mao Tsetung. Under the leader- revolutionary strategy in the era of perialism, especially U.S. im- ship of Bob Avakian, the RCP,USA imperialism." It is, therefore, of perialism and its war of aggression successfully defeated a revisionist great importance for our movement against the Vietnamese people. In Iine and faction inspired by the to count in its ranks a revolutionary the U.S. itself Black people and (Continued to pqge 26) 23

RCP,USA Celebrqtes

Poster prepared to celebrate 10th anniversary of RCP features new book, Bullets by Bob Avqkiqn, Chqirmsn of the Central Committee of the RCP,USA. t Oth Anniversdry

The Revolutionary Communist new book, Bullets, a collection of ple in the U.S. Party, USA, a participant in the quotations from Bob Avakian, who Like most other participants in Revolutionary Internationalist has been the Chairman of its Central the RIM, the RCP,USA is a product Movement, celebrated its lOth An- Committee since the Party's foun- of the revolutionary upsurge that niversary through a campaign. most ding. The RW editorial issued a call swept the world in the 1960s and ear- especially in the pages of its weekly to build the RCP, including by join- ly '70s. In the U.S., Black masses ex- newspaper, the Revolutionary ing it and through financial con- ploded in urban rebellions, other na- Worker, to make it known in the tributions. Since then the RI{z has tional minorities and women too U.S. that there is a Party which is published numerous letters from took the political stage while preparing proletarian revolution in people who have been moved to tell millions protested the U.S. im- that country as a component part of of the Party's influence on their lives perialists' war in Vietnam. A the world revolution. The or of their support or adherence to thoroughly unpatriotic current grew RCP,USA launched the celebration the Party and its line, including up amongst the students and youth on October I, 1985, with a major many from proletarians, oppressed in the U.S. As the RW editorial editorial in the R IA', and with the an- nationalities, women and youth as notes, it was then that "the nucleus nouncement of the publication of a well as better-off sections of the peo- of today's vanguard began to assem- 24

'\;.3 i

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* s ts, I ..^ gr. b;" h oI 3 May Day 1980 z ble. That seed, the Revolutionary and faction which sought to follow the Russia of 1917, also differs in i Union (RU), played the key role in Deng Xiaoping's treachery and to lmportant ways. o the founding of the RCP in 1975. It bury the RCP in the red-white-and- The RCP,USA also points proud- h grew up in and was part of that ' '60s blue shroud of U.S. imperialism, the ly to its internationalist stand: "Par- {o tradition' here and internationally of Party learned valuable lessons, forg- ticularly in an imperialist country tr making radical breaks with tradi- ed a line on crucial questions of like this, where large sections of the o tion, including the heavy weight leading proletarian revolution in the population get at least temporary among the 'American left'of respec- U.S., and began to accumulate 'perks' from the imperialist plunder =<( table and patient so-called strength to actually carry this out. In of the world and are isolated from 'politics. "' pointing out what a difference the and blinded to the reality of the daily The editorial goes on to sum- existence of such a vanguard party horror suffered by hundreds of marize these early years: "We learn- has made in the U.S., the editorial millions at the hands of this systern, ed through at first primitive ex- turns first of all to "the realm of proletarian internationalism is a perience, much in the manner, as theory," giving as an example "the decisive dividing line for revolu- Lenin put it, of 'peasants going off Party's analysis of the political tion." This stand, they consider, to war' armed only with what was at economy of this epoch, its deepen- "provides a welcome and most im- hand. But while we, of course, ed grasp on the objective laws portant vehicle of expression for the began with many wrong notions, a underlying the international process real internationalist sentiments that process began - and has since of war and revolution" and its do exist among whole sections of deepened and continued - of mak- "analysis of the specific situation to- people in the U.S. who are sickened ing radical ruptures with the legacy day. " Furthermore, it sums up that by this country's deeds." of reformism which has infected the RCP,USA "has made great, if The editorial points to the decisive much of the American left and even still initial progress in charting an leadership of Bob Avakian in the international communist move- uncharted course." By this, the achieving this line, and to the conti- ment." RCP means the necessity to deepen nuing attacks on him by the im- In the course of the years that the understanding of the path of perialists (which forced him into ex- followed the formation of the proletarian revolution in an advanc- ile in 1980), and then sums up: RCP,USA, and particularly through ed imperialist country which, while "And through all this, over the the fight to defeat a revisionist line sharing certain basic features with past ten years and more, the RCP 25 has acquired the bottom line the capacity to lead. A vanguard -Party has not only been fought for in the realm of theory; one has been built and strengthened through struggle and precious experience. A revolu- tionary l{ew Programme has been forged. A central task of 'create public opinion, seize power' has been identified and embarked on. And underlying this Programme and central task, the Party has bas- ed itself on and developed revolu- tionary theory, has a grasp and sum- mation of key historical questions, domestically and on an international Ievel, and has acquired knowledge and experience in the practical movement. It has sharpened its sense, and helped other advanced forces do so, ofthe key questions of the day. It has developed organisa- tionally and has established a regular press. Armed with this press, and other vehicles of agitation and pro- paganda, the Party has developed - and aims at further developing a vehicle to take the 'pulse'of -the masses, to sense shifts in their mood D which are significant for the development of the revolutionary 1979. International incident created when 500 demonstrqte in support of s movement especially for seizing visit to the U.5.78 arrested, in' a - Mqo on the occqsion of Deng Xiaoping's F the possible opening toward an at- cluding Bob Avakicrn, received 25 felony chorges each. tr tempt at revolutionary power." This revolutionary interna- d tionalist stand has struck a chord in { z 6s o\ h

1978. Moody Pork, Houston, Texas. Angered by court fine of $l as "punishment"inthepolicemurder of a Mexican-American youth, the barrio explodes. 26

the U.S. and many have responded The RCP,USA has fought rhe to the RCP,USA's call to build the chauvinist attacks on these pro- RIM Messoge Party, as is shown by the letters letarians and indeed has welcomed published press. in its A Black their contribution to the revolu- (Continued from page 22) military veteran from Texas writes tionary struggle in the U.S. A Chinese revisionists who sought to that, "I am giving to the RCP significant number of the letters turn the party from its revolutionary because I want to see revolution published in the R W come from im- path. spread from the USA to the USA migrants, especially from Latin Since that time the Revolutionary (Azania)....General Motors, Ford America. One woman from the Communist Party, USA has played and ITT are some of the main sup- Dominican Republic wrote: an important role in the struggle to porters of the oppression in Azania "I am a proletarian woman who defend Mao Tsetung Thought and and throughout the Third World. works in the garmet district of New to regroup the genuine Marxist- Imagine what difference it would York and I have many questions Leninist forces internationally ef- make to the people to see a revolu- about what my role should be in the forts which contributed to the- con- tion in the United States. lt would struggle to overthrow the present vening ofthe First and Second Inter- lift the yoke of U.S. imperialism imperialist system. I am anxious for national Conference of from around their necks and help definitive changes to improve the Marxist-Leninist Parties and their struggle for liberation. " A pro- conditions of the workers in the gar- Organisations and the formation of letarian woman from San Francisco ment district as well as in the rest of the Revolutionary Internationalist writes that "Several weeks ago I the world. I see the need for a pro- Movement. The RCP,USA has also went to see the movie made by letarian vanguard that can organize played an active part in the struggle Yrlmaz Ciiney called The Wsll in and mobilise this mass of brothers to sum up the history ofthe interna- San Francisco. This movie really and sisters from different oppressed tional communist movement, to moved me. It made me very angry countries who come to the U.S. analyse contemporary reality and how those prisoners in Turkey were pushed mainly by hunger and the current world situation and draw treated and I thought about how repression only to find that the appropriate conclusions. This pro- much more difficult it is for those dream of abundance and oppor- cess has served to raise the level of people to get rid of their oppressors. tunities to study and work, etc., is debate in the international com- u) So how could I, living in America false. Instead they find crumbs munist movement and lay the basis not- do all I can to end this shit which are only form aI one or another for a higher degree of unity among and...stand back from contributing of making us accomplices to the the Marxist-Leninist S forces interna- to the only hope we have - a truly plunder, hunger and exploitation of tionally. ? proletarian vanguard who is ready countries from which we are forced Today all the major contradic- and willing to lead the people to real to emigrate. Likewise they try to tions in the world are intensifying liberation. " make us accept life as you live = it in and the danger of inter-imperialist g A number of youth wrote in too. a city like New York." world war and the possibilities for a One declared that, "The RCP and As the editorial points out, the major revolutionary advances are q{ the Revolutionary Internationalist RCP,USA is not about "to rest on increasing. In this light, the consis- o Movement have given me something our laurels": tent stand of the RCP,USA in i to live for in this mad, mad world - "For us, this lOth anniversary defending all genuine revolutionary revolution!" A Latino youth means two things. It is an occasion struggles of the proletariat and the declared that, "Believe me - there to rededicate ourselves to the cause oppressed, especially those directed are a lot of youth who really care of proletarian revolution - and against its "own" ruling class, of about what's going on but don't more than that, to accept the respon- training the proletariat and the have leadership. . . Despite all this sibility to meet still greater masses in the spirit of "revolu- 'Rambo-ness,' there are a lot of challenges, to make the further leaps tionary defeatism" and consistent youth who are genuinely concerned. required in the period ahead. And it internationalism, of preparing the It makes a big difference to be is also an occasion to put out a proletariat for armed uprising and helped to see that this system is all an challenge to others to step forward: the seizing of power is all the more illusion. Illusion in the sense of what to help build, financially support, vital. Carrying out these tasks will we thought it might have been. The and defend the RCP,USA - and require even further advances by the U.S. definitely lived up to rheir especially to join it and take on, as RCP,USA in relation to all the beliefs as was the case with the In- Party members, the revolutionary spheres of the class struggle. In these dians, slaves, and countless other tasks that must be taken on. efforts, the RCP,USA can count on crimes. Rape, women's oppression, "And we make these challenges the support of the Revolutionary In- plunder, no future, this, yes, this is of ourselves and others not just to ternationalist Movement. Amerikkka.... " mark ten years on the calendar. It As the ruler of a worldwide em- has everything to do with what time HAIL THE IOTH ANNIVER- pire with its tentacles spread around it is - the dangers and opportuniries SARY OF THE RCP,USA! the globe, U.S. imperialism has immediately before us. So for us, LONG LIVE MARXISM- literally millions and millions of im- this anniversary is an occasion to LENINISM-MAO TSETUNG migrant workers within its borders. cherish - and a time to seize." E THOUGHT! 27

The Tinderbox of Purbq Bqnglq

Greut numbers tuke to the streets of Dhaka l4th February, 1983. by Amir AIi and democracy that they themselves kill. * Amir Ali is a leading cadre of the Purba Taheruddin Ahmed* How should this phenomenon be ex- Banglar Sharbohara Parry (PBSP - Pro- plained? Should it be attributed to a letarian Party of Purba Bangla). Taheruddin Every general in Purba Bangla** freak of history or to the high Ahmed is a revolutionary activist who upholds tbe Declaralion who captures state power through a political consciousness- of the people of the Revolutionary Interna- tionalist Movemenl. military coup d'6tat projects himself of Purba Bangla? Whenever the rul- ** The historical name of the land is Purba as a great advocate and saviour of ing classes of Purba Bangla and their Bangla. ln I97l the Indian puppet governmenr "democracy" right from the begin- interests foreign masters find their of Sheikh Mujib named it "Bangladesh," a ning. These enemies of democracy threatened they resort to open name that carries an unacceptable political shed oceans of tears for the fascism as was content. - civil or military - 28

seen during the rule of Sheikh Mu- Sattar, then arranged his own elec- class interests. And so they sat with jib or GeneralZiaur Rahman, or as tion to the presidency. But even dur- folded hands. It was as if Ershad is seen today under General Ershad, ing Sattar's rule, General Ershad and these forces were performing the current ruler of Purba Bangla. in violation of their Constitution - the same function from different No sooner had Ershad overthrown busily lectured the army on the "role- sides: Ershad banned political ac- the previous U.S. puppet than he of the army in nation-building." tivity, while these oppositionists im- began to chant full-throated slogans The Sattar government, heavily plemented his ban. It is aptly noted about "restoring democtacy" dependent on the army, did not or that birds of a feather flock more so even than any democrat.- could not take any action against together. This is a phenomenon typical of this. Within a few days after Ershad's Purba Bangla and most third- world It was thus evident that military seizure of power, the PBSP put anti- countries : the ruling classes try to rule was in the offing and the Pur- martial law posters up at Dhaka create and maintain a democratic ba Banglar Sharbohara- Party (the University and circulated a leaflet image of themselves, but the necessi- Proletarian Party of Purba Bangla exposing him and putting forward ty of their class interests invariably PBSP) alerted the people to the three points as a minimum basis for compels them to shatter that fake danger.- Soon afterwards, Ershad a unified anti-martial law move- democratic cloak and resort to toppled Sattar, and the new junta ment: l) immediate withdrawal of barefaced tyranny and then these immediately suspended the Con- martial law, 2\ immediate and un- chameleons, faced -with the peoples' stitution and banned all political ac- conditional release of all political ac- movements, turn right around tivities, making the slightest tivists behind bars, and 3) abroga- and once again try to put a halo of criticism of their rule a punishable tion of all black (repressive) Iaws. democracy over their heads. But offense. Beforehand, when the initial signs of whatever form their rule takes, it is Thus another burden of military an imminent coup had just surfaced, always as autocratic as it is dic- fascism came down on the backs of PBSP had suggested what should be tatorial. the people of Purba Bangla. done in the probable new situation. The people of Purba Bangla are It should be mentioned here that This laid the basis for the protests historically dead against all sorts of U.S. hegemony over Purba Bangla immediately after the military autocratic rule, and especially was re-established through an earlier takeover. military dictatorship. The history of military coup in 197 5, and has been The student movement continued t{) the people of our country proves maintained since then. The Ershad to develop. A coalition of l4 student I this, from the period when Purba government is a puppet of U.S. im- groups prepared to observe the 20th a Bangla was a province of Pakistan, perialism; Purba Bangla is a anniversary of the day in September 3 and the people rose against the dic- neocolony of the U.S. imperialists, 1962 when a number of valiant sons ? tatorships of Generals Ayub Khan and they are, together with their of the soil sacrificed their lives in the and Yaha Khan, up to the present. puppet Ershad, the principal enemy fight against .,he Pakistani govern- i This is why the shrewd fox General of the people of Purba Bangla at this ment. The day before the anniver- oh Ershad portrayed himself as a time. sary, three radical student leaders, a democrat. But as the saying goes, Ershad immediately declared his including Shiblee Kayum, were ar- { you aan't fool all the people all the devotion to democracy in his first rested for pasting up anti-martial tr just o time, and from the very day Ershad radio speech - and as quickly law posters. After a twenty-minute i seized power in 1982 he has faced he was met with protests. Though hearing they were sentenced to seven staunch mass resistance from these were confined to the universi- years of rigorous imprisonment. The workers, students, intellectuals and ty campuses at Dhaka, the capital, government followed this shortly other political forces. The three and at Rajshahi University, they afterwards with the announcement subsequent years have been filled carry immense political importance, of a new, highly reactionary educa- with such struggles. for they were the first courageous in- tional policy, which was rejected by cidents of openly trampling on mar- the conscious students and intellec- OVERVIEW OF THE ANTI. tial law, and they served as the spark tuals. So-called opposition leaders MARTIAL LAW STRUGGLES for later resistance. These incidents maintained almost complete silence. created the atmosphere for the for- Only PBSP countered with an History is a continuous process mation of the Student Action Com- outline of a national democratic where the past has its own past. mittee (SAC). educational programme. Even before the current military jun- Even while the students bravely The students at Dhaka Universi- ta took power, there were definite protested, the big political organisa- ty launched another procession; the signs that martial law was at the tions sat idle. The pro-American and government countered with a police doorstep. pro-Indo-Soviet political forces attack, including on professors. Before this, the last military dic- though they have hundreds of con-- When the students called a strike, tator, GeneralZiaur Rahman, who tradictions with each other form the government closed the campus had turned in his khaki "khurta" part of the same ruling class- as Er- for three days. All this activated the (army dress) for civilian clothes, was shad. Thus the capture of power by students even more. Working people assassinated in a military coup Ershad, while it threatened their and industrial labourers began to d'6tat. His vice-president, Abdus group interests, did not menace their join them. On January llth, 1983, 29 the students called for a procession number of people on the spot and limitations : it lacked proletarian and sitting strike in front of the wounding many more. Curfew was leadership; it was not integrated with Ministry of Education. It was the clamped down, the University clos- the armed struggle and the other first time the students left the cam- ed, and the students ordered to clear struggles of the people, especially pus and took to the city streets. out. the workers and peasants; and it was Worried by this, Ershad propos- Like the January demonstration, not directed towards truly national ed a dialogue with the students. The thousands of common people par- democratic ends. Despite this, the students responded with three ticipated in this procession too, in- student movement forced Ershad to demands: annulment of thepropos- cluding in fighting the police. Wor- propose a "dialogue" with the op- ed educational policy, a democratic ried about the militancy of students position political parties. But what atmosphere in the educational in- and common people, l5 pro-Indo- this dialogue amounted to was a stitutions, and release of the three Soviet political parties which up un- process of seeking a way to share imprisoned student leaders. til that point had played no active power by the various contending The PBSP wholeheartedly sup- part in the anti-martial law move- groups in the ruling class, while ported the students' programme of ment came forward to contain the naturally keeping the key to power openly violating martial law. Mean- rising movement. The next day the in the hands of the current ruling while the reactionary political government again beat up hundreds group. This kind of parlour politics groupings peeped out of their dark of students, and arrested thousands may be suitable for the palace plot- lairs and preached to the students to and thousands. Many people were ters, but the politics of the workers not violate martial law, under the killed. and peasants is something different. pretext of awaiting the completion Up to this point the student move- With this dialogue, the govern- of preparations for country-wide ac- ment had played a positive role, with ment also sought to supplement its tions. The opportunist section of the the events in February being the high use of force in preventing the rise of student leadership bowed in imbecile point. But the students alone could the anti-martial law movement. And obedience to their respective carry the movement no further. by channeling all political activity "mother" organisations. They Henceforth the reins of the move- towards this parlour politics and modified their programmes so as not ment were increasingly in the hands merely setting down a few precondi- to violate martial law - but no one of the l5-party alliance which had tions for dialogue, the 15-party could say they had abandoned the been formed, led especially by the alliance lent the government a hand. movement! In fury, militant pro-Indo-Soviet Awami League and The SAC lost initiative and became L students chased out these leaders by the Communist Party of inactive. Thus a very militant flow and dismantled their office. Bangladesh, the direct 4gent of the of stormy anti-martial law struggle s One thing to be noted here is that D Soviet Union. This was reflected in gradually subsided. F so long as the student movement the programme the Student Action tr followed their own course the anti- Committee (SAC) adopted. While 1983 Events martial law movement was gaining containing some legitimate Now that the students and masses d strength. But as soon as the reac- democratic demands, it also called had paved the way with their blood, { tionary mother organisations gain- for restoring lhe 1972 reactionary the various political forces began to z ed control, they lost their militancy. constitution. come out of the woodwork. This was also confirmed by later The 1972 constitution, while ser- On the one hand, this process saw 5 developments. people 6 ving all Five Enemies of the a series of splits and factional divi- Ot But January I lth, the date of the of Purba Bangla U.S. im- sions, which reflected the clash of (Jr sitting strike at the Ministry of perialism, Soviet social.imperialism,- various groups and their foreign Education, was another day - a day Indian expansionism, bureaucratic masters now that there were pro- of rightful revolt against the oppor- comprador capitalism and spects of taking a bite of the cake of tunist leaders. It was particularly feudalism principally screened power. Alongside this, different marked by the growing participation the Soviets- and Indian expan- alliances and combines of political of non-student outsiders in the ac- sionists. Its programme differed parties formed. Besides the tivity, proving that the common from military fascism only in form, aforementioned l5-party alliance, people were moving to fight against not in content. The lO-Point Charter there arose the 10-party combine, an military fascism. The student leader- which the SAC adopted also anti-Indo-Soviet, diehard pro- ship, worried by its own isolation targeted only U.S. imperialism while American grouping led by the from the masses during these ac- seeking to protect Soviet social- Democratic League (DL) of Mosta- tivities, tried to regain the initiative imperialism and Indian expan- que Ahmed, a former president. by calling for another action in sionism. Under these conditions, This was followed shortly by a 7- mid-February if the government revolutionary democratic and party combine, led by the pro-U.S. didn't heed their demands, Which patriotic students could not remain BNP (Bangladesh Nationalist the government did not - what it in SAC. They initiated their own Party). did instead was call out riot cars and organisations, such as the "Revolu- But though PBSP tried its best, no tear gas on the February procession, tionary Students Movement" and alliance of the true revolutionary and finally police opened fire on the "Militant Student Unity. " and patriotic forces could be form- processionists, killing a great The student movement faced real ed. It is a matter of great disappoint- 30

ment that in the interest of their it, referring to this common charter, tage that he proposed dialogue, for jockeying with the military junra the "The five point movement never re- his own ends. These included getting pro-Indo-Soviet and the pro- jects elections, rather elections is the tacit recognition of his legitimacy American political forces had the ultimate end of this five point pro- from the opposition and generally judiciousness to minimize their dif- gramme." (Forum, Bulletin No. 29, securing his own position by passing ferences and come to terms, while January 1985). These alliances could out a few crumbs and undermining the revolutionary and patriotic not allow the anti-martial law move- any possibility of a growth of the op- forces for a long time failed to feel ment to march forward towards true position. Also, in the heat of the the urgency of uniting with other democracy for the masses of people. previoils movement the opposition progressive forces. They were seeking to regain and re- groups had promised publicly that Several of the alliances came establish t he i r so-called democracy, they would not participate in a together to call for a series of ac- the "democracy" of the ruling dialogue under this "illegal" tions, including a general strike in classes the Awami League and the military government and the November, 1983. On that day, BNP had enjoyed during their masses were very much- in a mood workers, students and other sections tenure, which is nothing more than for the complete overthrow of of the petit bourgeoisie responded the dictatorial rule of the agents of military rule and not at all for with great enthusiasm, coming out imperialism and different foreign capitulation. in far greater numbers than ex- exploiters over the masses of people. So for the opposition, taking part pected. All the streets of Dhaka were They used the movements of the in dialogue under these conditions full of slogan-chanting processions. people as pressure levers in their ran the risk of isolation from the The people demonstrated their bargaining with the junta. Move- masses, with little prospects of real determination to fight the military ment, compromise, again gain. And without the bigger groups goYernment to the last. Neither movements, compromise and retreat like the Awami League and the bullets nor death could scare them. - such is their logic. Whereas the BNP, Ershad gained little from his To suppress their fury, the blood- logic of the people's movement is initial dialogue proposal. Thus the thirsty junta used rifles and development from lower to higher, reactionaries in and out of power bayonets, killing and injuring very and then to eyen higher stages. failed to reach any agreement. many and arresting innumerable At this point, in November, Subsequently, with the offer of people. The government imposed a General Ershad formed his own par- sub-district elections Ershad hoped to tr.l new ban on all political activities, ty, Janadal, from a crew of fortune- entice the opposition into a position I € while also declaring a schedule of hunters and mercenary politicians. of tacitly recognising his govern- g elections for the parliament, the He had been Chief Martial Law Ad- ment. For this very reason, the op- presidency and at the local level. ministrator and now took over the position parties refused to par- ? The masses of people were trying office of President of Bangladesh, ticipate in these local elections. This i to carry forward and intensify the thus openly taking into his own set the stage for the bloody course movement, whereas the leadership hands all the powers which he taken by the strike on March lst. P was trying to hold them back. In already possessed. Two days beforehand, the police {a their group interests those sections forces drove a heavy truck into a q of the ruling classes of Purba Bangla The Year 1984 procession and killed two students o that are now in the opposition had The year was filled with movements, from Dhaka University. Then they i to resort to movements against the killings, compromise, dialogue, let loose a reign of terror by their military rulers and they had no repeated strikes, the shifting of elec- hired gundas (hooligans), arresting, choice but to allow- these movements tions, and so forth. injuring and killing many people. to develop somewhat in their logical Early in the year, Ershad reissued Despite the repression, this latest direction. But from the standpoint a call for dialogue. Fifty-nine parties round of strikes and movements of their class position, they could not responded which only shows that pushed the government back to a allow these movements to develop to in Purba Bangla- too the old expres- strategically defensive position, and the point where they overthrow not sion that scoundrels choose politics it was forced to give in to some only the present government but the as their last refuge holds true. (There minor demands of the opposition, whole system, including them. are about a hundred political parties while protecting the essential pillars The l5-party alliance and the 7- in Purba Bangla.) After much of its power. Thus it postponed the party combine agreed upon a com- vacillation. the more important local elections and, to facilitate the mon charter which calls for an end groups, the l5-party alliance, the 7- opposition participating in the to martial law and the restrictions on party combine, and the Islamic fun- dialogue this time, it also released political activity, the restoration of damentalist group Jamat 23 par- imprisoned members of the opposi- political - rights and elections. They ties in all - declined, pointing to tion parties (and only members of are not in favour of the forcible continued restiictions on political these parties) and declared an easing overthrow of martial law. They activity. Their real reason was that of restrictions on trade union and want a share of power through elec- they had little to gain. political activity. tions, even if held under martial law At that time Ershad still retained The 23 parties did in fact par- conditions. As one Communist Par- the offensive position, and it was ticipate in this new round of ty of Bangladesh (CPB) stalwart put from this position of relative advan- dialogue. But now the unity between 3t the opposition forces began to crevice, centring on the question of which of two major constitutional Report on o arrangements of electoral power would best benefit their own in- terests. The l5-party alliance sought Guerrillo Attock a return to the parliamentary system of government of the 1972 Constitu- tion, while the 7-party combine The following correspondence against the masses. The government sought to bring back the presidential wos received from the PBSP. and local tyrants killed I I people in system provided for in the subse- -AWTW 1984, including several Party cadres. quently suspended constiturion. On 7th December 1985 guerrillas of Three Party activists were killed in Both are opposed to the people's the Proletarian Party of Purba one incident in April 1985 and democracy which must be the goal Bangla (PBSP), through a comman- another cadre was killed shortly of the mass struggle. When the 7- do attack, captured a police camp thereafter. The government and party combine announced that it specially assigned to crush the Par- local tyrants were filled with joy at would no longer go along with the ty organisation in the district of the setbacks suffered by the Party. new programme of elections, the Norosingdi. They took possession of They began a propaganda campaign compromise again fell apart. That all the arms and ammunition at the in support of their goal of the government and the opposition camp. They distributed leaflets "uprooting" the Party. The govern- could not come to a truce was rather among the people and then retreated ment posted a large number of good for the people. safely, while chanting party slogans. Reserve Police forces and an armed The government rescheduled elec- One of the constables later succumb- battalion and set up many camps. tions for December. Ershad ap- ed to his injuries. They began carrying out in- pointed members of the Janadal This attack took place in the discriminate arrests, torture and party which he had initiated to his district of Noroshingdi, 80 other repressive measures to "ferret cabinet. The opposition complained kilometres from Dhaka where the out" Party activists and guerrillas. that such a government could not reactionary leaders of seven Asian A young activist was tortured to hold neutral elections and that Er- countries were at that moment death in December 1985. The In- shad was drawing the Army into gathered for the opening-day spector General of the police forces D politics. It announced that it would ceremonies of the South Asian personally took part in these ac- not take part in the new elections Association for Regional CoOpera- s tivities. ! either. The gap between the govern- tion. The heads of Bangladesh, From among the pro-U.S. and F ment and the opposition was as large Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, pro-Soviet political parties, some tr as ever. Pakistan and Sri Lanka were hat- who are paid agents of one or the d Each of the two opposition ching out conspiratorial agreements, other of these two powers also lent groups prepared its own separate in the name of what they call united a helping hand in all these { mass mobilisation for mid-October, resistance to "terrorism," against massacres. with the aim of showing their respec- the revolutionary movements of the As a result, the Party lost control I= tive organisational strength. Ershad 1,000 million people of South Asia. of the mass-base and other areas. 6 countered by calling his own gather- The guerrillas served a first-rate slap But the repression failed to stop the o\ ing first, at which he declared that to this conspiracy. active role of the Party in these (h his government was non-political Norosingdi is one of the struggl- areas. since his source of power was mar- ing mass-base areas of the Party. To The fall of the police camp was a tial law. He then showed his suppress the mass uprising in exten- blow against the enemies of the peo- venomous teeth, as he sought to in- sive areas of the district, since April ple and a victory for the revolu- stigate communal (religious) con- 1984 the government Armed Forcds tionary struggles. The masses of flict. has conducted incessant and bar- people celebrated this victory in a Each of the mass meetings held by barous repressive expeditions jubilant mood. tr the opposition was immense, show- ing the anti-martial law spirit of the people. The government responded with offers of compromise. These the masses to plunge into the move- of the proletariat's leadership im- were not the fruit of the good wishes ment with boundless spirit and the peded this too. ofErshad, nor ofthe fight ofthe op- force of a storm. It was this that position. They were the result of the forced the Awami League and the Workers and Peasants immense sacrifice of the people of BNP to join the movement, and it The industrial workers started Purba Bangla. They resolutely was this that forced Ershad to issue moYements over economic issues, fought the military junta, even when his compromises. but gradually took up the anti- the big parties were inactive; and None of these forces intended to martial law political struggle. Their when the latter finally began to let the anti-martial law struggle role was vital, and even when the op- move, this was only a green light for develop too far - and the weakness position parties sat idle at the end of 32

.;.{ri:i::::

{) I a An example of Ershad's democracy. s ? '84, they continued to struggle, for and other movements of the mid-1984. instance, calling a 48-hour strike, peasants. It mobilised peasants and By now, however, the party has i with which the opposition failed to other rural people in the anti- once more begun to overcome the P cooperate. election movement. Owing to these difficulties. PBSP has played a vital a{ Even so, the working class move- activities of the PBSP, rural people role in the anti-martiallaw move- tr ment is still predominantly confin- in some areas rejected the election ment, exerting influence on it; reac- o ed to the narrow bounds of politics and did not go to the polling tionaries cannot but count PBSP as i economic demands. The 23 parties centres. In some places, they a growing political factor. continually sought to limit their par- dismantled the polling booths and Other than the PBSP a few other ticipation and, together with the burnt them to ashes. By late '83 and organisations like Bangladesher government, to silence them with the early '84 in some of the mass base Sharbohara Party (BSP) and Purba mere promise of material benefit. It areas of the party armed struggles Banglar Communist Party,/Marxist- should be noted that most of the big and other peasant movements had Leninist (PBCP/ML) are more or labour organisations are flonts for gained real momentum, and large less conducting armed struggle in the opposition parties. In sum, the numbers of people gathered under rural areas. Though they have conscious proletarian movement in the party's banner. A process of wrong attitudes towards the anti- Purba Bangla is just starting, and disintegration of the reactionary martial law mass movement, their that is why it is still very weak. local power and the establishment of struggles no doubt are hitting the As for the peasants, neither of the people's power began. The further present social and state system. big oppositional groupings has any development of these activities by (More on these groups later.) strength and influence among them. PBSP frightened the reactionaries, At this point, in late '84, the 23 Thus the peasants played little role and to nip PBSP in the bud they sent parties fell idle, except for prepara- in this movement. Only PBSP tried heavily armed repressive expeditions tion for the spring parliamentary to mobilise the peasants in the anti- against the rural masses. The 23 par- elections. After all,.they had little martial law movement. ties never protested this mass repres- else they could do. The anti-martial In the urban areas generally PBSP sion. Rather, they supported the law mass movement had gone about actively integrated and coordinated government, at least indirectly. For as far as they could safely take it; they the anti-martial law movement with all these reasons, PBSP fell into a could hope for nothing more from the armed struggle in the countryside disadvantageous position after it. Their only other two alternatives 33 were people's war or a military coup to protest with fury unrestricted by leadership, AL captured the leader- d'etat. They cannot but oppose peo- the admonitions of the leaders. The ship of the anti-Pakistani mass ple's war, from the point of view of atmosphere was militant. The heads struggle. Originally, AL was a pro- their class interests, and they do not of the 23 parties were once again American political organisation, but have enough influence in the army compelled to promise they would in the specific circumstances of for a coup. Thus they sat idle and not take part in the elections. 1971, when U.S. imperialism back- readied themselves for the elections. Ershad seized the chance. He ed Pakistani reaction, and on the This is how a year full of movements reimposed the martial law regula- other hand Indian expansionism and and agitation came to a close. tions he had previously eased during the last leg of that year Soviet somewhat. Once again all political social-imperialism backed AL in its 1985 activity was declared illegal. fight against Pakistan, this party In this tranquil atmosphere without However, this was not so upsetting changed its foreign master. They movement the year 1985 stepped in. to the chiefs of the opposition. As sold out Purba Bangla to India. Since the opposition parties had for the heads of the AL and the The 7-party combine under the indicated willingness to participate BNP, on the day Ershad reimposed leadership of BNP consists of pro- in elections under martial law, the martial law one of them spent the American and pro-Chinese political government began to meet some of day at a cultural show and the other forces. BNP itself is a motley gather- their election preconditions. In at a marriage while no pro- ing of political fortune hunters and return, the opposition did nothing to gramme came out- of either group. splinter groups piled up under mobilise any movement against Ershad went on to make himself government sponsorship by the late martial law, nothing at all. This President again through a referen- G.Ziaur Rahman. BNP, which, like situation held until February 1985. dum, appointed more of his men AL, is an organisation of com- Meanwhile, a process of unity from Janadal to the government, prador br:reaucrats and feudals, is among the revolutionary and ge- held the long-delayed local elections itself a puppet in the hands of U.S. nuinely patriotic forces began. and then in mid-August 1985 floated imperialism. Though the festival was almost over, a pro-government political front. Based upon their attitudes to the in light of future developments such Thus Ershad consolidated his posi- anti-martial law movement, these unity has much importance. This tions as best he could, while thb big political parties can be grouped in process led to the formation of opposition leaders yawned lazily three categories: united fronts like the "Revolu- from their divans. a) While not including any group D tionary Committee for the Obser- in its entirety, elements and factions E vance of Ekushey" (a day of mar- POLITICAL FORCES AND of a number of these parties were at o T tyrs), the ' 'Revolutionary THEIR RESPECTIVE ROLE IN all times opposed to anti-martial law F Democratic Front," and finally, THE MOVEMENT struggles. The Shah Aziz group of tr "Militant Students Unity" which, the BNP can be cited as an example. despite the later retightening of mar- The l5-Party and 7-Party Alliances b) Groups, principally AL, BNP d tial law, continues its activity today. The l5-party alliance is a group of and CPB, who fought the military { Though the 23 parties were in pro-Indo-Soviet and pro-Chinese junta under the compulsion of their z favour of elections under martial revisionist political forces, with the own interest but all the time took a law, they did not dare make this former in the majority. It is led by conciliatory stand, with their eyes aI decision openly. This was because of the Awami League (AL) and the fastened continually on simply a o\ the deep hatred of the military rulers Communist Party of Bangladesh share of power even if under mar- Ur among the masses and even among (CPB). The AL of Sheikh Hasina is tial law. Their -influence was a ma- the members of these parties. Thus a puppet of Indian expansionism jor factor in impeding the antimar- a deadlock existed, blocking motion backed by Soviet social-imperialism; tial law struggles from being carried between the government and the op- the CPB is a paid agent of the forward. They were compelled to position. Soviets. Other prominent pro-Soviet fight in no small part because of the This deadlock was opened up organisations include Jatio Sama- consciousness and militancy of the somewhat by a cold-blooded jtantrik Dal (JSD) and Bangladesh masses, including in their own lower manoeuvre of the government. On Krishak Shramik Awami League ranks. This militancy was a product February l3th, 1985, pro-goYern- (BAKSAL), while the rest are of earlier struggles, chiefly the ment ruffians opened fire on a generally petit bourgeois social periods of 1969-7 1 and l97 3-7 4. The peaceful student procession and kill- democrats of the pro-Soviet bloc or first saw the people of Purba Bangla ed a young student leader from else pro-Chinese revisionists. launch mass movements and armed Dhaka University. Such killings at The AL is an organisation of the struggle against Pakistan, a heroic the height of huge movements which pro-Indo-Soviet comprador struggle which was betrayed by AL certainly threatened the government bourgeoisie and feudals. From the and CPB. During 1973-74,PBSP is one thing but what could ex- time of its origin, the AL undertook and other patriotic and democratic plain such a killing- in the tranquil at- some sort of nationalist movement forces developed country-wide arm- mosphere existing then? In fact, the against Pakistani exploitation of the ed struggle against the pupPet murder fueled the fire among the people of Purba Bangla. In the regime of Sheikh Mujib. students and others: they burst in- absence of any strong proletarian c) Those petit bourgeois groups 34

and social democrats who, despite character. They killed thousands of the desired goals. their somewhat militant character, revolutionaries and patriots, in- were unable to sustain and lead the cluding hundreds of unarmed REVOLUTIONARY AND anti-martial law movement because prisoners. They suppressed the PATRIOTIC FORCES OPPOSED of their class character and tailism. economic movements of even pro- TO THE FIVE ENEMIES Scattered among all these fessional groups, and have ter- categories were those who dreamed minated low salary employees en of a military coup at some oppor- masse. In the anti-martial law move- Though the number of genuine tune moment. ment, they have always proved com- revolutionary and patriotic forces Despite their various differences, bat ready to divert all movement in- opposed to the Five Enemies is the groups in all three categories to the channels of parliamentary great, they are scattered about in shared one feature : they did not go politics. Their pledge that they "are small groups and organisations. into action against martial law till against the military rule, but never Thus separately they do not have long after its promulgation, and in against the army," is not so much great influence over the masses, but fact opposed such action in practice. sycophancy designed to win generals their combined strength is not in- over to their own ends as a solemn significant. From among these 10 Party Bloc promise to keep the present system groups the only participants in the The l0-party bloc was led by the intact. Revolutionary Internationalist Democratic League (DL) of K. The class basis of this outlook, Movement are PBSP and BSD (M- Mostaque Ahmed, the die-hard and particularly its effort to sup- L) (Bangladesher Samyabadi Dal agent of U.S. imperialism. DL is a press the revolutionary programme, [Marxist-Leninist], one of several reactionary communal organisation. which is today directed at the Five parties whose Bengali name trans- This bloc had little influence over the Enemies, is that they are the lates into English as Communist movement and disintegrated due to organisation of, by and for the com- Party of Bangladesh IMarxist- palace plots of the DL and prador bureaucrats and feudals. Leninistl). divergences among the groups. 2) This second category of parties Based on their ideological and supporting the Five Point, Pro- political lines and their attitude Jamayat-e-Islami gramme includes a) paid agents of towards martial law, these groups This (CPB) ro communal Islamic fundamen- Moscow and die-hard Soviet can be grouped as follows: talist organisation I serves the in- agents like NAP(M), NAP(H), a) Bangladesher Sharboh ar a P ar - a terests of U.S. imperialism and the Ekota Party, BAKSAL; b) pro- ty (BSP) and Purba Banglar Com- S Saudi petro-dollar. They are hated Soviet social-democrats like JSD, munist Party (Marxist-Leninist) by the people of Purba Bangla. Dur- BSD, Workers Party; and c) pro- (PBCP-ML). Though they have dif- ing the liberation struggle of 1971, Chinese revisionists, RCL, UPP, ferences on many issues, their line i= Jamat stood with the Pakistani oc- Democratic Party, BSD(T), on the anti-martial law movement o cupation forces and killed thousands BSD(AD), etc. unites them. Both groups conduct h of people. They have taken part in Those forces of sub-categories (b) armed struggle, but BSP has re- {a the anti-martial law movement in and (c) are all petit bourgeois refor- jected Mao Tsetung Thought, has q coordination with the lS-party and mists, who stand with the system; become Hoxhaite and revisionist o 7-party alliances. the social democrats among them and opposes the RIM, whereas Despite the differences which tailed AL, BNP and CPB in the anti- PBCP(ML) professes to uphold = arise based on their international martial law struggles. From their Mao's Thought and at the same time connections, the AL, BNP, DL and reformist position, they are in blindly follows the lines and Jamat all have the same class base: favour of economic movements of methods of Comrade Charu they are organisations of the com- various professional groups. They Mazumdar (Comrade Mazumdar prador bureaucrats and feudals. use this to argue that they are not was the founder-leader of the Com- And they all support the same Five tailing the bourgeoisie but uniting munist Party of India [Marx- Point programme. It is worth going with them on a tactical basis, even ist-Leninistl and was killed by the into a bit more depth on the respec- citing Lenin to justify this. This can- reactionary Indian government in tive attitudes of these parties not obscure that they have accepted 1972). The attitude of the towards social revolution. in full the programme of the com- PBCP(ML) towards the RIM is l) From among the forces active prador bourgeoisie and have aided negative. Neither group forms mass in the anti-martial law movement, them in their efforts to keep the pre- organisations nor do they conduct AL, BNP, DL and Jamat are the sent system intact. Even so, they are mass movements; furthermore, they most reactionary. They are dead still able to mislead large numbers of have no concrete line and method against any change in the existing honest, sincere patriots and revolu- regarding this problem. state and social system. AL, BNP tionaries. Without exposing and un- Their stand on the question of and DL have all been in state power masking them, it will not be possible military rule is also the same: They at one time or another since 1971, to carry forward the corhmunist do not understand that military rule and have proved their unpatriotic, movement or even the movement has given rise to a particular situa- autocratic and utterly reactionary for genuine people's democracy to tion and hence has set new duties 35 and obligations before the revolu- Programme but in fact this amongst the agents of U.S. im- tionaries. They confine themselves amounts to unity- UNDER the Five perialism, Soviet social-imperialism to the anti-imperialism, anti- Point Programme. Theirs is a refor- and Indian expansionism. Conse- feudalism strategic slogan and in mist stand and they are in fact being quently. they see no necessity to play practice oppose the anti-martial law "utilised" by supporters of the Five an active role here. democratic movement. In practice, Point Programme. Thus their con- It is true that tussle among then, they are unable to grasp the ception of unity is rightist, while that enemies is one aspect of this situa- fact that the anti-martial law move- of BRCP-ML and CPB-ML is left tion, but it is not the whole picture. ment is the specific application of deviationist. The former tail the An objective contradiction between this strategy to the specific situation reactionaries under the cover of tac- the people of Purba Bangla and the of military rule, so that carrying out tical unity while the latter, who fear military regime does exist, and this strategic line obliges the perfor- being used, oppose the unity which forms the basis for this movement. mance of specific duties. For this is necessary and possible to achieve. This outlook sees only the con- reason they do not understand and On the question of Mao Tsetung tradictions among the enemy and more than that do not even try to Thought, the stand of these two par- not the contradiction between the understand the problem of the anti- ties is centrist. BRCP(ML) has not enemy and the people. Thus it turns martial law movement and the dif- yet labelled Mao Tsetung Thought these groups into helpless spectators. ferent types and degrees of unity re- as revisionist, but on the other hand These groups maintained the same quired with other anti-martial law they do not uphold it as a contem- attitude towards the communal con- forces. In fact, they have no role in porary development of Marxism- tradiction in the period of British the anti-martial law mass move- Lenihism. In the past they practiced colonialism (before 1947) and also ment. Objectively, then, their inac- the armed struggle, but in the last towards the liberation war of 197 I , tivity favours the perpetuation of few years this has been abandoned. which they saw as only a conspiracy military rule. Finally, they even op- Presently they have taken up a of the USSR and India. They do not pose the unity of different forces "mass organisation-ist" stand (this understand that a contradiction bet- fighting the Five Enemies on the is a line in Purba Bangla which re- ween Pakistani rule and the people basis that some of them are "revi- jects armed struggle on the grounds of Purba Bangla existed, that people sionist' ' or ' 'counter- that mass organisations and mass started armed struggle to do away revolutionary. " Thus they practical- movements are the only means to with Pakistani exploitation and that ly oppose people's unity on the basis revolution). On the one hand, they it was due to this that the Awami D of the programme of the New rejected the call for the unity of the League (the party in the lead of the Democratic Revolution. revolutionary and patriotic forces; E anti-Pakistan struggle), the U.S., T b) The other section of the left on the other, when a separate pro- USSR and India could hatch their F forces conduct or at least want to cess of unity of those forces oppos- conspiracy, The "dogs" cannot tr conduct anti-martial law ing the Five Enemies began in early mobilise the vast masses of people in d movements. However, they fail to 1985, the mass organisations of their "quarrels'' without any objec- understand that unity is possible not BRCP(ML) came forward to take tive basis. These groups lack in this { only with other left forces but even, part. This reveals the lack of specific materialist outlook, and so they are e tactically, with forces who do not lines and a clear stand on the ques- not able to play a role, or at least any oppose the Five Enemies, and that if tion of unity on the part of conscious role, in these movements. 6s revolutionary strategy is strictly BRCP(ML). d) Throughout this period of the o\ adhered to, the revolutionary forces As for CPB(ML), they have main- anti-martial law struggles, the PBSP (lt will benefit from such unity. Their tained silence on the question of has played a significant role. It was fear is that the revolutionaries will Mao Tsetung Thought. In place of the first force to identify the con- instead be "utilised" by supporters rural-based protracted people's war, tradiction between the people of of the Five Enemies. Thus they op- they advocate city-centred mass Purba Bangla and the military pose PBSP's line of tactical unity uprisings. Their practice is basical- regime, for all its crimes, and it was with any force that wants to conduct ly limited to theoretical discussions the first force to call for a unified anti-martial law movements. The and cultural activities. Under movement aimed at overthrowing groups in this category include: the pressure from its activists and as a the junta. It issued a call for tactical Revolutionary Communist Party of reflection of its own half-hearted unity among anti-martial law forces Bangladesh Marxist-Leninist line, this group has come forward a based on the three minimum points, (BRCP-ML) and the Communist bit for unity of the forces against the and, alongside this, it also called for Party of Bangladesh ML Five Enemies in the recent past. unity on the programme of the New (cPB-ML). Nevertheless, like the BRCP(ML), Democratic Revolution of those In connection with these groups, their position is still essentially cen- forces opposed to the Five Enemies. the question of the so-called "lefts" trist on this question. Despite its previous left errors and united with the 15- and 7-party c) The third grouping sees the pre- the consequent lack of experience in alliances arises. These "lefts" claim sent anti-martial law movement as mass movements, the PBSP has to have made "tactical" unity with merely a quarrel between two groups worked to develop, influence and these supporters of the Five Point of dogs, as merely a tug of war lead the anti-martial law movement 36 Lif e qnd Deqth in Bqnglodesh

The co,untry now known as Bangladesh was for many years part of the British empire. Under British rule, what is now Bangladesh constituted East Bengal, whose population is majority Moslem. West Bengal, whose capital is Calcutta and whose people like the majoritl,in Bangladesh speak Bengali, is part of lndia. Bangladesh later formed part of- Pakistan (as East Pakistan) until l97l- when, following a series of events culminating in a war of secession and involving complicated manoeuvres by both imperialist blocs as well as India, East Pakistan broke away from Pakistan and formed Bangladesh. The capital city is Dhaka, with over 3 million people. Except for city-countries like Hong Kong or Monaco, Bangladesh is the most densely populated country in the world: over 90 million people live in an area about the size of Czechoslovakia. It is also one of the youngest countries in the world (half the population is under the age of l7), and one of the poorest. A sense of what imperialist and semi-feudal domination means for the people of Bangladesh can be glimpsed from the following few statistics. The corresponding figures for W. Cermany are given as a basis for comparison.

Bangladesh W. Germany

Life expectancy at birth 47 yrs. 73 yrs. Per capita income $140 $10,171 Infant mortality rate 133 10.2 (per 1,000 live births)

Physicians 8 230 (per 100,000 people)

Daily caloric consumprion 1,877 3,652 Literacy 29Vo 99Vo

Sources: Encyclopaedia Britannica Yearbook 1985; World Almanac 1982.

in the cities. The Party has firmly held high the line that without among revolutionary and patriotic developed lines and methods for this armed struggle it is impossible to forces, and this has been an impor- work, and has gained muclt ex- overthrow the military dictatorship. tant gain from the anti-martial law perience, and some success. When the Ershad regime tried to movement. PBSP is still a small organisation. impose its reactionary communal Moreover, its enemies have con- educational policy, and when the THE PEASANTRY AND THE tinually exerted tremendous pressure conscious section of the students and MOYEMENT against it, and that is why, in the intellectuals, while rejecting it, did absence of a larger unity of the not propose any alternative policy, It has been mentioned above that in revolutionary and patriotic forces, it was PBSP who formulated and general the anti-martial law move- the Party, despite its sincere widely circulated such a policy. ment, which to a great extent has in- endeavours, could not achieve the Through all this PBSP has suc- volved the students as well as in- desired success in channeling the ceeded in re-establishing its image creasingly other sections of the petit mass movement in the proper direc- and its influence over various left bourgeoisie and workers too, has tion. forces and a section of the masses, been city-centred, and that this was Alongside the mass movement, and has mobilised some of them in no small part due to the strength PBSP conducted armed struggle in under its banner. It has also work- and line of many of the groups in- the rural areas as its main task. It ed to begin the process of unity volved in the anti-martial law move- An ares of Dhaka.

ment. EYen when these groups have areas. And it was only PBSP that among the rural population. PBSP carried out work in the rural areas, really undertook coordinating and even proposed joint actions to foil this generally means the rural petit integrating the urban mass moye- the election drama to some sup- bourgeoisie who live in the sub- ment with the armed struggles and porters of the Five Point pro- district headquarters and the small other movements of the peasant gramme, but while some lower rank- towns. The bulk ofthe rural popula- masses. Those other forces who cen- ing activists came forward the tion are peasants, especially poor, tred their work in rural areas (BSP, leaders chose to ignore this. landless and middle peasants and PBCP-ML) and even carry out arm- In sum, the anti-martial law other strata of rural labourers. So ed struggle, failed to mobilise the movement could neither mobilise rural organisation should mean peasant masses in the movement nor broadly influence the peasants. organisation among these people because of erroneous views on both This is one of the spectacular but due to their class line, the- the anti-martial law movement and reasons why this movement, though bourgeois and petit bourgeois the peasants. PBSP did manage to aimed at overthrowing martial law, organisations are incapable of this, foil the election farce of Ershad in its achieved nothing. For without arm- as were the students. organisational strongholds, but as it ed struggle and the peasant masses, Though neither country-wide nor was a small party alone in this work overthrowing the military junta of very strong, only the PBSP truly had it was impossible to widely spread Ershad is not possible. organisational bases in the rural the anti-martial law movement There is another problem involv- 38

ed in the question of analysing why managed to gain a bit of popular activities. The relation between arm- and to what extent work among the support, but because of the mass ed struggle and mass movements is peasant masses was undertaken: movement Ershad has failed in this. dialectical the development of armed struggle. In Purba Bangla to- This fact will be of great help to one helps the- other. It is, ultimate- day, it is not possible. to establish a future developments. ly, impossible to qualitatively sound base among the rural masses Along with this, the reactionary change a reactionary state and social without carrying out armed struggle political parties have been unmask- system without armed struggle and under the leadership of the pro- ed and their treacherous, com- without mass movements developed letariat. It is through armed struggle promising character exposed. Today in the process of and integrated with that the PBSP is carrying on the anti-martial law movement is the armed struggle this is one of organisational work and proceeding through two different the most important- lessons of the establishing its base among the ways : one is led by the supporters of past few years. peasants, creating mass-based areas the Five Enemies with the aim of The movement has also shown in a few districts. Once armed strug- sharing power through elections, that, contrary to the belief current in gle is abandoned, all achievements without even overthrowing martial some quarters, the role of the are lost. The present situation of the law; and the other is led by revolu- students as a force opposed to pro-Chinese RCL and the half- tionary and genuinely patriotic military and other autocratic rule is Hoxhaite BRCP-ML prove this. forces with the aim of overthrowing not exhausted. Following the Despite their differing lines, both the Five Enemies and the military establishment of "Bangladesh, " the conducted armed struggle and at a rule and gaining true independence student community for various certain point had some organisa- and democracy for the people. reasons almost completely lost the tional strength in rural areas. But There is no alternative but armed militant image that they had since they have rejected armed strug- struggle for overthrowing the developed in the course of the fight gle, their organisational strength military dictators. The peaceful against Pakistani oppression. Their among the peasants is being li- transfer of power from one class to role in the past few years has quidated and they are growing another is unimaginable : the junta restored that image to some extent. isolated from the rural masses. is even reluctant to share pow,er with At the same time, unless the student Though PBSP is carrying out members of their own class. And at movement is integrated with the armed struggle, it was unable to every point where movement workers peasants ll) the has and movement, at mobilise the peasants in the way it developed I to a new stage, Ershad a certain stage they will again lose a wanted. This was due in part to the has resorted to bloody repression, momentum. This is one of their class o\ constant pressure brought to bear by while the reactionary opposition limitations. the state armed forces against the parties would simply withdraw the There is also the already mention- ? PBSP's base areas, which was add- movement. ed unity that is developing, really for i ed to by the aid to the government The urgency of launching armed the first time, among the forces op- of the reactionary political parties. struggle and developing rural posed to the Five Enemies, which, I Following four years of their at- strongholds is once again being felt though still very weak, indicates a {o tacks, the PBSP was forced to by left forces. In the past, a great bright future. Also developing are T retreat from some ofthese areas and majority of the left forces practiced different mass organisations which o so could not mobilise the peasants to armed struggle, but ran into pro- follow Marxism-Leninism-Mao i take part in this movement as it blems. The problem of sustaining Tsetung Thought and in fact the might have otherwise. There is also the armed struggle is the problem of level of unity among- the left forces the problem of establishing the Par- developing it both quantitatively has generally developed in propor- ty's leadership all over the country. and qualitatively. The left forces tion to the strength of these mass failed to solve the problem of organisations. Also, other revolu- LESSONS AND RESULTS OF developing a certain stage of the tionary and patriotic forces have THE MOVEMENT armed struggle to its next higher become active as the armed struggle stage - and they summed up a line and mass moyements under the Through the course of the last few directly opposed to continuing the leadership of the PBSP have gained years, the anti-people, reactionary armed struggle, and subsequently strength. The unity of the revolu- and fascist character of the military fell into mass organisationism. tionaries and patriots of Purba regime of the U.S. imperialist lackey But in the process of the current Bangla depends on the development Ershad has become as clear as movement it has become clearer that of the armed struggle and the mass daylight. To protect their power mere mass movements cannot do movements under the leadership of these murderers do not hesitate at away with the reactionaries or the proletariat this is a universal crushing students and rickshaw change the social and state systems, truth proved by- the last few years. pullers under the wheels of trucks, at and sometimes they cannot even The image of PBSP which was creating a reign of terror by their achieve reformist ends. But their im- won from its leading of armed strug- hired ruffians in the educational in- portance can in no way be negated. gle in '71 and in '72-'74 was mainly stitutions, or at firing on proces- The movements during these years ruined due to subsequent setbacks. sions, and other forms of savagery. facilitated the development of arm- Due to correct lines on and active Before Ershad, lheZia government ed struggle and other revolutionary role in the mass movement, that lost 39

Despite the government's ability to create its political front, the current balance within these forces, in- cluding with Janadal, could quick- ly give rise to imbalance. Ershad, despite his arrogance, is not able to measure all the live frogs in a single scale-pan. Most fundamentally, the hatred of the masses for martial law is deep and unabated. However many political prostitutes Ershad gathers, he cannot do away with this. Thus he will continue to face grave crisis. It is not Ershad's fortune to rule the kingdom peacefully. In this situation, the apparent stasis between the government and the opposition cannot last long. Momentum will gather, and things will head in one direction or the other. Crucial to future events is Er- shad's need to shed his khaki kurta and don a civilian cloak, in no small part in order to meet the exigencies of foreign diplomacy. Elections is his only way out. But the problem is this: the bourgeois opposition will not yield to Ershad's conditions, and L if he yields to theirs his power base will be shaky, perhaps ruined. So s T reaching a compromise might not be F so easy. Behind this difficulty is the tr situation the opposition faces with image could be restored to some ex- have today gulped down the bait of the masses: the masses are the lever d tent. Also, it was mentioned that ministerial positions and joined the to which they must resort, while at { PBSP had virtually no prior ex- government's political front (in- the same time the opposition fears : perience in mass movements in ur- cluding such as the pro-Chinese and must restrain them. ban areas. In the last few years, lines Gonotantrik Party, the UPP of There are numerous possible s and methods for this work have Kazi perhaps 6 Zafar Ahmed and BNP stal- variations: again Ershad Ot been developed, enabling PBSP and warts like Moudud Ahmed). Other will re-initiate his parlour politics, Ur other Marxist-Leninist forces, who organisations, in the leisure perhaps again the opposition will are also developing these lines and moments of their complete lack of take to the streets. And so it seems methods, to intensify their work. activity, are carrying on self- that history repeats itself. But it does appraisal. The CPB, the private not: this apparent repetition is no CONCLUSION agent of Soviet social-imperialism, mechanical replay of historical has concluded that they committed events. We have seen how during the Thus through repeated cycles of at- a grave error by not taking part in last three years PBSP and others tack and retreal, the military junta elections, even under martial law. upholding the red banner of of General Ershad has at this point Others have not yet dared to reach Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung pushed the opposition onto the such conclusions openly. Overall, Thought have grown stronger and defensive and seized the offensive. then, the 23 parties are not carrying closed their ranks. True revolu- He is beaming, triumphant and self- on anti-martial law movements, tionaries gather strength in periods satisfied. under the cover of the ban on poli- of crisis for the reactionaries. So The defensive position into which tical activities, etc. All this has given deep down, history was not and is they have been forced has ag- rise to an on-going process of splits, not standing still at the cross-roads. gravated the crises of the bourgeois reorganisaton and reorientation, the Rather, beneath the apparent repeti- opposition, especially the l5-party outcome of which will greatly tion history is preparing a leap into and 7-party alliances. Extremely influence the future development of the future newer, and brighter. frustrated, sections of these forces the anti-martial law movement. (Written- in the last week of who yesterday brandished swords Nor is the junta free from crises. August 1985.) tr 40

sion ond ropidly develop the ideo- logicol, politicol ond orgonisotionol bosis for the estoblishmet of the vonguord porly without which pro- wo contributions letorion revolution is impossible. . They ore reloti- The first of these excerpts is from ts from whot ore Breqk the Chains! Monifesto of the foirly comprehensive documents. Revolutionory lnternotionalistCon- We hove chosen these excerpts to fingent in Britain. This recently {or focus on the two reloted themes o{ med orgonisotion includes porty building ond the progromme members of the now-dissolved The strotegy {or revolution in the for ievolutioi in these p6rticulor Nottinghom ond Stockport Com- odvonced imperiolist countries countries. Both documents strive to munist Groups which siqned the re-quires turther work ond siruggle preseni o bosic onolysis of the por- RIM Declorotion. The second, from in the revolutonorvrevolutonory ronks. Thelhe esto- ticuloriicr;lor country,countrv o synthesissvnthesis of revo- the CommunistCommrrnisi Collective of Agit-Aoit- blishmentof portiesinthesecoun- lutionoryexperiencethere,ondthe Prop in ltoly, is token from "Fer volutionory pro- l'Organizzozione Comunisto Ope- uments represent roio Rivoluzionorio. " The full docu- e the communists ments in question ore ovoiloble, on o higher level. respectively, from Leeds Alternotive ew thot the ideo- Publicotions, Box No. 7, 59 Cook- nd orgonisotionol ridge St., Leeds LS2 3AW (U.K.); roletoriot on on ond Centro Documentozione, vio e ond thecurrent D'Aquino l5B, 741 00 Toronto, Movement serves os the bosis for conditions in the world moke ii ltoly. further discussion but certoinly does necessory ond possible for reloti- We welcome further comments not exhoust this extremely impor- vely smoll ond somewhot locolly- ond contributions on these tont question bosed groups to rise to the occo- lhemes.-AWTW tr 4t

plained in terms of Britain's position ,8F- in the world as a major imperialist power and the consequent attraction of reformist politics that such material conditions make available to the working class. It is also part- ly to be explained in terms of the strong revisionist influences that communist organisations in Britain in close relationship with carrying have been exposed to within the in- out revolutionary work among the ternational communist movement at masses, implementing a revolu- various times. But the main reason tionary mass line, and in particular, (Continued to Page 49) addressing and resolving the press- ing political questions which must be resolved in order for the revolu- Building the Revolutionary Party tionary movement to advance. " "In countries where no Marxist- Declaration of the RIM - Leninist party exists the immediate In Britain the Marxist-Leninist task facing the revolutionary com- revolutionary movement has never munists there is to form such a par- been strong. This is partly to be ex- ty with the aid of the international communist movement. The key to the establishment of the party is the development of a correct political line and programme, both as regards the particularities of a given country and the overall world situation. The Marxist-Leninist party must be built The dictatorship of the proletariat t- is the political form of proletarian power to build socialism, which re- quires the continuation of the revolution in all spheres to defend proletarian power against attempts at capitalist restoration, to eliminate the material and ideological vestiges of exploitative society, and, through On the Party a process which is only possible on The central task of Marxist-Leninist a world scale, achieve classless socie- communists is to work for the ty, communism. development of the orld revolu- Only those whose fight is consis- tion. This means the overthrow of tent in theory and practice with this the rmperialist system by the pro- objective and this process can call letariat and exploited masses and the themselves communists and thus be establishment of the proletariat's useful to the proletariat's revolu- political power through the tionary cause; if not, no matter what necessary stages and alliances re- their subjective intentions may be, quired by conditions in different sooner or later they will become countries. (Continued on next Page) 42

(Continued page from 4l) for the advance of the revolutionary development of the proletariat's obstacles proletarian to the revolu- movement. To accomplish these ob- armed struggles. It is necessary to tion. jectives theoretical and analytical constantly educate the proletariat in present The task of the com- work is required. Without pro- this perspective, even in periods munists is to define the proletarian ceeding in this manner it is impossi- when civil war or revolutionary war revolution (in terms of strategy, tac- ble to build the party, and the work is not on the order of the day. tics and motive force), and the dic- of the communists becomes sterile, In particular, it is of great and tatorship of the proletariat, the easily falling prey to academic devia- decisive importance to build an socialist transition to communism, tions, and, in periods ofdiscourage- organisation capable of working in terms of political programme and ment among the masses, into under any conditions and of ,!\ the relation between the battle in economist and terrorist theories. resisting the repression the bourgeois every country and the international The building of the party requires state unleashes against it in a varie- framework. The historical ex- the unity of the authentic com- ty of forms. perience of the proletarian move- munists and the winning over of the Wherever possible and particular- ment teaches and shows that the advanced among the proletariat. ly under the conditions of a - revolution can take place and win Historical experience and a practical bourgeois-democratic regime, the victory only if there is a proletarian grasp of the problems show that it is party should develop legal and open political party based on the revolu- wrong to consider these things as work; while constantly seeking, tionary theory of the proletariat : prerequisites to forming the party, through political exposures and its the science of Marxism-Leninism, especially its initial nucleus. In the leadership of the proletarian masses which today includes Mao Tsetung,s majority of cases this initial nucleus in concrete experience, to show the contributions. will be composed of a small number class nature of bourgeois Today, because of errors and of members who specifically assume democracy, and taking measures to defeats suffered by the revolu- responsibility for building the party, safeguard the party organisation so tionaries, there are no authentic who have a clear vision of the pro- that even when the regime changes revolutionary communist parties in blems they face and demonstrate the class struggle of the masses can the majority of the world's coun- that they have the answers that can continue to develop. tries. There are organisations and solve them. This initial nucleus Building the party as the vanguard small groups which are working in should have in an embryonic rl.| form detachment of the proletariat re- .* that direction, but generally they are all the aspects of the party they seek quires that its members be con- I not a strong enough ideologically, to build, choose its members accor- sistently educated in the develop- o\ politically and organisationally to ding to revolutionary criteria, and ment of the revolutionary mass line respond to the demands posed by make grasping and using dialectical based upon several essential the present proletarian movement, materialism a constant task in all elements: nor =} above all to the opportunities fields. a) strategic firmness and tactical emerging though the development Developing the unity of the com- flexibility, which makes it possible oh of the world situation - the pro- munists and winning over advanced to use different methods to intervene {a spect of and preparations for im- elements clearly remains a concrete in different movements, taking into q perialist war. and permanent task of the party. In account specific contradictions in o For these reasons, the battle to a basic sense, while taking into ac- the light of a single line and plan; build the party is the most urgent count the concrete situation, it b) starting from the real demands = and central task for all those today should have a strong component of of the proletariat, which expresses who call themselves revolutionary professional revolutionaries. its class interests constantlyforming communists. From a qualitative viewpoint, it united fronts of all the forces and The key,element in building the should pay great attention to the social strata than can be mobilised in party is the development of a line training of worker comrades as all- the struggle against imperialism, its and programme that take up both around leaders and create the state, its government, whether in the particularities of the country ideological and organisational con- where work is being carried out as ditions for the full development of tical terms. The important question well as the world situation. This line women as revolutionary activists. is to understand the united front and programme and are the dialectical While carrying out the the consequent politics of united ac- fruit of two key elements : l) strug- ideological, political and organisa- tion it requires as something gle against the anti-Marxist-Leninist tional building of the party it must dynamic, seeking to shift the balance trends which broadly influence the always be kept in mind that the goal of forces in favour of the party and most advanced workers and the is the revolutionary seizure of the proletariat. Otherwise, the par- revolutionary youth; 2) revolu- political power. This means that the ty sinks down into the organisations tionary work among the proletarian task of the party in every period is to of the reformist movement, freezes, masses, based on ideological, develop the preparation of the and cannot respond to the demands political and organisational leader- masses towards this end. The revolu- of the masses, and is reduced to the ship of the advanced elements, a tionary seizure of political power ac- politics of compromises which in- leadership able to answer the cording to the diverse conditions in stead of intelligently transforming political questions urgently posed the various countries requires the the actual existing movement cor- 43

rupts and devalues the party's sidered an end and an accomplish- I revolutionary action. ment in itself, but rather part of a The revolutionary communist long-term struggle, full of advances The conquest of political power by party should be conceived and built and setbacks, to wipe the system the working class is the fruit of the as a contingent of the international based on the exploitation of man by development of its political move- communist movement. On the one man from the surface of the earth ment, a movement that when the hand this means the battle to build and build communism. conditions are right can gather a new international, and on the A clear internationalist line means together all of society's revolu- other the consistent education of its seeking and consolidating tionary forces into an insurrection .r€*, own members and the proletariat in ideological, political and organisa- taking advantage of a governmental the principles and practice of pro- tional links with parties and crisis and subsequent institutional letarian internationalism. organisations of other countries. collapse in order to overthrow the

D E o ! F tr d I { \ I ? s o\ qr

Milan

Proletarian internationalism is a This is of basic assistance in the bourgeois government, smash the reflection of the fact that the pro- present-day battle to lay the basis for bourgeois machinery of state and in- letariat is one class worldwide, with new revolutionary communist par- stitute the rule of the organs of pro- one interest and one basic aim : the ties of the proletariat. letarian political power born during overthrow of the imperialist system. the course of the revolutionary Though the revolution in the diverse For a Revolutionary Strategy in the political movement. countries can only take place in dif- Imperialist Countries The possibility of carrying out a ferent periods and simultaneous The basis for developing a revolu- revolution in an advanced capitalist world revolution is a superficial and tionary strategy in the imperialist country is linked to the development disarming utopia, an internationalist countries lies in fully and complete- of revolutionary situations which line is a basic requirement, because ly taking up once again fundamen- appear rarely in such countries and no revolution and consequent battle tal lines put forward by Lenin and which concentrate all the main con- for socialist construction can be con- the October Revolution. tradictions of the imperialist system 44

the most obvious case is that of and turns the proletariat into work, bureaucratising it and depriv- imperialist- war. cannon-fodder for the preservation ing it of revolutionary tension and The revolutionary political move- of the imperialist system. militancy. ment of the proletariat does not In peacetime the revolutionary Economism debases the content result from spontaneity nor much communists must fight against the of the ties with the masses by lower- Iess from the development of the logic of participating in the fruits of ing the activity of the revolutionaries workers' day-to-day economic imperialist development, showing to that of trade unionism. struggle. how this development is the result of Economism naturally goes hand The decisive factor for the the exploitation of the working class in hand with a gradualist conception development of such a movement is and ofthe blood and suffering ofthe of revolutionary activity, expressed the existence of a party made up of peoples oppressed by imperialism. quite commonly by the position the most advanced elements of the In wartime, they must support a ' 'first economic struggle and proletariat and able to carry out all- policy of revolutionary defeatism organisation, after that political around revolutionary work among towards their own bourgeoisie. struggle and organisation, and after the ranks of that class. This work The abandonment of these three that finally the revolutionary strug- must be based upon the ability to points Lenin developed in the strug- gle." In essence this means that develop the proletariat's con- gle against the degeneration of the organisation remains in the sphere sciousness and organisation through parties of the Second International of economic struggle or trade union political exposures and leading con- has always been a factor leading to politics, since the political struggle crete political movements, and to degeneration, deviations and does not and can not evolve from the carry out work in non-revolutionary failure, especially in the Western economic struggle, except in some periods so as to prepare itself and the capitalist countries. This is what particular circumstances. proletarian masses to take advan- happened in some periods of the ex- Such conceptions not only pre- tage of those moments when the perience of the Third International, vent effective and systematic ex- revolutionary seizure of political as we have previously written. posures and political mobilisations power is on the order of the day. The Marxist-Leninist movement around all aspects of imperialist of the 1960s and '70s was politics and the role and activity of II characterised by the failure to the different classes and the parties thoroughly t{) return to and take up which are their political expression, An outstanding feature of im- these points in ideological, but also fail to take advantage ofthe s perialism a is the existence of the theoretical, political, organisational political conjunctures that occur to s labour aristocracy. and practical terms. This made it im- develop the revolutionary political The key to the activity of the possible to lay the basis for building movement of the proletariat. revolutionary communists is work to real revolutionary communist par- Because it conceives of the revolu- bring about a split between the ma- ties in the imperialist countries. tionary struggle i= jority as evolving out of o of the working class and the economic struggles, economism ex- h upper stratum which benefits, to Against Economism and Some presses itself in a deeply legalistic a varying degrees during various Secondary Deviations conception ofthe class struggle. This { periods, q from the superprofits the Clearly the communists must not means that the movements which o imperialist bourgeoisie obtains from confuse economism with the have been placed or place themselves the exploitation and plunder of the necessary intervention in the on the terrain of armed struggle are = peoples oppressed by imperialism. economic struggle, both to guide the not critically examined in terms of The labour aristocracy represents economic struggle to serye the in- their aspirations, their class basis the political-social prop of the terests of the most exploited sectors and their strategy, but rather iden- bourgeoisie's rule over the pro- of the working class, and above all tified only according to the form of letariat. This stratum constitutes the as one of the fields in which to struggle they have undertaken, the source and the main core of refor- develop political agitation. armed struggle; they are reduced to mism and revisionism of all stripes. But economism, which has been that and rejected for that, which prevalent in the revolutionary move- means, in fact, going over bag and III ment in recent years and is still baggage to the camp of bourgeois rather strong, Ieads to concentrating democracy. In the imperialist countries any iden- one's forces in the economic strug- The prevalence of economism in tification ofthe interests ofthe pro- gle of the masses as the most fun- the revolutionary movement conti- letariat with those of the nation is damental sphere for organisation nues to provoke a reaction among reactionary. In peacetime it rein- and revolutionary work, making sections of the youth and other forces the bourgeoisie's political rule trade union activity the principal rebels with revolutionary commu- and promotes peace social and class work of revolutionary communists, nist inclinations. This trend, see- collaboration. In wartime it leads to whether it be work inside or outside mingly the opposite oI economism, a vile alliance between the pro- the unions, with short-term or long- is just as incapable of building a real Ietariat and the bourgeoisie against term goals. Increasingly this turns revolutionary organisation and the proletariat of other countries the revolutionary organisation into developing the proletarian move- and against the oppressed peoples, a structure to carry out that kind of ment in a revolutionarv direction: 45

a) lt has contempt for the prole- immigrant proletarians make up a carry out a split between the majori- tariat's daily struggle and for the large part of this. ty of the proletariat and the labour systematic work of organising the The revolutionary communists aristocracy. masses; its activity is reduced to must root themselves among this sporadic agitation and propaganda, section to make it the motive and Against Social Chauvinism which is often sectarian and sloga- leading force of the whole pro- In the imperialist countries and nistic. They don't take into account Ietarian movement, of all the strata especially Europe, there has always the fact that the masses learn oppressed by imperialism in the been a strong social-chauvinist through their own experinces, that revolutionary struggle. This can on- tendency. This tendency denies the the revolutionaries must guide them ly take place by an open break with imperialist character of its own and raise their consciousness, and the labour aristocracy and with the social system, fails to recognise the train themselves in the heat of the reformist parties which are its actual importance and revolutionary class struggle. political expression. value of the liberation struggles of b) In opposition to gradualism a In the communist movement, and the peoples oppressed by im- subjective conception of the revolu- in particular the Marxist-Leninist perialism, and is not in a position to tionary process develops. It does trend, there has been a widespread carry out a profound class criticism not take objective conditions into monolithic view of ''the unity of the of its social system (putrefication, account nor analyse the balance of working class" which in political parasitism, etc.). forces, which leads to a superficial and organisational essence does not Support for the struggles of op- evaluation of the various political aim at a split between the majority pressed peoples has been a strong periods, tending to consider every of the proletariat and the labour point of the new Marxist-Leninist crisis of the bourgeoisie and every aristocracy but rather at preserving movement born in 1968 in the im- phase advanced of the mass move- the bonds between these two sec- perialist countries. This general sup- ment as the threshold of revolution. tions in the name of the unity of the port has only gone halfway; it has This translates into an inability to working class. seen U.S. imperialism and to a carry out revolutionary politics, to Such a position leads to a political smaller degree Soviet social- an under estimation of the need for line which cannot train the potential- imperialism, without being able to tactics and to an inability to train ly revolutionary strata of the pro- see or analyze the growth and truly revolutionary cadre. It is an letariat to develop as the leader of development of the role of its own obstacle to snatching advanced sec- the whole front of political and imperialism, particularly in the D tions of the working class away social struggle. European countries. E from the hegemony of reformism. Even on the level of trade This had led in practice to the o These concepts arose in the form of unionism, this position leads to an abandonment of proletarian inter- E political F adventurism (armed and opportunist practice, because in the nationalism, especially after Viet- tr unarmed), and, when that lailed, in imperialist countries work in the nam and the defeat of the People's U the form of overemphasising the trade unions dominated by the Republic of China, and to the re- o strength of reaction, an outlook labour aristocracy, though indispen- emergence of openly social- { which leads to liquidatonism. sable, should be considered secon- chauvinist and pro-imperialist lines c) In reaction to legalism, at times dary to the creation of mass in the revolutionary communist ? a whole mythology of arrned strug- organisations which can unite in movement. In the name of the I gle has arisen which considers it the struggle the workers inside the fac- 6 "purity of the working class" sup- o\ only form of revolutionary politics tory as well port as those outside, the is denied to the national libera- (Jr and revolutionary organisation. unemployed. tion movements of the oppressed This trend found it easy to seek In short, whoever works in the peoples; in the name of the struggle theoretical support from other cur- name of the unity of the working against the two superpowers the rents alien to Marxism-Leninism. class to unite the most exploited European bourgeoisie are cloaked in We'll come back to this later. strata of the proletariat with the pacifism. These positions, even if they labour aristocracy, whoever intend to oppose economism, have separates the exploited majority of **** the same practical effect: they leave factory workers from their natural In order to form a revolutionary the proletarian movement without partners, the proletarian strata out- communist vanguard in the im- a revolutionary political agent, side the factory, the unemployed, is perialist countries it is necessary to stuck in the sphere of economic standing in the way of building the make a clean sweep of these concep- struggle. force necessary to definitively defeat tions which are closely linked with the influence of the labour one another. It was due to these con- Against Subordination to the aristocracy and isolate reformism ceptions that the rebirth of the Labour Aristocracy and revisionism. radical movements which took place In imperialist society the most ex- Today it is more necessary than in 1968-69 and the following years ploited sections of the industrial ever to break with this position, (focused on different things in dif- working class constitute the since the clear polarisation provok- ferent countries) could not give rise reference point for revolutionary ac- ed by the crisis is creating objective- to the formation of a revolutionary tivity. In many imperialist countries ly more favourable conditions to proletarian vanguard. This, in turn, 46

has been the subjective factor which society, and serves as a guide to revolutionary struggle in the im- has facilitated the disastrous revival overturn the existing state of things. perialist countries, and always fall of those movements in the river-bed These tendencies disperse the social into terrorism pure and simple, of reformism and the general struggles they have been promoting, without any programmatic links "modernisation and adjustment" of expose them in a spontaneous way with the mass movements, despising imperialist society. to state repression isolate the problem of providing concrete These concepts have been a factor them from the industrial proletariat leadership for these movements and in the ideological, political and and lead them in a vicious circle that instead preaching that every organisational miseducation of a repeatedly gives rise to a subjective economic struggle is a struggle for generation of activists and, because ebb in the movement. power. On the one hand they have of their bankruptcy in practice, in It is necessary to develop an up-to- been a factor behind the deviations the ideological crisis and disorienta- date and systematic criticism of among advanced elements who have tion which has dispersed the greater these tendencies, combined with a failed to carry out the task of giving part of the energy these activists positive programme and actions, so revolutionary leadership to the once displayed. that the radical energy and strengths masses,and who in the face of of these social strata can be brought serious difficulties for the revolu- Additional Notes under the theoretical and political tionary movement have aggravated leadership of the revolutionary pro- the problems and decapitated the In the years in which the Marxist- letariat. struggle; and on the other, they have Leninist oriented forces of the com- The second of these trends been a coagulation of ideologically munist movement were undergoing presents a schematic and unstable elements which are alien to their deepest crisis and organisa- metaphysical variant of Marxism these struggles and which exalt the tional dispersion, particularly in the and proletarian internationalism, worst instincts of petit bourgeois imperialist countries, among some whether preached to the proletariat rebel-ism. Then, when inevitably sections of the workers and especial- as a soporific doctrine, or decked they fall into crisis and defeat, they ly among petit bourgeois youth up- out in revolutionary phraseology help bring harmful political posi- dated variants of reformism and and advocating sectarian and ex- tions into the revolutionary move- revisionism (such as Proletarian tremist political lines, so that the liv- ment, as has happened especially in Democracy in Italy) have caught on, ing energy gushing out of the fur- Germany as well as secondarily in ro with a rediscovery of parliamen- nace of class struggle can be frozen Italy, positions such as the struggle I a tarism and trade unionism as well as in impotent witness to revolutionary for national liberation in the im- openly liberal-democratic trends purity. Consequently, in practice perialist countries, under the banner s (such as the Radical Party, the this line serves to reinforce the of the struggle against U.S. im- ecology movement and the Greens). leadership of reformism and perialism, and a positive evaluation i= These trends sow illusions about the neoanarchism in the struggle. of the social-imperialist bloc, either g possibility of reforming the system The false Marxism of this trend explicitly or in a disguised manner. from within, exactly when the must be unmasked theoretically and It is necessary to unfold a political {o system is showing its most reac- politically. This can be done insofar battle aimed at the emergence in this tr tionary, warmongering features; as a political line and organisation is arena of a scientific self-criticism, o their only result is to disarm the adopted that can carry out real free from preconceptions and not at i working class and hinder the expres- transformations in the movement. all a form of disassociation (a legal (( sion of the revolutionary potential Surely it has been the fighting term meaning to denounce the arm- of the social movements. groups that have most concentrated ed struggle movement in exchange Among the most combative and these two trends and which have for a lighter sentence so as -trans.), radical sectors some essentially neo- gathered the greatest revolutionary to win over the best forces to the anarchist tendencies have become impetus. These forces have given a process of building the proletariat's popular (neoanarchist even when concrete answer to the problem of revolutionary communist party. they define themselves as com- armed struggle in the imperialist This is not possible unless the munist, such as Autonomia). Some countries and the building of illegal Marxist-Leninist communists are in- old anti-Marxist and anti-Leninist organisation. Their experience tensely active in the struggle against trends have reappeared (such as merits profound study so as to avoid repression, in the defense of political Trotskyism, Ieft-wing communism repeating their grave errors in this prisoner status for those arrested and workerism). The incapacity of field and to draw useful lessons. and of their conditions while in the former to play a fully revolu- This can only be done by prison, and against the logic of an- tionary role is demonstrated on a understanding that the basis of their nihilation in the imperialist prisons. daily basis. They are not armed with strategy, theory, political line and Above all it is important to develop a scientific theory, Marxism- practice is wrong and can only bring authentic revolutionary political ac- Leninism, which when correctly us- defeat. Programmatically these tivity and build the organisation as ed makes it possible to accurately groups have filled themselves up an effective centre to promote and analyse imperialist society and its with South American guerrilla lead the revolutionary struggle in all laws of motion and to identify the theories and Lin Piaoism, which are its forms, allocating forces in accor- real revolutionary subject of this completely unsuitable for the dance with the political conjuncture 47

ragomst rn Lne pouucal struggle, and Mao's contributions regarding the importance of the superstructure of art, culture and ideological- transformation in the revolu- tionary process. - From the analysis of these phenomena the necessity for pro- letarian revolution emerges more sharply than ever, above all if we take into account that these changes are carrying imperialism to the highest concentration of destruction and the barbarisation of humanity and society, war.

Once Again On War and Revolution We have already synthesised the strategic principle on this question in the first part of this document. Here we want to put some particular ques- tions into focus. The beginning of war prepara- tions has brought about militant

s ! mass movements against the arms F race and war, particularly in U Europe. The revolutionary com- munists should give great impor- d tance to their intervention in these s which the bourgeoisie exercises movements. Basically they must; z ideological domination; 1) Utilise the period of clashes bet- ! and the links with the mass move- - the changes in the stratification ween the imperialist governments a ment' of society : the shrinking impor- and the movements in order to com- Ot tance of the peasantry, the develop- bat pro-imperialist political and u **:r* ment of new intermediate social ideological tendencies within these strata, the emergence of pockets of movements; to direct the struggle, There have been important changes permanent marginalisation. through concrete experiences, in the economic,-social and cultural It is important to analyse these against one's own imperialism, not structure of the imperialist coun- phenomena in order to chalk out a in defense of peace but for revolu- tries : revolutionary programme for our tion; to win over the most advanced - the unprecedented level of the time, but the proletariat cannot in- of these movements to the revolu- internationalisation of capital, vestigate these problems without the tionary communist organisation. which has not made the big multina- weapon of dialectical materialism This is a question of showing in light tionals any less nationally based, nor and the science of Marxism- of facts and their concrete attenuated the contradictions bet- Leninism. Indeed it is in the analysis manifestations that the cause of war ween states; of these phenomena that one can ap- resides in the nature of the im- - the development of automa- preciate the prophetic and program- perialist system and that war is the tion and the computer revolution, matic profundity of Marx's theses continuation of the politics and which, instead of liberating labour regarding the tendencies within economics carried out by the im- and life, exacerbates the reduction capitalist society and the need for perialist governments in peacetime. of the proletariat to mere appendices communism, of Lenin's further It must be shown that slogans call- of the machinery, heightens the developments regarding the impor- ing for disarmament, getting out of atomisation of society and tance of the proletariat's subjective one or the other war bloc, nuclear- strengthens the means through consciousness and its role as the pro- free zones, maintaining peace 48

through negotiations, are all impo- support the just cause of the na- The Role of the Political Newspaper tent illusions in the face of the arms tional liberation movement even As Lenin brilliantly pointed out, in race, the deployment of nuclear ii not led by the proletariat- in its every phase ofthe revolutionary bat- weapons to every corner of the anti-imperialist demands and tle, and especially during the first globe, the frenetic and articulated seek political and material links- with steps towards building the party, the process of the formation of blocs for the authentically revolutionary revolutionary communist political the new war, the spread of local wars forces present in those countries. In newspaper plays a central and and imperialist intervention in an accordance with the development of decisive role. ever-increasing number of hotspots. the mass movements in the im- The communist newspaper must 2) Turn the proletariat into the perialist countries, they must provide solid and systematic spearhead of the struggle against im- develop the most appropriate forms political guidance and give real perialist war and, through its party, of struggle to weaken the fighting answers so as to provide political into the leader of the whole move- capacity of their own imperialist leadership to the movements of the ment. This means that the revolu- state from within. They must work workers and the masses. It must tionary communists must unceasing- tenaciously for the proletariat to bring the proletarians a broad vision ly carry out agitation and understand that every military and of the political struggle by respon- propaganda among the ranks of the political success of their own im- ding with exposures and analysis to proletariat, that they must know perialist state reinforces the every aspect of bourgeois oppression how to respond to every concrete bourgeoisie, spurs on new im- in every field, according to the move by their own imperialism in perialist undertakings and priorities required by the political the political, economic, military, strengthens the role of the military situation. It must be a tool to diplomatic and cultural fields by calling political strikes and political demonstrations. Particular atten- tion must be paid to attacks on liv- ing conditions and the struggles such attacks give rise to, in order to point out the connections between the sacrifices demanded of the workers t{) and the expense of the arms race, aI and the connections between the 3 defense of the national economy and the imperialist war such competition z ends up in. i The activity of the revolutionary communists in the antiwar P movements and among the pro- {a letariat must be most intensely con- q centrated during those times when o their country intervenes in local wars and against revolutionary wars of Demonstration of unemployed in Torino = national liberation of peoples op- pressed by imperialism. in political life and in the reactionary organise and to give practical educa- Revolutionary communists must process, while every defeat can tion in organisation, through all the support movements struggling favour the development of the aspects of its functioning: its against intervention even before in- revolution if the proletariat gets editing, printing, financing and cir- tervention occurs. They must un- prepared for it. culation. It must have its own mask the rotten poison of the The transformation of the an- mechanisms for printing and cir- motherland and nationalism in all its tiwar movement into a revolutionary culation, so that it can exist and forms, including in culture, sport, movement requires going over to the develop its work under any condi- etc., point out the real reasons disintegration of the imperialist ar- tions. behind this intervention, develop my and the arming of the proletariat Without such a newspaper it is im- mass movements of refusal and itself. possible to carry out the practical disobedience within the bourgeois The revolutionary communists process of party building. army, and show how the costs of the must consider this a crucial task in intervention fall on the living condi- their work of preparation. They Some Particularities of the National tions of the working class and must be able to utilise every Question in Imperialist Countries masses of people. manifestation of the imperialist In some of these countries there are If such an intervention does oc- state's violent and dictatorial nature national minorities which make up cur, the revolutionary communists to educate the proletariat and all the a part of the proletariat and which must support every blow waged oppressed about the proper forms of are often in the poorest areas of against their own imperialist army, struggle and organisation. these countries. This gives rise to the 49 struggle for national self- Britoin practice. Instead there was a massive determination in the heart of some (Continued from page 42). gap between the professed theory imperialist states. why the Marxist-Leninists in Britain and the actual practice of the move- The revolutionary communists have failed to build an enduring, tru- ment. There was dogmatist theoris- should denounce every aspect of the ly revolutionary communist party ing and empiricist practical action. economic, political and cultural op- and movement can be put down to While the movement expressed pression carried out by the im- their own shortcomings of an adherence to the theoretical conclu- perialist state. ideological and political kind. These sions drawn from the experiences of They support self-determination can generally be characterised as a the international class struggle, as where it is applicable; they support failure to take Marxism-Leninism expressed in the works of the great the struggles and utilise the resulting really seriously, really to struggle to leaders, they were not actually used contradictions to weaken the overall achieve a true unity of proletarian to guide day-to-day political work and united rule of the bourgeoisie revolutionary theory and practice around various aspects of the class and its state. specific to British conditions. struggle. Instead, such practical It is necessary to chalk out a The new anti-revisionist move- political activities were usually con- strategy aimed at achieving the uni- ment which arose in Britain during ducted in a somewhat impulsive, ty of the proletariat of the different the 1960s consisted of a number of unreflective way, no different from nationalities that exists in these small organisations and groups, that of the reformist practice of countries, under the leadership of a some of them claiming to be parties. various revisionists and Trotskyists. single party, against the common However, none of them ever An obvious example is the enemy the bourgeoisie and its developed into proper communist economist attitude to trade union state - and fight for the socialist parties of the Leninist type. By a work that was taken by most of the character- of the revolution "proper communist party" we Marxist-Leninists. Similarly no real throughout the whole country. mean a highly organised, tightly attempt was made to apply disciplined body of committed materialist dialectics to analysing the The Countries of the East Marxist- I-eninists who are firmly experience of practical struggle so as The countries of the East, of the based within the working class'and to draw theoretical conclusions and Warsaw Pact, must be considered are intimately involved in the strug- in turn use these as a guide for im- overall as unevenly developed gles of that class, who are clearly and proving and making practical strug- capitalist countries which have been openly committed to the goal of gles more effective. Theory was L politically and militarily integrated violent proletarian revolution, theory and practice was practice and into the social-imperialism bloc establishing the dictatorship of the never did they meet. "Theorising" s! dominated by the USSR. proletariat and struggling for consisted of dredging up a few F Here, obviously, there are specific socialist transformation and who quotations from the Marxist- tr features to be investigated in order have a clear political programme, a Leninist classics to justify all man- to formulate a plan for revolution. definite revolutionary strategy to ner of revisionist practice. The d There are certainly, however. achieve these goals in the specific dialectical unity of revolutionary { some points that can be affirmed : conditions of Britain in the world theory and practice demanded by z the proletariat is the leading class in during the present period. While the world outlook of Marxism- the revolution that must be made, a some of the Marxist-Leninist Leninism was not achieved and s revolution whose character is organisations declared themselves to instead the Marxist-Leninists in Bri- o\ socialist. The main enemy is the state be struggling to build such a party, tain were groping in the dark, easy tr bourgeoisie of one's own country. there were, by the mid-1970s, no prey for all manner of revisionist Nationalism, as the case of Poland signs of such an authentic com- monstrosities such as the "Three shows, is used as a weapon of class munist party emerging in Britain. Worlds Theory." collaboration by the bourgeoisie Instead, the new Marxist-Leninist Nonetheless, many comrades had itself. movement, despite the onset of a committed themselves to the work- At the same time it is necessary to new world-wide economic crisis, was ing class revolutionary cause and take Soviet social-imperialism'sop- floundering and falling into all man- had devoted much time and energy pression into serious consideration ner of revisionist errors. to the struggle. What was necessary and constantly prepare the pro- Some of the comrades in the was to draw some theoretical con- letariat for the USSR's direct in- movement engaged in ideological clusions from this experience so as to tervention when the proletariat's and political struggle to try to il- begin to develop an integrated struggle endangers social- luminate our fundamental failings revolutionary strategy, to develop imperialism's overall domination. so that struggles could be in- an all-round programme formaking tr augurated to rectify these errors. We revolution in Britain in relation to eventually concluded that the fun- the rest of the world. Only in this damental error of the Marxist- way could the movement develop Leninist movement during the 1960s some long-term perspectives and and 1970s was the failure to achieve plans, begin to win a base in the any sort of true unity of Marxist- working class and establish aparty. Leninist revolutionary theory and Basing themselves on this assess- 50

ment of the Marxist-Leninist move- The members of the Marxist- ing majority of members had to con- ment the Nottingham Communist Leninist Programme Commission sider in a very searching manner the Group and the Stockport Com- were not completely isolated because position of the Marxist-Leninist munist Group issued an appeal, they had the support of various Programme Commission in relation "Build the Party!," in 1981. This Marxist-Leninist organisations in to the general political situation. called upon the existing Marxist- other countries, the ones who It was concluded that while the Leninist organisations in Britain to adhered to the Joint Communique commission had made a certain set up a Programme Commission of the 1980 International Con- amount of progress with its pro- whose sole task would be "to ference. Furthermore, as the pro- grammatic work it was not likely in develop a revolutionary programme grammatic work proceeded and was the circumstances to be able to pro- embodying a thorough scientific publicised it was hoped to win fur- ceed much further. Indeed attemp- analysis of the character of contem- ther support for the Commission ting to do so would probably result porary British capitalism and on the and participation in its work, in serious errors in the political posi- basis of this scientific knowledge to something which did happen on a tion put forward. elaborate a strategy for the conduct small scale. The Nottingham Com- At the same time, a number of of revolutionary struggle in Bri- munist Group and the Stockport very positive developments were tak- tain. " The revolutionary pro- Communist Group intended, in ad- ing place in the overall political gramme was to form the political dition to their Programme Commis- situation. A new wave of intensifica- basis for a national organisation of sion work, to continue with their tion in the national liberation strug- a pre-party kind which would use the participation in various aspects of gles in many parts of the world was programme as a guide for participa- the class struggle, such as the anti- occurring, as for example in Peru tion in the class struggle with the aim war movement and Irish solidarity and the Philippines. The inter- of establishing a base within the movement. However, two related imperialist contradictions between working class and, through ex- problems arose in the work of the the USA and the Soviet Union have perience, deepening and developing Commission. One was that given the been intensifying with the conse- the revolutionary programme. On- limited experience, knowledge, quence of a growing awareness in ly then would the conditions have resources and time available'from the imperialist countries of the been created for the formation of an the limited membership of the Com- possibility of a major inter- a authentic Marxist-Leninist Party. mission it was difficult to make imperialist war in the forseeable I For nearly a year the two Marxist- more than a limited amount of pro- future. In the imperialist countries, a Leninist groups struggled with gress in developing clear and correct including Britain, the contradiction S various other Marxist-Leninists, positions on the programmatic ques- between the working class and the both organisations and individuals, tions which were addressed. The monopoly capitalist class has been 3 to gain their participation in setting other problem was that the burden sharpening as a result of the deepen- i up the proposed programme com- of Commission work on the two ing world economic crisis of I mission. However, the confusion small local Marxist-Leninist groups capitalism. Within Britain, as in a and chaos attendant upon the revi- meant that continuous participation many other countries, these { sionist seizure of power in China in the day-to-day class struggle was developments have had two signifi- tr meant that some of those who show- increasingly neglected and the cant political consequences for pro- o ed interest in the project were not precious, vital unity of theory and Ietarian revolutionaries. On the one prepared to wholeheartedly uphold practice was being lost. It was hand there has been a growing = the achievements of the interna- becoming clear that the weakness of awareness among some workers and tional communist movement under the conscious Marxist-Leninist other people that only the most the leadership of Marx, Engels, forces in Britain, together with the radical of solutions will resolve the Lenin, Stalin and Mao and to reject limitations imposed by the objective problems with which they are faced. the new revisionist regime in China political situation meant that it On the other hand it has been and their reactionary "Three would not be possible immediately precisely within these conditions of Worlds Theory." The initiators of to develop a revolutionary political growing political crisis that most of the "Build the Party!" appeal had programme at the high level those elements who previously made underestimated the degree to which originally envisaged. These dif- some claim to being "revolu- the fl edgling Marxist-Leninist move- ficulties in carrying through the pro- tionary," i.e., various revisionist ment in Britain had undergone grammatic task gave rise to a and Trotskyists, have dropped all political and organisational decay number of intense ideological and pretence of taking a stance of and degeneration. Even so, the Not- political struggles within the revolutionary Marxism-Leninism tingham Communist Group and Marxist-Leninist Programme Com- and have run for cover with one or Stockport Communist Group were mission which eventually resulted in another "big brother" the determined not to give up the strug- a minority repudiating the struggle Labour Party, Soviet social-- gle to develop a revolutionary pro- to develop the revolutionary pro- imperialism, Chinese revisionism, gramme and in the summer of 1982 gramme and deserting to the ranks etc. Just at the moment when there they established the Marxist- of the pro-Peking revisionists. This is a crying need for a truly revolu- Leninist Programme Commission brought the work of the Commis- tionary organisation in Britain, no with this objective in view. sion to a crisis point and the remain- such body exists. 5l

D s F- tr d { : 5 q6 gt Scene during British miners' year-long strike.

A most important and timely political and organisational support adhere to the political line of the response to the tightening knot of of comrades around the world. A Declaration of the R1M. While contradictions on a world scale was qualitative step forward had been neither the basis of support within the convening of the Second Inter- taken in the international com- the working class nor a fully national Conference of Marxist- munist movement and the Declara- developed revolutionary pro- Leninists in 1984, its drafting of a tion of the RIM constituted a power- gramme yet existed which would political line for the international ful new political weapon for justify the formation of a proper communist movement and, on this Marxist-Leninists everywhere, in- Marxist-Leninist revolutionary par- political basis, its formation of the cluding Britain. ty it was appropriate to establish a Revolutionary Internationalist Given these increasingly pre-party organisation on the basis Movement, the first step towards the favourable international cir- of the programmatic work which reconstitution of a proper com- cumstances, the members of the had been done by the Marxist- munist international. This meant Marxist-Leninist Programme Com- Leninist Programme Commission that the Marxist-Leninists in Britain mission considered that it was and also on the basis of the Declars- were no longer largely isolated but urgently necessary to establish a na- tion of the RIM. To hesitate to through their participation in RIM tionally based Marxist-Leninist establish such an organisation would could draw upon the ideological, organisation in Britain which would be to ignore the developing objective 52

been achieved will it be possible for the working class in Britain, in con- junction with workers and oppress- ed peoples elsewhere, to either pre- vent the next major imperialist war or to turn that war into a revolu- tionary civil war. For this strategic aim to be achiev- ed it is necessary not just to develop a body of proletarian revolu-

U nemployed in Liverpool. situation and to neglect those elements in Britain who were striv- ing towards revolutionary action. The Revolutionary Internationalist Contingent in Britain is based upon a political line, expressed in the manifesto, and upon a basis of pro- letarian internationalism in the form of RIM, far in advance of those previous Marxist-Leninist organisa- tions established within Britain dur- ing the last quarter of a century. The whole international nexus of the contradictions of capitalism and im- perialism is intensifying. If the working class in Britain are to have the opportunity of making revolu- the development of a worldwide tionaries but also they must be tionary breakthroughs in the communist, classless society. The organised into a disciplined revolu- upheavals which will occur in the theoretical basis for its work is tionary party of the democratic cen- coming period then they need to Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung tralist type. Only it the conscious build a communist party and move- Thought. It is a proletarian interna- revolutionary elements are highly ment with great speed. It is the duty tionalist organisation and the organised will they be in a position of all genuine Marxist-Leninist com- leading centre to which it adheres is to provide clear decisive leadership munists to engage in this task by the Revolutionary Internationalist for the working class at a time of rallying round and working as part Movement. major crisis for the British monopo- of the Revolutionary Interna- The long term strategic aim of the ly capitalist class. Thus the short tionalist Contingent in Britain. Marxist-Leninist revolutionaries in term strategic aim of the Revolu- Britain during the coming period is tionary Internationalist Contingent Political Programme of the Revolu- to prepare so as to be ready to pro- is to build a genuine revolutionary tionary Internationalist Contingent vide decisive leadership when the in- communist party in Britain. in Britain tensifying international contradic- If there is to be a communist par- The Revolutionary Interna- tions reach a crisis point. Our aim ty then there must be a significant tionalist Contingent in Britain is a must be to create a vanguard of con- contingent of communists within the revolutionary proletarian organisa- scious, committed Marxist-Leninist working class. Those people who are tion of a pre-party kind committed revolutionaries within the ranks of most likely to develop a revolu- to the overthrow of imperialism and the working class. Only if this has tionary outlook and become com- s3 mitted communists are to be found ploitation suffered by the working class to themselves take the initiative among the middle and lower sec- class and their struggles to resist ahd move forward to a higher level tions of the industrial proletariat capitalist domination. Then the of class struggle. Our task is not so and among the lower sections of the Marxist-Leninists must strive to see much to get the working class to semi-proletariat. The practical ac- the possibilities of such struggles be- follow us as to encourage the work- tivities of the Revolutionary Interna- ing developed in ways which will ing class to take the lead for itself in tionalist Contingent will be focused lead to the generation of revolu- class struggle. around and directed at these sections tionary consciousness. We then have The Revolutionary Interna- of the working class with the aim of to engage in political struggle to per- tionalist Contingent will participate generating revolutionary con- suade the working class to adopt the in the day-to-day struggles to help sciousness among them. Particular right policies. Our general approach workers develop revolutionary con- attention will be paid to the struggle to class struggle should not be that sciousness. In participating in those of women, black people and youth of arrogant know-alls who think struggles such as to defend living in these sections of the working class they have all the answers. Rather, standards and jobs, against racism because these elements tend to suf- communists should become in- and sexism, etc., there are two oP- fer the greatest oppression and ex- timately involved in various working portunist errors we must be careful ploitation and thus, at least in the class struggles, so as to achieve real to avoid. The right opportunist er- long run, have the greatest poten- knowledge about them and only ror is to tail behind the popular tiality for revolutionary develop- then work patiently so as to movements and refraining from ment. While some attention should stimulate sections of the working struggling to provide political be paid to winning over to the leadership of a revolutionary kind. revolutionary ranks some elements This approach results in sustaining from the intermediate strata this is and even strengthening reformist il- definitely a secondary task and no opportunistic compromise should be

s D .:-l:i F tr d { z I qo tJr

made in carrying out such work. In engaging in class struggle the Revolutionary Internationalist Con- tingent must practice a mass line. Our starting point must always be the various oppressions and ex- 54

lusions among the working class. and winning support for a clear legislation which offered some The left opportunist error would be revolutionary political line on the minimal protection against the ex- if we held ourselves aloof from the issue at hand. While it is essential tremes of exploitation. The pressure piecemeal, day-to-day struggles of that the Revolutionary Interna- is on to erode some of the reforms the working class to defend itself tionalist Contingent becomes in- in terms of civil rights and employ- from oppression and exploitation, timately involved in various continu- ment which women have won in the on the grounds that such struggles ing working class struggles it is also post-war period. Young people, are not revolutionary. While not in vital that we always keep in view our who are particularly badly hit by themselves revolutionary, essentially revolutionary objective of the over- unemployment, are perceived by the defensive organisations such as throrv of the British monopoly ruling class as potentially disruptive trade unions and black people's capitalist state and direct the atten- and thus attempts are made to con- groups are nonetheless necessary for tion of the working class in this trol them by initiatives such as the the survival of the working class un- direction. Youth Training Scheme. Black peo- til such time as capitalism is over- During the present major depres- ple have also shown their capacity thrown. sion the sections of the working class for insurrection and so the state has The Marxist-Leninists must sup- which are identified here as having carried further its attempts to sus- port struggles while at the same time the greatest revolutionary poten- tain racist divisions within the work- struggling to help those involved to tialities find themselves increasing- ing class by means such as immigra- see that only a revolutionary solu- ly and directly confronted by the tion laws. tion will fundamentally resolve the British state. As the depression has What the struggles of these sec- problems the working class faces deepened the state has played an in- tions of the working class have in under capitalism. Our task in such creasingly active role in forcing the common is that those involved are struggles is to provide political less privileged sections of the work- confronted not so much by this or leadership which will attract more ing class to bear the brunt of the that individual capitalist employer rebellious elements and lead them to sacrifices necessary if capitalism is to but rather that they are faced direct- develop revolutionary con- survive. The social security benefits ly by the capitalist state apparatus. sciousness. Exercising political on which the unemployed and,low- leadership is not necessarily the same paid depend are being steadily thing as occupying the leading posi- whittled away as is the labour tl) tion in various organisations such as I trade unions and women's groups. a Rather it is a question of projecting S ? i P o q{ oi

Irish-Catholic youth heave Coca-Cola petrol bombs at quthorities. 55

This can be a very important factor revolutionary overthrow will free tional communist movement, in gradually unifying the struggles of the working class from capitalist op- especially Comrades Joseph Stalin these different sections of the work- pression and exploitation. Only if in and Mao Tsetung who have been ing class into one united counter- the course of these struggles clear subject to so much vilification from offensive. The Revolutionary Inter- lines of demarcation from various the mouths of the bourgeoisie and nationalist Contingent will concen- types of reformism are drawn will their stooges. The Revolutionary In- trate its day-to-day political work on the cadre of conscious, committed ternationalist Contingent proudly supporting, encouraging and where Marxist-Leninist revolutionaries be proclaims the great revolutionary possible leading struggles against created who will form the basis of heritage of the international work- various forms of state oppression. the communist party. ing class and its great leaders This must be done in a revolutionary The reactionary influences of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and- way as opposed to a reformist way. various reformist ideologies Mao. The main aim in stimulating strug- social democracy, Labourism, Trot-- In the coming period political gle against the capitalist state is not skyism, revisionism have got struggles should be focused around to win temporary concessions and socialism a bad name -among large the intensifying inter-imperialist war palliatives but is to raise the political sections of the working class in Bri- preparations and the struggle to pre- consciousness of the workers involv- tain. The experience of Labour vent the next imperialist war. The ed to a revolutionary level. These governments in Britain and Revolutionary Internationalist Con- struggles must be conducted such bourgeois counter-revolution in tingent should stress to the working that those involved come to grasp Russia and China together with all class that the increasing tension bet- the true nature ofthe state as the in- manner of anti-socialist bourgeois ween the two major imperialist blocs strument of ruling class power and propaganda has resulted in large is no accident but the inevitable out- come to recognise that only its numbers of workers believing that come of inter-imperialist rivalry. We socialism and communism are uto- must point out that the petit pian fantasies that do not work in bourgeois pacifism of large sections actual practice. The Revolutionary of the anti-war movement will not Internationalist Contingent fnust prevent another major world war. wage a fierce ideological counter- Only revolutionary insurrection in at attack against all this bourgeois least some of the imperialist coun- filth. We must thoroughly expose tries can prevent this terrible con- b the reformist Labour Party for what flagration. We must struggle to con- it is and always will be; a bulwark of vince workers that they do have the s monopoly capitalism and a deadly power, ifthey choose to exercise it, ! F enemy of the working class. In par- to prevent another world war by tr ticular, we must thoroughly criticise means of revolutionary insurrection. and attack those organisations in This is our first line of strategy. d and around the Labour Party who However, we must also struggle claim to be "revolutionary" and against the petit bourgeois defeatism { "Marxist." We must unmask their which claims that if there is another ? rotten reformism masquerading as major world war then this is the end 5 revolution. We must also pay atten- of human life as we know it. While 6 o\ tion to criticising the Soviet social- such a conflagration would be imperialists and Chinese revisionists massively destructive there would tn and make it clear to the working still be millions of people left alive in class that these people are really a Britain and our task then would be kind of fascist. At the same time we to lead the working class into turn- must hold up for admiration and ing the inter-imperialist war into a emulation the splendid victories and revolutionary civil war to overthrow achievements of the communist the monopoly capitalist class. This movement of the past. The revolu- is our second line of strategy. Pro- tionary conquest of power in Russia letarian revolutionaries are optimists and China, the struggle for socialist and we are determined to turn even construction in the USSR and the the most adverse conditions to the Cultural Revolution in China are ex- advantage of the working class. traordinary revolutionary The struggles of the oppressed achievements of which the working peoples in Asia, Africa, and Latin class can be justly proud. In draw- America serve to weaken and under. ing the attention of our class to their mine the imperialist powers. Thus , i@$ wonderful revolutionary heritage it these anti-imperialist struggles are is essential that we defend and striking at the same enemy faced by uphold for admiration and emula- the working class in Britain, the tion the great leaders of the interna- monopoly capitalist class. The op- 56

pressed peoples ofthese regions are the RIM and the establishment of a deepen and expand the revolu- our natural allies and the Revolu- new communist international. This tionary programme set out here. tionary Internationalist Contingent is absolutely vital to the advance- This will only happen if a definite will campaign for the working class ment of revolutionary struggle here and conscious effort is made to draw to support such struggles, especial- in Britain for we shall not be able to theoretical conclusions from ly those directed against British im- secure revolutionary victory here on political practice. For this to occur perialism such as the Irish and Aza- a lasting basis if the communist systematically and speedily definite nian national liberation struggles, movement does not make advances organisational arrangements must because those are the ones we can in other countries as well. be made within the Revolutionary most effectively support. We must The methods of struggle adopted Internationalist Contingent to clearly expose those who claim that by the Revolutionary Interna- develop the programme for pro- Britain is a neo-colony of America, tionalist Contingent will be whatever letarian revolution. This is no rather than a junior partner in im- ones are necessary, without reserva- desultory matter as we are engaged perialism, and we must also expose tion, for the advancement of the in a race against time with the im- those elements who try to disguise revolutionary cause. From its incep- perialist war preparations to build the oppressive and exploitative tion the Revolutionary Interna- the revolutionary party and move- nature of Soviet social imperialism. tionalist Contingent should take all ment. The task of the Revolutionary The position of the Revolutionary necessary steps to ensure that it is as Internationalist Contingent is to Internationalist Contingent is one of secure as possible from penetration create the conditions for its own uncompromising opposition to all and disruption by the British state dissolution and replacement by a forms of imperialism. In carrying and other enemies. The Revolu- proper revolutionary party as soon out this task it is our duty to give tionary Internationalist Contingent as possible. This can only be done by particular support to and help for will be organised in such a way that practising the highest possible level the Marxist-Leninist forces involved it can carry on the revolutionary of organisational efficiency and in the various national liberation struggle however extreme the repres- revolutionary discipline. struggles. The struggle for pro- sion it faces. As well as agitation, We call upon all committed adhe- letarian socialist revolution in the propaganda, and various organisa- rents of Marxism-Leninism-Mao imperialist countries and the strug- tional activities the Revolutionary Tsetung Thought to immediately gle for national democratic revolu- Internationalist Contingent will apply for membership in the Revo- {) tion in the oppressed nations are in- begin to prepare itself for all forms lutionary Internationalist Contin- aI tegrally linked. of revolutionary activity including gent in Britain. o\ If communists are not proletarian the highest methods of struggle. We We call upon all workers and internationalists then they are must be bold and not confine other people of revolutionary incli- z nothing. The Revolutionary Inter- ourselves to traditional methods of nations to make contact with the i nationalist Contingent in Britain is political work but develop new ones Revolutionary Internationalist Con- o a participant organisation of the as well. Our organisational method tingent, comment on this manifesto, h Revolutionary Internationalist is that of Bolshevism but one that is acquaint and involve yourselves o Movement and adheres to the truly dialectical in that it takes into with our political work and strug- q{ political line of its Declaration. We account changes of circumstances gle to unite with us in the revolutio- o must struggle to make workers in and adapts to them. The Revolu- nary cause. i Britain aware of the RIM and the tionary Internationalist Contingent We call upon all workers to strive political activities of its constituent must strive to become a fist of iron to raise the level of your struggles organisations. The Revolutionary striking out from amidst the masses against capitalist oppression and Internationalist Contingent must at the monopoly capitalist class. exploitation and to work with the emphasise to the working class in If the Revolutionary Interna- Revolutionary Internationalist Con- Britain that they are but one section tionalist Contingent is to succeed in tingent so as to hasten the day when of an international working class creating the conditions for the for- our class finally takes its destiny in who have a common struggle against mation of a proper communist par- its own hands and strikes down our capitalism and imperialism. The ty in Britain then it must not only oppressors. Revolutionary Internationalist Con- raise revolutionary consciousness "The proletarians have nothing tingent will do everything in its among sections of the working class to lose but their chains. They have power to further the development of and win a following but it must also a world to win." tr 57

(Continued from page l3) Mesopotamia: "Since His Majesty's ground for economist and bourgeois II. Kurdistan: Some government had declared its inten- democratic tendencies in our ranks. Historical Background tion to free the peoples of the East A more general practical result of from Turkish oppression and to help this was losing our strategic perspec- them gain their independence, the tive and tailing behind the spon- Britain and the Kurds chiefs who are the representatives of taneous events. Even more impor- The Lausanne Treaty of July 1923, the Kurdish people request that they tant, we neglected the possibility of in a flagrant but typical imperialist be taken under the British govern- our preparing the proletariat for violation of the rights of nations to ment's protection and be incor- seizing political power in that self-determination, carved up the porated into Iraq in order not to be period. " Kurdish territory into four parts and deprived of the benefits of the The fact that the regime chose to annexed them to the reactionary union. They request from the commit itself to a bitter military states of Iran, Iraq, Syria and Mesopotamia civilian commissioner campaign against the struggle in Turkey. There is evidence however that a representative with the Kurdistan, despite the great risks in- that for a brief period after the war necessary authorisation be sent in volved, underscores what a for- the British were entertaining the idea order to provide the Kurdish people midable potential this terrain held of forming not one but two vassal with the aid of the British and the and continues to hold for advancing states in the regions of Basra, opportunity of peacefully advancing the revolution. Within a month after Baghdad and Mosoul. Naturally on the path of civilisation. If the the Shah's demise, the struggle in these would have remained under a government assists the Kurds and Kurdistan was already challenging strict mandate and "protection" of protects them, then in turn they will the new regime with arms, His Majesty's Government for no guarantee to accept its orders and distinguishing Kurdistan as an ad- less than 25 years, in order to allow views. " vanced territory which, under pro- these uncivilised peoples a necessary As a side point, the outlook and letarian leadership, could indeed set period of maturation acceptable to aspirations expressed in this letter the standards for the other regions. the taste and interests of the British reflect the rather strong feudal trend The regime's iirst military campaign crown. According to this imperialist that existed in most of these nascent of suppression proved that the Kur- concoction, King Faisal of the Kurdish national movements at the dish landscape could be quite Hashemee Monarchy was to be the time, rendering them vulnerable to treacherous for the reactionaries. superintendent over the Basra and manipulation and armed suppres- With no quick victory in sight, and Baghdad regions while Sheikh Mah- sion by the imperialists and their wary of the political cost of the war, mond Barzanji from the feudal clans regional puppets. Speaking of the s which pushing ! was the more revolu- of the Barzan area in the north was early Kurdish movement in Turkey, F tionary section of the nationalists as to be responsible for the Kurdish Ibrahim Kaypakkaya points out tr well as the communists to the head region. At the time, the British that, "Alongside the 'national' of the struggle, the clerics tried to political supervisor Sir Arnold character of these movements, there d manoeuvre to exploit the contradic- Wilson was of the opinion that with also existed afeudol character." (see { tions on the Kurdish front through Sheikh Mahmoud in charge of Ira- article in this issue) z negotiations for a ceasefire, hoping qi Kurdistan not only would the pro- However, the expectations of to sow confusion and reformist illu- minent feudal Kurdish leaders of Sheikh Mahmoud and other feudal 6s sions and thereby gain time. Hamawend and Sulaymaniyah be leaders were not always in harmony o\ As later events proved, there was appeased, and thus willing to be us- with what the British demanded in (rr nothing to be gained from negotia- ed against the Turkish military cam- Iraq. Sheikh Mahmoud was seeking tions; the regime had no intention of paigns which were then being con- an autonomous Kurdish state under recognising the right of the Kurdish ducted to seize back the oil- rich British protection, and in May l9l9 nation to self-determination or even Kirkuk area, but also all this could he had already taken a new initiative autonomy. It was trying to gain time lend itself handsomely to by declaring himself the King of to reorganise its own forces by entic- establishing a puppet Arab regime in Kurdistan after a successful seizure ing the nationalist forces to slacken the south. The Kirkuk area had been of Sulaymaniyah from British their struggle. Indeed, in the spring under British Army occupation since forces, The British were not willing of 1980, the regime's army was early May 1918, but it was not fully to tolerate such unruly behaviour. In pounding at the gates of Sanandaj, secured for British interests due to fact, by May 1924, their better im- with the commander in chief, Bani the raids by Turkey. Under these cir- perial judgement no longer favoured Sadr, hollering, "We must not take cumstances, with the injunction an autonomous Kurdish state in the off our shoes till we take power in from the British, Sheikh Mahmoud north; King Faisal from Shirnaq, Kurdistan." During this period the Barzanji was declared sovereign in who had established friendly rela- Mujahadin maintained a con- what was to become Iraqi Kur- tions with certain feudal leaders and spicious - and treacherous - distan. Inaletterof November l9l8 had already been crowned in August silence on the regime's attack on bearing the signatures of forty 1921, was to be backed as the King Kurdistan, reflecting the Fars (great feudal clan chiefs, Sheikh of Iraq. nation) chauvinism typical of this Mahmoud offered his services to the The British imperialists, who were group. British political commissioner of anxious to consolidate their gains in 58

the Arab world and to secure their monopoly over its rich petroleum reserves and the rest of the wealth in the region, chose to prop up the Hashemee Monarchy and to rely on the infamous Royal Air Force (RAF) to force the Kurds into accep- ting the Arab government. Besides, the Lausanne Treaty with the pup- pet Kemalist regime in Turkey had provided sufficient security for their interests, greatly reducing the need to use the Kurdish rebellion as a bat- tering ram against the new Turkish comprador-feudal state, which itself was adamant about refusing any concession to or encouragement of the Kurds. The concern of the British as well as their European partners general- ly about overdoing the charade of "liberating the peoples of the East" was hardly mitigated by the establishment of a truly revolu- tionary state run by the proletariat Peshmergas of typicol Kurdish village. in what had been Tsarist Russia, which was both assisting and inspir- feudal clans were expioited by the really succeeded in putting out the ing the oppressed around the world British and the Hashemee Monarchy flame of armed rebellion among the to throw off the yoke imposed on in order to contain and suppress the Kurdish masses, despite the obvious u) them. The new Soviet state replaced Kurdish movement. Britain's limitations of their leaders. As Bri- I the Tsar's "prisonhouse of nations" strategic interests in the Middle East tain was preparing the basis to a with genuinenational equality which also required the establishment of a bestow "independence" on Iraq S sent shock waves through Central pro-British Arab government in (1931) with a British-lraqi agree- ? Asia and the Middle Easl. As soon Iraq; in order to achieve that, the ment (June 1930), Ieaving the as they seized power the Bolsheviks British imperialists were more than responsibility of mdntaining "inter- i had exposed and denounced all the willing to back the Hashemee nal" security to the Baghdad regime, the a new round of struggle broke out in oh secret negotiations of Tsarist Russia Monarchy in appropriating wealth of the Kurdish region. In Kurdistan. The Iraqi army and the a - the Sazonov memorandum of q{ February 1916 and the April 1916 December 1927 the League of Na- RAF conducted a large-scale terror o Agreement bargaining over the tions passed a resolution on the an- campaign against the Kurds under terms of the Treaty of Sykes-Picot nexation of Mossoul by Iraq. the leadership of Sheikh Mahmoud proposed by the allied imperialists Elbowing the Kurds out, the and later Sheikh Ahmed Barzani, = about annexing the Kurdish Hashemee Monarchy was going to which lasted until 1934. In the first -region all the way to the south of be able to monopolise the high eight months alone of this "internal Van and Bitlis in Turkey. Had the revenues f rom the Mosoul security operation" more than half Kurds gained any real autonomy or petroleum reserves and the export- of the Kurdish villages were razed. a separate state in any one region oriented tobacco crop of The gravity ol the situation pro- then this could have fanned the Sulaymaniyah. According to one mpted the British imperialists to in- flames of genuine national libera- estimate, during this period 30% of tervene under the cloak of non- tion and possibly become a rallying the total income of the Arab regime partisan mediators and arrange a point for the emerging national was coming from Iraqi Kurdistan. cease-fire; they were so generous as movement in the neighboring states. Naturally much of this was funnel- to propose an increase in the number In such an eventuality, the im- ed to the raising and training of an of civil serYants of Kurdish na- perialists dreaded the possibility of army in order to reduce the burden tionality in Kurdistan and of the the Kurdish national movement on the British forces being used Kurdish youth in the Iraqi Army. gravitating towards the victorious against the Kurdish rebels. Bolshevik revolution in Russia and Indeed, without the massive aerial Mistakes of the Communist Move- further extending its popularity and bombardment by His Majesty's ment influence in the area. RAF, the British and Iraqi troops "The coup d'etat of Khrushchev The feudal nature of the leader- were no match for the Kurdish in- and the revisionists in the Soviet ship of the movement and the ongo- surgents in the mountains. Suc- Union was also, it is clear now, the ing problems among the different cessive punitive expeditions never coup de grace to the communist 59

movement as it had previously ex- tional question has never appeared thermore, they used them to justify isted. The widespread cancer of revi- on the scene in its full dimensions. their brazen support for the com- sionism had already consumed The current laws grant the same con- pletely counter-revolutionary many (including some of the most stitutional rights to the whole Kemalist regime even in its brutal ag- influential parties that made up the Muslim population. Therefore, the gression against the Kurdish people. Comintern." (Declctration of the intellectual and bourgeois elements The TKP revisionists thus chose to RTM among the Kurds have put forward abandon the Kurdish proletarians, The damage inflicted on the no national and separatist demands peasants and broad masses in the revolutionary movement in Kur- whatsoever." Nine months after this face of bloody genocide. Naturally distan by the revisionist parties, par- speech the Turkish Army was receiv- it could not have occurred to the ticularly after the rise of the modern ing help from the French imperialists revisionists to lead the Kurdish pro- revisionists to power in the Soviet to use the railroad through Syria in letariat in organising a mighty Union, is no secret. However the order to encircle the insurgents of revolutionary movement to channel "cancer of revisionism" that had the SheikSaidRebellion. What the the Kurdish masses' righteous anger already consumed many of the com- TKP delegation described as "no against this. munist parties prior to the reac- national or separatist demands The revisionist policy led to the tionary coup of the revisionists in the whatsoever" turned out to be a full- strengthening of the leadership of Soviet Union reared its ugly head scale armed rebellion and that the nationalist bourgeois and feudal with respect to the Kurdish national was not to be the last of- it. forces to the detriment of the pro- liberation movement much earlier However, it appears that the revi- letariat and working masses of Kur- than even the degeneration of these sionist TKP was successful in per- distan. It provided support to the parties. Starting in the middle 1920s, suading some in the Executive Com- Turkish chauvinist propaganda of the Communist Party of Turkey mittee of the Comintern (ECCI). An the ruling classes to befuddle the abandoned the Marxist-Leninist ECCI report from the period 1925- minds of the Turkish workers and orientation, negating the positions 26 says that: "... The Kemalist peasants. adopted at its founding congress in bourgeois republican party, which In Iran during and after the Se- Baku (1920) under the leadership of came to power through revolution cond World War, the line of the Mustafa Suphi. With its t926pro- and continues to hold power, suc- Tudeh Party did serious damage to gramme under the leadership of ceeded in putting down the rebellion the Kurdish national movement, Shefik Hiisnu, the TKP's line led by SheikSaidinthe east. The sup- which held great potential for the ! became openly revisionist, capitula- pression of the Kurdish rebellion has development of a revolutionary { tionist and class-collaborationist. It increased the respectability of the struggle throughout the country. In- o not only hailed the regime of the new Turkish government at home and stead the Tudeh Party's reformist ! F Turkish comprador bourgeoisie and abroad. The expectations of the outlook served only to strengthen il- tr landlords but openly supported its British imperialists about ttre lusions about achieving autonomy counter-revolutionary policies under weakening of the national state for both the Kurdish and Azerbai- d the pretext of encouraging and power of Turkey have come to jani national movements. With pro- E strengthening the so-called "anti- naught. " mises of cabinet posts, the Iranian imperialist and anti-feudal capaci- Even in 1928 at the Sixth World regime was able to have the Tudeh z ty" of the Kemalist regime. Congress, an ECCI report on the Party pull the reins on the tremen- s These unmitigated revisionists felt Middle East and Turkey had the dous revolutionary potential that ex- 6 o\ no shame in giving open and full following evaluation: "Like isted among the working class at the Ot support to the genocidal campaigns everywhere else, capitalist develop- time. Though the Tudeh Party the Kemalist regime launched to ment in Turkey is also being realis- fulfilled its promises of holding the suppress the Kurdish rebellions in ed on the backs of the labouring revolutionary masses in check, the eastern Turkey; in fact, they were masses. Although the Kemalist regime clamped down on it shortly even inclined to spur the ruling revolution owes its victory to the before the elections in 1947. Further, classes on to be more consistent, support of the peasant masses, the in 1946 the Autonomous Kurdish resolute and thorough-going in these latter's situation has not improved at Republic of Mahabad faced assault campaigns. Just before the famous all. Economic and political power in by the regime and received no Sheikh Said Rebellion of 1925, the the Eastern provinces is still in the substantial support from the revolu- TKP delegation to the Fifth World handsoffeudal lords and Sheiks asin tionary masses in the rest of the Congress of the Comintern made the the past. The Kemalist government country due to the class- following remarkable assessment of could not even utilise the famous collaborationist policy of the Tudeh the national question in his speech to counter-revolution in Kurdistan Party. the 20th Session of the Congress: (1925) to eliminate the feudal fief- "The most significant national doms in this region. The Kemalist Mahabad Kurdish Autonomous minority are the Kurds; during the government was content with just Republic last fifty years, the Kurdish question punishing a few feudal landlords." The resounding collapse of the has come on the agenda three or It is reasonable to suspect that the Shah's monarchy under the blows of four times as a partial question and TKP revisionists were influential in the February 1979 revolution in in a feudal context. The Kurdish na- formulating such evaluations. Fur- Iran, together with the U.S.- 60

de' 'Ns*,

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rr) aI S ? i oh a c{ o = 6t sponsored September 1980 coup revolutionary nationalist outlook revolutionary upsurges that had d'6tat in neighboring Turkey - and were opposed to the national erupted during and after the war. which was an integral part of the oppression perpetrated on the Kur- The Mahabad Kurdish calculated imperialist response to the dish people. Their struggle was Autonomous Republic emerged revolutionary ferment of the Iranian limited to securing national equali- under these conditions and, given masses - and the Iran-Iraq war, ty for the Kurds. Their programme that the situation in Iran and inter- now entering its sixth year, have all did not call for an anti-feudal strug- nationally had more or less stabilis- laid bare the depth of the crisis of the gle, and it reflected the illusion that ed and that the U.S. imperialists imperialist world order and pro- there could be equality between op- were backing Iran, it now had to foundly influenced the situation pressed and oppressor nations in face a murderous backlash by the throughout the Kurdish regions of Iran, or at least that the regime regime. The limitations of the na- these countries. would respect Kurdish autonomy, tionalist ideology guiding it meant The period after the mid-1960s without any kind of proletarian-led that the Republic could not withs- was a prelude to the February revolutionary overthrow of the cen- tand this attack, despite heroic revolution and provided tremendous tral state power. resistance by the masses. impetus for the revolutionary pro- The same illusion held sway in Confusion and demoralization cess in the Kurdistan region of Iran. Azerbaijan as well, where the na- characterised the ensuing years. In There emerged new lines of demar- tionalist movement led by the Azer- the mid-'50s, the seizure of power by cation and a new alignment of forces baijani Democratic Party also ob- the revisionists in the Soviet Union within the more revolutionary sec- tained the recognition of regional and the restoration of capitalism tions of the national movement, autonomy for the Azerbaijani peo- there caused great damage to the which had earlier suffered a serious ple on 19 June 1946 from the worldwide revolutionary front, setback. In the late 1940s the Iranian representatives of the government of dragging many communist parties regime had unleashed an annihila- Gavam-o-Saltaneh in Tehran. The into the swamp of class collabora- tion campaign against the Kurdish presence of the Red Army in the tion and degeneration. In Iran, the nationalist movement, culminating north played a decisive role, along Tudeh Party, which had never been in the genocidal murder of with the militancy and wide scofe of a genuine Marxist-Leninist party, thousands of Kurds. The head of the the nationalist movement, in forcing was in no position to resist this inter- Kurdish Democratic Party (Iran), the central government in Tehran to national malady or the attacks of the Gazi Mohammed himself, was yield to the demands for autonomy regime. The 1953 ClA-engineered caught and hung by the regime to of the oppressed nations in Iran. The coup d'etat was a heavy price paid { demoralise the Kurdish rebels who standing army of the regime had for all reformist illusions and mark- o T had been fighting with inspiring practically disintegrated after the en- ed the consolidation of U.S. F heroism. Under the leadership of try of the Soviet and British armies domination in Iran. tr Gazi Mohammed, the Kurdish in l94l; the regime had no means to However, as Lenin remarked on rebels had developed political and crush the nationalist movements, one occasion, history does not stand d military strength and had gained other than diplomatic demagogy still even in times of counter- { some autonomy. This came about designed to bring the U.S. and its revolution. The liberation struggles t through the opening created by the European allies to bear on the Soviet ofthe oppressed peoples and nations Second World War, particularly 6 Union, which it charged with in- in the colonies and semi (neo) col- 6 following the entry of the Soviet Red stigating "civil war" through the onies were experiencing a powerful q Army from the north and the British presence of its armies in [ran. The new upsurge. Under the leadership rrr troops from the south. On January Red Army pulled out of Iran on 6 of Mao Tsetung, the Communist llth, 1946, in Mahabad, Gazi May 1946, but the U.S. imperialists Party of China gave invaluable Mohammed publicly announced the were the ones who bellowed the political and material support to founding of the Mahabad Kurdish most about the alleged danger of the these struggles and launched a sting- Autonomous Republic. Soviet move to seize the oil reserves ing critique of the Soviet revisionists' His speech at the founding and to extend its influence in the betrayal of revolution at home and ceremony of the republic reveals the region. True enough, the victory of abroad. political thinking that had been the USSR, then a socialist country, guiding the movement up to that over German imperialism did in fact point: "A salute to you, Flag, you gain genuine sympathy from the op- III. Crucial Questions who symbolise justice and law, we pressed, including in Iran. But the give our word that we shall live in socialist Soviet Union then, unlike of Political Line unity and do away with strife the social-imperialist USSR today, forever. Flag, now you fly over on- was not motivated by the need to The experience accumulated over ly one part of Kurdistan. Tomorrow establish world hegemony. Coming decades of bitter struggle, the when you fly over all parts, you will out of the Second World War on top historical limitations of the various sweep away oppression and in- among the imperialists, it was the feudal-bourgeois and bourgeois justice. Long Live Great Kur- U.S. which was aggressively pursu- leaderships, the further development distan!" Gazi Mohammed and the ing a policy of consolidating its of the proletariat as a social class KDP (Iran) in that period had a hegemony and containing the and especially the painful lessons of 62

the repeated betrayals and backstab- bings by the revisionists all this bore down on the more- revolu- tionary sections of the Kurdish movement, compelling them to search for a truly revolutionary orientation. The Soviet Union, after the Twen- tieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) in 1956, was anxious to collude with the Western imperialist powers, par- ticularly the U.S. The new bourgeoisie that had usurped power after the death of Stalin was ag- gressively pursuing a policy of restoring capitalism at home and op- posing the revolutionary struggle of the oppressed peoples international- ly. The new Soviet bourgeoisie was heaping praise on the Iranian con- stitution and on the White "Revolu- tion" instituted by the Shah's regime, which had been a mortal enemy of the Kurds. Attuned to Moscow's directives, the counter- revolutionary Tudeh Party was a willing abettor of the regime's bloody measures to suppress the rr) Kurdish revolutionaries. as Similarly, the pro-Moscow revi- g sionists of the Communist Party of Iraq chose to condone all the z savagery against the Kurdish people Kak Sqlqh i in a despicable complicity of silence as the regime of Abdul Kerirn Mao Tsetung Thought ched in the party and state apparatus P Ghassem launched a full-scale Against this background, the and to lurther revolutionise society o military campaign against Iraqi Kur- momentous international battles struck a vibrant chord among q{ distan in l96l in order to consolidate waged under the leadership of Mao millions of people across the world o the central state authority. As Iraq Tsetung against Khrushchevite who were rising up as part of the i was pulled increasingly into the modern revisionism and the new revolutionary upsurge that swept the social-imperialist orbit, it was the capitalist class in the Soviet Union as world in the 1960s and early 1970s. Soviets who armed, trained, and ad- well as the capitalist roaders in "...The Cultural Revolution was vised the Iraqi military apparatus China could not but have a pro- waged as part of the international particularly after 1968 to rain- found effect on the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat and was a death and destruction on- the Kur- struggle in Kurdistan. As observed training ground in proletarian inter- dish landscape, while the CP of Iraq in the Declaration oJ the Revolu- nationalism, manifested not only by naturally stood by and gave full con- t i o nary Interna tions list Movement : the support given to revolutionary sent to avoid jeopardizing its "If the theoretical struggle against struggles throughout the world but chances of getting a few token seats modern revisionism played a vital also by the real sacrifices made by in the government. role in the rebuilding of a Marxist- the Chinese people to render this In Turkey, the revisionists had Leninist movement it was especial- support.... long since succumbed to the unbridl- ly the Great Proletarian Cultural "The Cultural Revolution was the ed Turkish chauvinism of the Revolution, an unprecedented new living proof of the vitality of Kemalist ideology, which did not form of struggle, itself in large part Marxism-Leninism. It showed that even recognise the existence of Kur- a fruit of this combat against the proletarian revolution was dish as a language. They were more modern revisionism, that gave rise to unlike all previous revolutions which than willing to assist the ruling a whole new generation of Marxist- could only result in one exploiting classes in brutally clamping down on Leninists. The tens of millions of system replacing another. It was a the Kurdish national movement in workers, peasants and revolutionary source of great inspiration to the exchange for being granted the legal youth who went into battle to over- revolutionaries in all countries." status they had long cherished. throw the capitalist roaders entren- The revolutionary movement in Kurdistan was no exception. A As it was also viewed through the significant number of revolutionary prism of Kurdish nationalism, Kurdish intellectuals and students however revolutionary, the depth around the University of Tehran and scope of the integrated whole of were influenced by the red storm the science of Marxism-Leninism- that had broken loose in China Mao Tsetung Thought was in- sweeping away the revisionist debris evitably distorted to varying degrees that cluttered the path of revolu- with nationalist and pragmatic tionary struggle. The historic deviations. significance of the revolutionary line The fact that the Soviet Union represented by Mao Tsetung and of was at that time colluding with the the battle between Marxism- U.S. (and the Western imperialists) Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought in actively suppressing the revolu- and modern revisionism was certain- tionary struggle of the oppressed ly grasped unevenly by such forces. peoples and nations (now it has Revolutionaries such as Fuad adopted a more "militant'' posture, Soltani considered themselves providing arms, etc., to these upholders of Mao Tsetung Thought, movements to try to turn them into and others, such as Suleyman Moiini instruments of inter-imperialist and Ismail Sherifz Edeh took a mili- rivalry) reinforced the tendency to tant stand against the revisionist and reduce Mao Tsetung's devastating reformist debasement of the revolu- all-round critique of modern revi- tionary struggle, mainly regarding sionism to merely siding with the the class-collaborationist thesis of armed struggle of the oppressed in the "peaceful road to socialism," opposition to the Soviets. This has F-uud Soltqnt endorsed by the Tudeh Party been, and still is, accompanied by renegades. They began to organise the tendency to narrowly view both armed struggle in Kurdistan. Thought capable of unleashing the the armed struggle and the revolu- The revisionist forces, with the full revolutionary potential in Kur- tionary struggle in a particular Tudeh Party at their head, were bit- distan. Even among the forces who region of the world as well as to con- D terly set against this nascent revolu- claimed adherence to Mao Tsetung ceive of this as a separate tionary trend in During Iran. the Thought, such as Fuad Soltani, the phenomenon in itself and not as an o= mop-up operations of 1967 that ideological fetters of nationalism integral component of the single ! F were launched in Tehran and Kur- hindered their ability to develop a process of world proletarian revolu- tr distan to nip this trend in the bud, thorough-going scientific understan- tion, however tortuous and com- the Tudeh revisionists did not ding of Mao Tsetung Thought as a plex. And clearly, the prism of Kur- d hesitate to collaborate with the qualitative advance in the science of dish nationalism ultimately blurs the E Shah. The U.S.-engineered "land Marxism-Leninism. Mao Tsetung significance of the all-around reform" not ? - which, surprisingly, continually insisted on the role of development of the revolutionary enjoyed the editorial praise of revolutionary consciousness, on the struggle in Kurdistan, since it s Izvestio and Pruvdo had - con- decisiveness of the correct political underestimates the international fac- q\6 spicuously refrained from changing and ideological line and developed tors and forces in its favour and, lJt the landholding arrangements in his path-breaking theory and prac- reciprocally, the tremendous im- Kurdistan, a move designed to enlist tice of continuing the revolution petus this struggle can give to the the support of the Kurdish feudal under the dictatorship of the pro- world proletarian revolution, par- landlords and khans (local feudal letariat to transform and further ticularly if led by a genuine authorities) against the progressive revolutionise society and the party, vanguard party firmly based on and revolutionary forces in Kur- which, he warned, must constantly Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung distan. All this could only reaffirm renew itself to guide the revolu- Thought and taking proletarian in- Mao Tsetung's scientific teachings tionary struggle until the achieve- ternationalism as its point of depar- on the nature of modern revisionism ment of communism. All this was a ture. and on the necessity of integrating brilliant application and a Such shortcomings (by no means armed struggle and the agrarian qualitative development of Lenin's unique to them) which marred the revolution, so as to "start a prairie teachings, particularly on revolu- Kurdish revolutionaries' evaluation fire" across the Kurdish landscape. tionary theory and the role and of Mao Tsetung and the Great Pro- However, the shortcomings of necessity ofthe vanguard party, yet letarian Cultural Revolution led this beginning revolutionary cur- even some of those influenced by the them to belittle the need both to rent, along with early and savage revolutionary vigour and earth- form a vanguard party of the pro- repression by the regime, did much shaking victories of Mao Tsetung's letariat of all nationalities and to to impede the development of a line tended to interpret it in a take responsibility for leading the revolutionary movement guided by somewhat economist, tailist fashion, revolutionary struggle as a whole. Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung in fact separating Mao from Lenin. Tailist interpretations of Mao 64

Tsetung's teachings compounded ing retreat not only from a ping of Mao Tsetung Thought in the distortions resulting from the na- thorough-going Marxist-Leninist their propaganda and their training tionalist outlook. Hence much of stand but also from that of the foun- ofcadres. This retreat from the posi- the revolutionary mass work carried ding leaders of Komala in 1978. tions adopted at the time of the out was characterized by a slow, pa- In Iraqi Kurdistan, the formation group's formation not only kept tient and at times even pedagogic ap- of the Komala Ranjedaran was the them from fully playing the kind of proach. The reaction to the most significant expression of the in- revolutionary role they might have emergence of the foco-ist Castro-ist fluence of the Great Proletarian played in Iraq, but led in 1982 to distortion of armed struggle Cultural Revolution. During the reversing the correct verdict on the strengthened these tailist tendencies. period following its founding until social-imperialists. Ideological It was not until immediately prior to after the seizure of power by the shortcomings, blended with revolu- the February 1919 revolution that revisionists in China, Komala Ran- tionary nationalist tendencies, were the prospects of struggle for political jedaran played an important role for responsible for their inability to ad- power ever were truly seen or acted the revolutionary movement, not vance from their original stand and upon, These shortcomings and ideological deviations later rendered political forces such as the Komala particularly vulnerable to more open opportunist and revisionist trends. The Communist Party of lran (CPI), the product of a peculiar amalgamation of the Union of Mili- tant Communists (UMC) and the Komala (The Organization of the Toilers of the Kurdistan of Iran, founded by Fuad Soltani in 1978), is a good example of this today. The line and practice of the CPI merits r{) criticism not only because it claims I to be the vanguard of the class- a conscious proletariat but, more S seriously, because it strikingly em- ? bodies a number of dangerous deviations which have plagued the I revolutionary movement. These I have culminated in a series of ram- a shackle attacks on Marxism- { Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought, q concentrated against the immortal o contributions of Mao Tsetung. Flowing from this, the CPI's line = also suffers from pronounced devia- tions from the cardinal principles set forth by Lenin on the party, the role of revolutionary consciousness and revolutionary mass work, the na- tional question, etc. Moreover, its inability and refusal to understand the decisiveness of Mao Tsetung just in Kurdistan but in Iraq as a to resist the spontaneous and Thought as a scientific weapon in whole, due to its open defense of pragmatic pull which tended to li- the struggle against modern revi- Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung quidate the political and ideological sionism has completely disarmed the Thought. Nevertheless, Komala independence of the proletariat. The CPI in explaining the restoration of Ranjedaran shared some of the same organisational expression of this was capitalism in the Soviet Union. This weakness of nationalism and the a tendency to replace the role of the could well lead to capitulation to failure to grasp the crucial role of the party with that of the front. social-imperialism in one form or proletarian party. Later on, with The class struggle in Turkey open- another and, as is indicated in their both crisis in the Marxist-Leninist ed up a different path for those Kur- party positions, the CPI is already movement following the coup d'6tat dish revolutionaries in Turkey who beating a hasty retreat from identi- in China and changes in the world were influenced by the achievements fying the Soviet Union as social- situation, these weaknesses of Mao Tsetung and the Great Pro- imperialist. This is indeed an alarm- manifested themselves in the drop- letarian Cultural Revolution. 65

Ibrahim Kaypakkaya led the revolu- various political forces, ranging doctrine, it is impossible in the final tionary communists to split from a from those with a revolutionary analysis to wage and win warfare for revisionist organisation that was communist political and ideological social or national emancipation, pretending to uphold Mao Tsetung line, to those with a revolutionary since the armed forces of the old against modern revisionism. His nationalist or progressive outlook, order have a wealth of experience struggle to forge a genuine pro- to those which have been or are and superiority in non-revolutionary letarian party through a fierce becoming tools of reactionary na- warfare. Therefore it is indispen- political and ideological debate over tionalism and imperialism. As much sable and imperative even from a the basic principles of Marxism- as this situation makes the political military standpoint that an army Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought and military terrain extremely com- fighting for a genuine revolutionary enabled the communist movement plex and difficult, it also lays bare cause must be revolutionary in the in Turkey to attract the most revolu- the nature and programme of the fullest sense of the word. tionary forces among the Kurdish political forces leading these The longer the duration of the people into its ranks. Ibrahim peshmerga armies, providing the fighting, the more apparent becomes Kaypakkaya's vigorous exposition raw material for the revolutionary the qualitative difference between an of the Marxist-Leninist stand on the masses to grasp the international army of revolution and counter- national question helped the Kur- significance of the struggle and the revolution, thereby facilitating the dish revolutionary masses to gain a necessity of proletarian leadership to victory of the former over the latter. scientific understanding of national lead it to victory. It is not without reason that the reac- oppression, the chauvinism of the "War is the highest form of class tionaries are always anxious to ruling Turkish nation and the na- struggle," Mao Tsetung said, "for achieve "quick victories" and worry tionalist aims of the Kurdish resolving contradictions, when they about prolonging the war, par- bourgeoisie and small landlords in have developed to a certain stage, ticularly when they are challenged by opposition to the interests of the between classes, nations, states, or revolutionary armies. Or they feel proletariat. political groups, and it has existed the need to periodically introduce In addition, Ibrahim Kaypakkaya ever since the emergence of private cease-fires in order to impede the ruthlessly exposed the pacifist and property and of classes." ("Pro- dissemination of the revolutionary economist distortions of Mao blems of Strategy in China's Revolu- ideals embodied in the discipline, Tsetung's brilliant contributions to tionary War") For this reason, the heroism and social practice of the the military science and the strategy troops involved in the armed strug- revolutionary army. Mao Tsetung's of people's war. As he pointed out, gle concentrate the aspirations and reference to the Long March as "a people's war is the scientific ap- the political and ideological aims seeding machine" underscores this s proach to waging revolutionary war- which move them to action in the basic truth. -F fare and seizing power in Turkey, first place. Hence it is unavoidable The revolutionary army tr particularly in order to create red that the organisational principles, epitomizes the new, revolutionary political power in the Kurdistan composition and structure of a society rising up in arms, locked in- d region where the savage national op- peshmerga army and the way in to battle with the old order. Warfare { pression and the suffocating pre- which it carries out the actual conducted by the revolutionary ar- capitalist (semi-feudal relations) had fighting and relates to the broad my is thus assured of victory to the z long rendered the prairie dry. masses, its allies and enemies will be extent that it also comprehends per- 5 Ibrahim Kaypakkaya made the first 6 fundamentally determined by suasion by arms: by its fighting spirit o\ serious attempt of the Marxist- whether in essence it is waging war- and style, a revolutionary army can (lt Leninists of that country to launch fare to preserve society based on in- and must induce and spread armed struggle, precisely in the Kur- equality, oppression and exploita- demoralisation among the troops distan region of Turkey. tion in one form or another or it is and the social base of the reac- fighting to destroy all this, and those tionaries, persuading them of the Revolutionary Warfare representing this, in order to ad- hopelessness of their predicament For long decades revolutionary war- vance society towards communism and the invincibility of the revolu- fare and the objective conditions for as part of transforming the whole tionary cause. More importantly, it it have continued to prevail in Kur- world. All armies in the field can arouse and persuade ever distan. But particularly now, it is of without exception will have to be broader sections of the masses to crucial importance that such warfare tested by the revolutionary Kurdish become part of consciously transfor- must be carried out resolutely and masses according to this criteria. In ming the world. All this very much according to the military science and effect this has already begun to oc- depends on the way a revolutionary outlook of the revolutionary pro- cur, since those who deserve their army conducts its "criticism of letariat, which has been qualitatively wrath are being labelled Josh or weapons." And as pointed out by enriched by the contributions Mao josh-e hafif (sold out or semi-sold Lenin, "only the proletariat can Tsetung made on the basis of sum- out!). create the nucleus of a mighty ming up the experience of long years Furthermore it is self-evident that revolutionary army, mighty both in of revolutionary warfare in China. with an army of peshmergas that is its ideals, its discipline, its organisa- Many armies currently exist on not guided by revolutionary prin- tion and its heroism in struggle." the Kurdish terrain. They are led by ciples and a revolutionary military Based on this understanding of 56

Lenin and on the experience of the war and other forms of revolu- for the reactionary ruling classes, Bolshevik Party, Mao Tsetung, tionary struggle must be carried out shake their foundations and hasten summing up the development of as a key arena for training the their internal disintegration. Only China's revolutionary war, said revolutionary masses to be capable thus is it really possible to create a "...in an era when the proletariat of wielding political power and Red Army which will become the has already appeared on the political transforming society." Only this chief weapon for the great revolu- stage, the responsibility for leading orientation can increase the depth tion of the future. In short, only thus China's revolutionary war inevitably and scope of the revolutionary war, is it possible to hasten the revolu- falls on the shoulders of the Chinese strengthening its social and political tionary high tide. " ("A Single Spark Communist Party. In this era, any base and drawing larger sections of Can Start a Prairie Fire") revolutionary war will definitely end the masses into the war effort. Due Such red base areas can only in defeat if it lacks, or runs counter to the leadership of non-proletarian emerge through the political to, the leadership of the proletariat forces, much of the armed struggle mobilisation and struggle of the peo- and the Communist Party... Hence currently conducted in Kurdistan ple and through warfare based on only the proletariat and the Com- suffers serious shortcomings in this their initiative. Neither defending munist Party can lead the peasantry regard. And the practices of reac- nor spreading the revolutionary and the urban petit bourgeoisie and tionary mercenary armies in the field political power can be accomplish- bourgeoisie, can overcome the serve as good lessons by negative ex- ed without relying on the masses. narrow-mindedness of the peasantry ample. Their revolutionary energy and in- E and the petit bourgeoisie... the itiative can only be truly unleashed vacillation and the lack of Red Base Areas through warfare that targets the thoroughness of the bourgeoisie The establishment of liberated base centuries-old social relations enslav- - i) and can lead the revolution on to the areas provides a foundation for ing them in the interests of the ex- road of victory." ("Problems of waging a people's war. A new ploiting classes as well as foreign im- Strategy...") The importance of democratic political power of the perialism and its agents. proletarian leadership as the most masses can be established under the Furthermore, actively participating crucial condition enabling the Ieadership of the proletariat through in and supporting such revolu- revolutionary war to be carried the political mobilisation of the peo- tionary warfare enables the masses through firmly to the end is also ple for the armed struggle integrated tr) to revolutionise and train themselves sharply expressed by Mao Tsetung with I agrarian revolution and other to wield political power as masters a in another statement emphasizing necessary revolutionary social of the new society. Herein lies the o\ the inseparable connection between transformations. Such liberated meaning and superiority of people's political and military affairs: "Our areas are the embryo of a new in- war, against which the army of the revolutionary war has proved = that dependent regime where the masses enemy and its technical superiority i we need a correct Marxist military who have been oppressed, exploited will inevitably prove ineffective. o line as well as a correct Marxist and, as Kurds, subjected to the most Ultimately not weapons but people h political line. " ("Problems of brutal national oppression, can ex- and their politically conscious {o Strategy... ") ercise political power. Such red base revolutionary activism will be tr Thus for the revolutionary move- areas hoist the red flag of revolution decisive. o ment in Kurdistan, Mao Tsetung's and become living political Leaving aside the reactionary na- i contribution in the field of revolu- manifestos calling to the ranks of tionalist organisations such as KDP tionary warfare and military people in the respective states and of Iraq(GM), even among the pro- strategy - which cannot be divorc- even beyond. The birth of the gressive and revolutionary organisa- ed from his contribution to the line revolutionary new regime in tions of the Kurdish nationalist for revolution in colonial and semi liberated areas is not an end in itself; forces, their class outlook and na- (neo) colonial countries, specifical- it must serve as a base for expanding tionalist ideology severely hinders ly the theory of New Democratic the armed forces of the revolution, their ability to conduct warfare Revolution - has, as an integral deepening the agrarian revolution, against the reactionary regimes. In whole, direct relevance and utmost transforming the backward relations contrast to the outlook of the significance. And it must be bluntly of production, and hence creating revolutionary proletariat, the stated that among the revolutionary better conditions both politically outlook of the Kurdish bourgeoisie peshmergas in Kurdistan, those who and militarily for engaging the and other landed property owners are not armed with Mao Tsetung's enemy in revolutionary warfare on naturally does not and cannot allow teachings on political and military an even grander scale and moving the full mobilisation and political affairs cannot be - in spite of the towards final victory. As Mao awakening of the peasants, pro- weapons they might carry - con- Tsetung said, "... spreading political letarians and semi-proletarians, sidered armed against imperialism, power by advancing in a series of whose revolutionary aspirations social-imperialism and local reac- waves, etc., etc. Only thus is it possi- cannot be fulfilled by just exchang- tionaries. ble to build the confidence of the ing one set of oppressors for another The Decloration of the Revolu- revolutionary masses throughout but requires instead the victory of tionary Internstionalisl Movement the country.... Only thus is it possi- the New Democratic Revolution pointedly says: "... revolutionary ble to create tremendous difficulties over feudalism, bureaucrat 67 capitalism and imperialism. These nationalist forces strive to confine the revolutionary struggle of the proletarians and peasants, trying to befuddle the minds of the masses with Kurdish nationalism to the detriment of the interests of the labouring classes and the class strug- gle ofthe proletariat. Ironically, this has only prolonged the subjugation of the Kurdish nation to national op- pression. The effort to avoid the integration of the armed struggle with the agrarian revolution in order to enlist the support of feudal property owners in the struggle against na- tional oppression has only dampen- ed the revolutionary enthusiasm of the peasants, who are the main force of the armed struggle. Those who today stand in the way of the poor peasants confiscating the land or storming the warehouses and granaries of the feudal landlords will later on bemoan the shortage of peshmergas or their unwillingness to engage the enemy. Without boldly basis of revolutionary warfare. prehend after all, the political line unleashing and relying on the To a great extent, the difficulty leading does- not plan to hold on to revolutionary enthusiasm of the experienced in defending these so- them itself. L broad masses of the people as "a called "liberated" areas from enemy AII this closely interpenetrates bastion of iron" for the revolution, attacks stems from this non- with military affairs. Without s as Mao Tsetung put it, revolutionary proletarian policy that hinders or building up and expanding genuine D F warfare cannot be successfully wag- even consciously prevents the toiling liberated areas as rear areas from tr ed. And against those who accused masses' struggle from establishing which the armed struggle can draw the peasantry and the masses of "go- their own revolutionary regime and political, social, economic and d ing too far" and of "committing ex- transforming society. Therefore the military support, without fully { cesses" in their revolutionary "liberated" areas are in effect mobilising and political unleashing vehemerlce, Mao Tsetung upheld the "liberated" only from the free rov- the masses, it would be impossible z revolutionary initiative and en- ing of the enemy troops but not, in "to lure the enemy in deep," to fight I thusiasm the people a of by saying, essence, from the old structure of battles where tactical superiority can o\ "Where there are two opposite ap- reactionary political power and be wrested from the enemy, to (lr proaches to things and people, two social relations of production. launch surprise attacks, to circle opposite views emerge. 'It is terri- Under such conditions the reluc- around and trap the enemy, etc. All ble!' and'It is fine!', 'riffraff' and tance of the masses to go all-out in the military advantages of fighting 'vanguards of the revolution' - fighting to defend so-called liberated a people's war would no longer be at here are apt examples." ("Peasant areas can only be attributed to the the disposal of the peshmergas, Movement in Hunan") nature of the political line of the hence tendencies would emerge to In the areas controlled or con- organisations which control these rely on modern weaponry and aid tested by the revolutionary or pro- areas. Especially when such a from at best dubious sources, to de- gressive Kurdish nationalist forces, political line is more interested in us- pend on foreign imperialists and the policy of not tampering with the ing the armed struggle to pressure even to capitulate. As Mao was to existing social relations, ofnot car- the reactionary regime for conces- put it, "you fight your way and I'll rying out and spreading the agrarian sions at a negotiating table or rely- fight my way." revolution, of complicity with the ing on the "support" of the social- Pessimism, defeatism, oYerrating old feudal authority, with sheikhs, imperialists or other reactionary of the enemy's combat effectiveness, mullahs and other reactionary states rather than maintaining and seeking the support of an imperialist elements, of not establishing an in- developing the armed struggle and power (these days most often the dependent regime of people's new the base areas, the revolutionary Soviets) would inevitably set in. This democratic power in an appropriate masses' reluctance to fight for the has been the fate of more than one form this can only erode and defence of such "liberated" areas erstwhile revolutionary nationalist sabotage- the social and political should not be so difficult to com- (even with pseudo-Marxist coloura- 68

tion). Kurdistan, despite and in the face of The Revolutionary Army very favourable prospects for doing Warfare divorced from the struggle Communist Party of Iran that. Thus the CPI is, in effect, to for the revolutionary transforma- This kind of outlook is both quote the Decluration of the RIM, tion of the old social order through reflected in and reinforced through "appealing to the workers on the the active and conscious participa- the political line of the CPI, among narrowest of bases and negating the tion of the broad masses will others. The opportunist line of the necessity of the working class to lead ultimately degenerate into "warlor- CPI, which includes a lavish amount the peasantry and others in dism." The imperialist powers of of Trotskyism, produces some most thoroughly eliminating imperialism both blocs and their puppets in the conservative and liquidationist pro- and the backward and distorted region exert every effort in this direc- nouncements concerning the armed economic and social relations that tion, each trying to acquire armies struggle and the seizure of power by foreign capital thrives on and rein- on the Kurdish terrain that can be proletariat the through protracted forces. ' ' deployed for their predatory aims. people's war. For the CPI, the arm- The CPI, which proclaims to be a The intensification of inter- ed struggle carried out even by their communist party, happens to com- imperialist rivalry in particular has own Komala peshmergas in Kur- mand a relatively significant army of been fueling any latent potential for distan is a phenomenon which experienced Komala peshmergas such developments. Furthermore, hinders the task of organising the and enjoys a respectably large mass the existing feudal social structures proletarians in party cells that base among the more revolutionary of ashirets (a type of Kurdish clan) should be constructed at the produc- sections of the Kurdish people who and the reactionary authority vested place tion and in the urban working- have a burning hatred of the regime in them provides a basis for this type class districts. The implication of and the existing backward social and of degeneration. The KDP-Iraq this losing proposition can be economic relations. Yet it is (GM) stands as a most despicable nothing but preparing to get rid of somehow unable to appreciate the manifestation of this phenomenon, this nuisance. Considering the CpI's immense potential that exists for which can also be observed in KDP- deep-seated economism, this should waging armed struggle to establish Iran and PKK in Turkey. by no means come as a surprise. red political power in Kurdistan. A revolutionary army is The most unmitigated economist The CPI is infatuated by the idea of distinguished by and draws its and liberal-reformist recipes are be- a bunch of workers counsels manag- strength from its revolutionary uni- h ing tossed back and forth between ing the daily affairs of the factory, ty with the masses and the revolu- I the CPI and infamous pro-Soviet allegedly to train the workers for ex- tionary unity between the soldiers a revisionists such as Rah-e-Karghar ercising state power sometime in the and the officers. Such an army must o\ (Path of the Worker) regarding the future - instead of fully developing avoid at all cost being a burden on z most efficient means for keeping the the armed struggle in Kurdistan to the masses as "gallant warriors" workers as isolated as possible from establish base areas. who deserve special services. On the i revolutionary politics. The CpI pro- The CPI's flight from the science contrary, they themselves must serve poses to organise a movement for oh of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung the people, in addition to fighting a workers counsels in the factories as Thought stands stark naked when its battles, by conducting revolutionary q{ the most suitable way to develop the propositions and the objective cir- agitation and propaganda among o working class movement and to lay cumstances in Kurdistan are weigh- them and by taking part in produc- the basis for some future Soviets, ed against the following scientific tion reorganised on a revolutionary i which the CPI's vision deems to be formulation of Mao Tsetung: "The basis. Correctly combining fighting the road to political power. Leaving seizure of power by armed force, the battles and taking part in production aside the patently absurd caricature settlement of the issue by war, is the can not only meet the cost of main- of the experience of the Bolshevik central task and the highest form of taining the army but more fun- Revolution on the Soviets as organs revolution. This Marxist-Leninist damentally it can provide disciplin- of political power as well as the principle of revolution holds good ed and politically conscious CPI's untenable schematism, on at universally, for China and for all production detachments that can least two accounts the CPI's alleged other countries." ("Problems of lead the masses in achieving self- concern for creating organs for seiz- War and Strategy") Especially when sufficiency and laying the founda- ing political power cannot be taken all the objective conditions are pre- tion of the new economic order with seriously: firstly, with such liberal sent for the execution of this central an eye towards future socialist bourgeois economism the working task, it is evident that the CPI's op- transformation. Thus profound class can never be trained in revolu- portunist line will increasingly be ex- political unity can be achieved bet- tionary communist politics to strug- posed, destroying the militant ween the people and their revolu- gle for and exercise political power; heritage and experience built up by tionary armed forces. and secondly, such a miserable the Komala in the past. The forces The violation of such principles, economist recipe is only a justifica- of Khomeini and the reactionary na- created and brilliantly applied under tion for abandoning the revolu- tionalists will exploit their serious er- the leadership of Mao Tsetung, has tionary potential for establishing red rors to try to consolidate their own done great damage in Kurdistan and political power through armed position and to suppress the revolu- provided opportunities for the reac- struggle led by the proletariat in tionary struggle of the masses. tionary regimes to create hardship 69 and to demoralize people. Con- political power does not exist to pro- women is the measure of the tinuous military harassment, bomb- vide a rallying point for them has thoroughness of one's revolutionary ing of villages and fields, blocking of also made it easier for the reac- outlook. Whether a political force fresh-water springs, planned raids to tionary regimes to recruit stands for the complete abolition of burn and destroy the harvest and mercenaries. all forms of exploitation and oppres- other retaliatory crimes by the sion or for transplanting itself onto regimes are all intended to daunt the Radical Rupture Required the seats of political power and thus revolutionary masses. At the same "A revolution," Mao Tsetung in- merely changing the form of the time they graphically underscore the sisted, "is not a dinner party, or system of oppression will be reveal- dire necessity as well as the material writing an essay, or painting a pic- ed by whether it fights actively to basis for reorganising production ture, or doing embroidery; it cannot "unleash the fury of women as a and the socio-economic order along be so refined, so leisurely and gen- mighty force for revolution, " as it is revolutionary lines. From the stand- tle, so temperate, kind, courteous, powerfully expressed around the point of the revolutionary com- restrained and magnanimous." To world in the May First slogan of the munist line, any belittling or neglect enable the masses to overthrow the Revolutionary Internationalist

{ o Fa tr d s ? sI o\ (h f: ,,litrl i:. 1:,,::

Speciol ceremony held by Komala in which newly-trained Peshmergas receive their first orms.

of these tasks would be tantamount oppressor, they have to also rebel Movement. to betraying the revolutionary against and overthrow the ideas, The absolutely reactionary at- masses and sabotaging the material values, and culture ofthe oppressors titude of part of the nationalist basis for consolidating and expan- as part of transforming the whole forces (and all of the reactionaries) ding revolutionary political power superstructure that rests on the towards women, in defending and and thereby immensely strengthen- backward relations of production. A even reinforcing the social and ing revolutionary warfare. Indeed, people still enslaved spiritually and ideological shackles that bind them, the neglect or blatant refusal of the ideologically by the ideas, culture is nothing but a reflection of the nationalist forces to seriously take and world outlook of their op- bourgeois outlook. Those who vilify up these tasks has not only pressor cannot be successful in and try(!) to degrade women who demoralized the masses in these smashing the material chains that join the peshmerga army as fighters areas but forced them to seek a keep them in captivity either. by openly insinuating that they are livelihood in smuggling and other Perhaps more than anything else, promiscuous or of loose morality unproductive and harmful practices. the thoroughness of the position must be exposed as defenders of the The fact that a truly revolutionary taken against the oppression of enslavement of women under the 70

feudal, bourgeois-feudal male backs or outright betrayals that oc- through to completion. Similarly, authority, which serves and reflects curred either in blind pursuit of or history demonstrates the bankrupt- the existing system of exploitation under the guise of such "realism, " cy of an 'anti-imperialist front' (or and oppression. It is worth recalling strengthening the hand of the op- similar'revolutionary front') which that it was Karl Marx who said, pressor and seriously undermining is not led by a Marxist-Leninist par- "Anybody who knows anything of past victories as well as the strength ty, even when such a front or forces history knows that great social of the oppressed. within it adopt a 'Marxist' (actually changes are impossible without the Tactical considerations must pseudo-Marxist) colouration. While feminine ferment." To be willing to under all circumstances be subor- such revolutionary formations have have half of its fighters in chains and dinate to the overall revolutionary led heroic struggles and even bondage is not only to surrender half strategy, which must be based on delivered powerful blows to the im- of the revolutionary army to the firm principles that do not wobble in perialists they have been proven to enemy, but more significantly it is to the face of changing circumstances be ideologically and organisationally blind the remaining half to the real and the sugar-coated bullets or false incapable of resisting imperialist and sources of oppression and to fetter promises of the enemy. Under all bourgeois influences. Even where the overall struggle for social eman- circumstances, the tactics adopted to such forces have seized power they cipation which must eliminate not make use of the contradictions have been incapable of carrying some but oll forms of oppression among the reactionaries must drive through a thorough-going revolu- and exploitation. The victory of a wedge into the enemy camp and tionary transformation of society revolutionary struggle and warfare weaken the enemies of revolution and end up, sooner or later, being will greatly depend upon to what ex- overall, and they must enhance the overthrown by the imperialists or tent the "feminine ferment," as conditions for revolutionary strug- themselves becoming a new reac- Marx called it, will be not simply gle, not just in one area or even in tionary ruling power in league with tolerated but consciously and active- the Kurdish region of one of the imperialists. " ly encouraged, unleashed and countries in question, but in all of organised to produce peshmergas, them. It is not too late to learn from Autonomy military commanders, and pro- the enemy. Even a cursory survey of It is indisputable that the Kurdish letarian political leaders for revolu- the policies of the British and the national movement has consistently tion. U.S. imperialists against the revolu- been a most explosive component of h The revolutionary moyement tionary movement in Kurdistan the revolutionary ferment in this I throughout Kurdistan can, and reveals that they tried to avoid the part of the world, even at times the a given the current situation in the mistake of encouraging the overall sole movement to raise and carry the S area, must make use of the con- revolutionary moYement in Kur- banner of rebellion against the reac- z tradictions among the reactionary distan to the detriment of their loyal tionary regimes propped up by ruling classes of the vassal states. puppets. This is true for example various imperialist forces. However i However under no circumstances when they resort tactically to using a number of factors historically have P should such tactical considerations certain forces in the Kurdish region also forestalled the full realisation of o take priority oYer or assume more of one or another country as an in- the revolutionary potential in Kur- q{ prominence than the correct revolu- strument of their reactionary distan. Overall the movements in o tionary orientation. They should machinations aimed at getting a Kurdistan have predominantly been i never be allowed to blur the cardinal more desirable performance from under the leadership of bourgeois line of demarcation between the any of their own puppets. nationalist forces or bourgeois- enemies of revolution regardless The ability to correctly handle feudal nationalist forces whose class of which country they- are based in these contradictions and to correct- interests and outlook have been an or which of the two imperialist blocs ly apply the policy of being firm in impediment to the Kurdish revolu- they may represent or be allied with principle and flexible in tactics re- tionary masses in their contribution and the genuine forces of revolu- quires, above all, a vanguard party to the world proletarian revolution. tion,- particularly the revolutionary of the proletariat. As the Declara- Although ferocious national oppres- communist forces. tion oJ the RIM puts it: sion has continued to fan the flames In revolutionary struggle, some "The key to carrying out a new ofthe struggle, it has also been a fac- concessions and tactical com- democratic revolution is the in- tor retarding the development of the promises are unavoidable, but the dependent role ofthe proletariat and working class both economically blatant betrayal of the revolutionary its ability, through its Marxist- and politically. Lenin remarked cause has been justified only too fre- Leninist party, to establish its that, "The bourgeoisie, which quently in the name of "down to hegemony in the revolutionary naturally assumes the leadership at earth" politics allegedly intended to struggle. Experience has shown the start of every national move- make use of contradictions in the again and again that even when a ment, says that support for all na- enemy camp. The annals of history section of the national bourgeoisie tional aspirations is practical. " [Em- - and the history of the revolu- joins the revolutionary movement, it phasis addedl. ("The Right of tionary movement in Kurdistan is no will not and cannot lead a new Nations to Self-Determination," exception are cluttered with pain- democratic revolution, to say cw20) ful episodes- of either serious set- nothing of carrying this revolution Even revolutionary Kurdish na- 7t

tionalism has not always proven pears to be more "practical" than proletariat and other oppressed ' 'practical' ' to the Kurdish overthrowing the reactionary state masses and how unbearable was the bourgeoisie and landlords. The power of the oppressor nation's rul- anguish felt by the revolutionary "practicality" of the bourgeois ing classes. Lenin's criticism of such masses came through vividly when outlook has inexorably driven the "practical-minded" reformism on peshmergas committed suicide by various leaders of the Kurdish na- the national question remains valid: the hundreds rather than bear the tional movement to concede to what "A reformist change is one which humiliation of surrendering to the was acceptable to the state of the rul- leaves intact the foundations of the enemy. ing nation. These reactionary states power of the ruling class and is Lenin warns that "The at certain points, when in a difficult merely a concession leaving its bourgeoisie of the oppressed nations position, manoeuvred to offer "par- power unimpaired. A revolutionary persistently utilise the slogans of na- tial autonomy" or "cultural na- change undermines the foundations tional liberation to deceive the tional autonomy" in order to split of power. A reformist national pro- workers; in their internal policy they up or control the growing revolu- gramme does not abolish all the use these slogans for reactionary tionary ferment in Kurdistan. privileges of the ruling nation; it agreements with the bourgeoisie of Examples of such fiendish moves does rol establish complete equali- the dominant nation... in their can be observed in the wake of the ty; it does rol abolish national op- foreign policy they strive to come to First World War in Iraq in the form pression in all its forms. An terms with one of the rival im- of "partial autonomy under His 'autonomous' nation does not enjoy perialist powers for the sake of im- Majesty's mandate," and right after rights equal to those of the 'ruling' plementing their predatory the Second World War in Iran in the nation; ...until 1905 autonomous plans...." ("The Socialist Revolu- case of the Autonomous Republic of Norway, as a part of Sweden, en- tion and the Right of Nations to Mahabad. In view of the long- joyed the widest autonomy, but she Self-Determination Summed Up," standing vulnerability of the Iraqi was not Sweden's equal. Only by her CW 22) This assessment by Lenin regime in the face of the movement free secession was her equality forcefully depicts the character of a in Kurdistan, the imperialist manifested in proctice and prov- number of nationalist forces counselors of the regime find it op- ed.... As long as Norway was mere- in Kurdistan which portray portune to dangle hints of promises ly autonomous, the Swedish themselves as the champion of Kur- for an autonomous Kurdish region aristocracy had one additional dish national liberation while either in Iraq. Remember Lenin's warning: privilege; and secession did not flirting or directly serving one of the I "Like all reformists, our reformists 'mitigate' this privilege (the essence imperialist blocs or sometimes strad- of 1905 could not understand that of reformism lies in mitigating an dling the fence for a better offer. In E historic situations arise when evil and not in destroying particular, D it), but the KDP-Iran, which has F reforms and particularly promises of eliminated it altogether (the prin- long been cashing in on the prestige tr reforms, pursue only orre aim: to cipal criterion of the revolutionary of the 1946 Kurdish Autonomous allay the unrest of the people, force character of a programme). " ("The Republic of Mahabad, typifies the d the revolutionary class to cease, or Nature of Self-Determination characteristics cited by Lenin above. { at least slacken, its struggle." ("A Summed Up," CW 22) As late as 1985, on the heels of the Lecture on the 1905 Revolution," It is "practical" for the na- biggest reactionary military offen- z ct4/ 23) tionalists to take the capitulationist sive ever by the Khomeini regime € It seems that the French im- and reformist 6 road, even when the against Kurdistan, the KDP-Iran; o\ perialists, who have been quite in- struggle against national oppression, led by none other than Gassem Lu in |Jt fluential over the Iraqi regime, far from just beginning, has already secret collusion with the Tudeh revi- favour granting some type of reached the stage of full-fledged sionists, noisily scurried about in an counterfeit autonomy status to Ira- warfare against the oppressor. Na- effort to come to terms with the qi Kurdistan, an area which has tied tionalism, even in its revolutionary Khomeini regime. Internationally, down a major section of the Iraqi form, inevitably embraces as a strong supporter of Soviet Army that could otherwise be pragmatism and deems it more feasi- social-imperialism and as friends deployed on the Iranian front. Un- ble to strike a deal with the national with European social-democracy, it doubtedly such promises are intend- oppressor rather than to rely on the has been seeking aid and recognition ed not to be kept but to create splits revolutionary masses in a protracted not from the revolutionary masses among the Kurdish nationalists. struggle to eliminale the evil and genuine revolutionary com- Saddam Hussein's "granting" of altogether. Although there is a munist organisations and parties but "autonomy" for Kurdistan in 1970 qualitative difference between the from the imperialist powers. Lately, stands as a typical example of what thoroughly reactionary KDP-Iraq under pressure from the social- such promises hold for the Kurdish under the leadership of Barzani and imperialists, it shows inclinations to people. progressive and revolutionary na- sign up on the payroll of the revi- Nonetheless hopes of being tionalist forces today, still the cease- sionists. Recent reactionary armed granted "autonomy, " "partial fire struck with the Iraqi regime in attacks by the KDP-Iran on Komala autonomy" or "cultural national 1975 stands as a most stinging indict- provide indisputable evidence of the autonomy" continue to exist among ment of such illusions. How former's counter-revolutionarv Kurdish nationalists, since this ap- "detrimental" to the cause of the policies. 72

"Greater Kurdistan" the Kurdish proletarians from the question in Russia so difficult)." In terms of ' 'utilising slogans of na- proletarians of other nationalities, ("Right of Nations to Self- tional liberation to deceive the vindicating the failure to join ranks Determination") workers, " various Kurdish na- for the overthrow of the existing Theoretically it would be impossi- tionalist organisations have put for- state power in a given country. ble to determine in advance the ex- ward the slogan of "Greater Kur- The Declsration of the RIM states act course of the Kurdish national distan." More often than not, this that: "Due to the establishment of liberation movement; it is certain slogan has been used as justification central state structures prior to the however that it will play a tremen- for not waging a militant struggle to process of capitalist development, dously significant role in the revolu- overthrow the reactionary govern- semi (neo) colonial countries, in the tionary turmoil of the upcoming ment which is the instrument of na- main, have multi-national social for- period. In any event, the Kurdish tional oppression in that very same mations within them; in a large class-conscious proletariat must be state. The establishment of "Greater number of cases these states have first and foremost concerned with Kurdistan" would require the over- been created by the imperialists ensuring the development and the throw of several, if not all, of the themselves. Furthermore, the interests of their class as part of a reactionary states that have divided borders of these states have been single international class of pro- up the Kurdish territory. Moreover, determined as a consequence of im- letarians worldwide. As Lenin put it, the emergence of a "Greater Kur- perialist occupations and machina- "The proletarian cause must come distan" would by no measure be an tions. Thus it is generally the case first, we say, because it not only pro- insignificant event in the region and that within the state borders of tects the lasting and fundamental in- in the world as a whole; it would ef- countries oppressed by imperialism, terests of labour and of humanity, fect tremendous upheaval, and thus oppressed nations, national ine- but also those of democracy; and a fracturing of the existing interna- quality and ruthless national oppres- without democracy neither an tional and national political matrix sion exist. In our era, the national autonomous nor an independent in the region. question has ceased to be an internal Ukraine [in this case Kurdistan - Clearly all these factors must have question of single countries and has AWTW\ is conceivable." ("Critical entered into the "feasibility become subordinate to thd general Remarks on the National Ques- analysis" of the "practical-minded" question of the world proletarian tion," CW20) Kurdish bourgeois forces, and the revolution, hence its thorough-going rn slogan of "Greater Kurdistan" is resolution has become directly Conclusion I certainly not intended to blow the dependent on the struggle against The possibility and necessity of a biggest possible hole through the imperialism. Within this context hoisting the red flag in Kurdistan S imperialist network in the region. As Marxist-Leninists should uphold the more forcefully than ever before is z Lenin observed, "the bourgeoisie is right of self-determination of op- confronting the communists and the most interested in the 'feasibility' of pressed nations in the multi-national masses. The prospects for ! a given demand and hence lhe in- semi-colonial states. " establishing red political power in P variqble policy of coming to terms There is absolutely nothing sacred the form of base areas and indepen- a with the bourgeoisie of other na- about the current state borders dent regimes are quite favourable. In { tions...." ("Right of Nations to dividing the Kurdish territory, nor is this eventuality the revolutionary tr possi- masses in Kurdish regions in all of o Self-Determination," CW 20) lf , it written in stone that the only i through the twists and turns of the ble or "legitimate" course for the the bordering states will provide struggle and the unfolding of con- development of the world pro- tremendous support and rallY tradictions in the region and the letarian revolution must be in the around the red banner hoisted in any world, the prospect of establishing form of a separate revolution in each one particular Kurdish region to a Kurdish state comprising the Kur- state, resolving the Kurdish national wage revolutionary warfare for its dish regions in several of the existing question as part of the New defence and expansion. A genuine states were to emerge, the com- Democratic Revolution within the people's war under the leadership of munists would evaluate the ad- borders of each. The following the revolutionary communists in any visability of such a state on the basis remark by Lenin is to the point here: one of the Kurdish regions can quite of the overall interests of the ad- "Marx did not make an Absolute of easily rip the existing political struc- vance of the world revolution. the national movement, knowing, as ture in the Middle East irreparably However, the cutting edge of the he did, that only the victory of the apart, providing an opening for all slogan "Greater Kurdistan" is not working class can bring about the the oppressed in the region. Under so much directed against the reac- complete liberation of all na- these circumstances, the question tionary states and the imperialists tionalities. It is imPossible to for the international proletariat can- backing them as it is nationalist estimate beforehand all the possible not be to confine such a revolu- demagogy against the working class, relations between the bourgeois tionary storm to the borders of anY pandering to national prejudices liberation movements of the op- one particular state or nation but to that already exist among the masses pressed nations and the proletarian liberate as much of the world's ter- in order to lead them by the halter emancipation movement of the op- ritory as possible from the bloody for the class interests of the Kurdish pressor nation (the very problem claws of imperialism and reaction. D bourgeoisie. It serves to segregate which today makes the national 73

(Continued from page l5) of their own market and to control are being incorrectly included within dependent and minority na- it and to exploit the material wealth the concept of the Kurdish people as tionalities. Thus the struggle the pro- and people's labour themselves. a whole; in this case, the heavy op- letariat must wage for the equality of These are the powerful economic pression of the Kurdish people, who nations and for doing away with all factors that pit the bourgeoisie and suffer class oppression in addition to national oppression, privileges, etc., the landlords ol two nations against national oppression, is being con- would be cast overboard. The right each other; hence the unceasing at- cealed; the national movement and of nations to self-determination tempts of the bourgeoisie and class movement are being portrayed would be abandoned. The im- landlords of the ruling nation to as one and the same thing, and thus perialists' colonisation of backward perpetrate national oppression; they descend to the line of Kurdish nations, intervention in their inter- from this stems the fact that national nationalism. nal affairs and perfidious violation oppression is directed against the Besides, other than the Kurdish of the right of nations to self- bourgeoisie and landlords of the op- nation, there are minority na- determination would all be legitimis- pressed nation. tionalities which do not constitute a ed by the notion that "they do not Today fascist martial law has fill- nation; and in the form of banning constitute a nation." Similarly, in ed Diyarbakir Prison with their language, etc., national op- the multi-national states, the domi- democratic Kurdish intellectuals and pression is perpetrated against them. nant nation's every form of oppres- youth representing the Kurdish The Shafak revisionists leave this sion and bullying of the minority na- bourgeoisie and small landlords. To- point aside completely. tionalities would be legitimised day small landlords and some of the away. Those who claim that there Kurdish religious figures are also in 3. What is the purpose of national would be no nation to speak of if jail, or are being hunted down for oppression? landlords existed are sounding a imprisonment. According to the Shafak revi- trumpet for the dominant nations. As for the handful of big sionists, the purpose of national op- Those who claim that the Kurds do landlords, their cohorts and a few pression is "to daunt the Kurdish not constitute a nation are blowing big bourgeois, they have long since people." "The pro-American the horn of the Turkish ruling established an alliance with the governments have carried out classes. As is known, the Turkish Turkish ruling classes. All the vicious oppression and torture in ruling classes maintain that the privileges are just as accessible to order to daunt the Kurdish people." Kurds are not a nation. By defen- them as they are to the Turkish rul- (my emphasis) Certainly, one of the D ding the privileges of the Turkish ing classes. The army, the gen- purposes of the pro-American ruling classes, these gentlemen darmerie, the police are also at their governments is to daunt the Kurdish s ! treacherously sabotage the mutual service... A very large section of the people. In fact the purpose of their F confidence, solidarity and unity Kurdish bourgeoisie and small oppression over even the Turkish tr amongst the masses of working peo- landlords is subject to national op- people and generally over the whole ple of various nationalities... pression by the Turkish ruling people of Turkey including Turks, d Not just the Kurdish people b:ut classes. They face oppression even Kurds, Armenians, Greeks, Arabs s the whole Kurdish nation is being by the big Kurdish feudal beys. A and Vazs, etc., is to daunt them. But z subjugated to national oppression, handful of big landlords are taking is this the purpose of national op- with the exception of a handful of large sums of extortion money from pression? If that were true, how s big landlords and a few big the small landlords through pressure could the oppression perpetrated o\ bourgeois. The Kurdish workers, and force. The fact that the Kurdish against the Kurdish bourgeoisie and 9r peasants, urban petit-bourgeoisie as bourgeoisie and small landlords are small landlords be explained? What well as small landlords all suffer na- enraged by the big feudal beys and would be the meaning of banning tional oppression. their cohorts is based on these two the Kurdish language? If that were In fact the target, in essence, of factors..,. true, what difference would there be national oppression is the By maintaining that national op- between the oppression inflicted by bourgeoisie of the subjugated and pression is being administered to /fte the pro-American governments dependent nation, because the Kurdish people, the Shafak revi- against the Turkish people and that capitalists and landlords of the rul- sionists fall into one of two errors: against the Kurdish people? The ing nations want to possess the en- either the concept of Kurdish people pro-American governments want to tire wealth and market of the coun- is being used correctly and therefore intimidate and cow the Turkish peo- try unchallenged. They want to keep not all of the Kurdish bourgeoisie ple as well and they carry out the the privilege of establishing a state and small landlords are included most vicious oppression and torture right in their own hands. By bann- within it; in that case, the national to this end. The martial law courts ing other languages, they want to oppression perpetrated against the are crammed with hundreds of bring about a "unity of language" Kurdish bourgeoisie and small Turkish workers, peasants and in- which is crucial for the market. The landlords is being overlooked and tellectuals. After the events of I 5- l6 bourgeoisie and landlords ofthe op- therefore indirectly being given ap- June (1970), hundreds of Turkish pressed nationality stand as an im- proval, thus they descend to the line workers were barbarically tortured portant obstacle to this, because of Turkish nationalism. Or, the Kur- by the police. The peasants involv- they too would like to be the master dish bourgeoisie and small landlords ed in land occupation were mer- 74

cilessly beaten in police stations. perpetrated against the working peo- Kurds qnd strenglhen the position of Leaders were thrown in dungeons. ple to exploit them more and to sup- imperiolism in this part of the Therefore, the purpose of the pro- press class struggle; second, the na- world. " (my emphasis). American governments does not tional oppression perpetrated Is this not exactly ruling nation solely consist of daunting the against almost all of the classes of chauvinism itself? Posturing in "KURDISH PEOPLE." That is the the minority nations and na- favour of the equality among na- policy implemented by all reac- tionalities for the purposes mention- tions in words, but in reality exten- tionary governments against the ed above, namely national purposes. ding the recognition of the privilege whole working people regardless of Communists must distinguish bet- of forming a state only to.the Turks their nationality. Beyond that, not ween these two forms of oppression. and liquidating the right of the just the Kurdish people, but the Because the Kurdish bourgeoisie and Kurds to form a state with whole Kurdish nation (excluding a small landlords, for instance, are in demagogic bourgeois slogans such handful of the big feudal beys) is favour of the first type of oppres- as "national unity" and "territorial subject to oppression and torture in sion, while opposing the second integrity, " is this not to defend ine- order to achieve not just "daunting" type. We however are against both quality among nations and the but a more basic purpose. What is forms of oppression. We support privileges of the Turkish purpose? that In its most general ex- the struggle of the Kurdish bourgeoisie? Socialists Irevolu- pression, that purpose is to own the bourgeoisie and small landlords to tionary communists op- entire market and material wealth of eliminate national oppression; but pose even the smallest-AWTWI privilege the country unchallenged. It is to ob- on the other hand we have to strug- favouring a nation and inequality. tain new privileges, to expand and gle against them also in order to Whereas in Turkey, to form a na- use the old ones to the utmost. To eliminate class oppression. The tional state has always been a this end, the bourgeoisie and Shafak revisionists depict national privilege of the Turkish nation and landlords of the ruling nation spend and class oppression as though they still continues to be so. We the com- great effort to maintain the political were one and the same thing.... munists do not defend this privilege borders of the country in order to either, just as we do not defend any prevent at all cost the separation of 5. Those who champion national other privileges. We defend and con- the regions, where the various na- oppression in Turkey and their ac- tinue to defend the right of the Kur- |o tionalities live, from the country. complices dish nation to form a state with all One of the conditions for the In our ! country, the real champions our might. We will respect this right a development of commerce to the of national oppression are the big to the end; we do not support the o\ fullest is a unified language. For this Turkish bourgeoisie, that is, of com- privileged position of Turks over the purpose, the bourgeoisie and prador nature, and the landlords. Kurds (and over other nationalities); u landlords of the ruling nation would The U.S. imperialists support and we educate the masses to recognise } like to have their language spoken instigate their policy of national op- this right without hesitation and to throughout o the whole country and pression and racism. But the reject the right to form a state as a h even try to make this accepted Turkish middle bourgeoisie, which privilege in the monopoly of any {a through force. In Comrade Stalin's has a national character, participates single nation. Comrade Lenin points q words, "who will control the with more refined and stealthy out that: o market," that is the essence of the methods in the same crime. As Com- "If, in our political agitation, we i question. The slogans "national uni- rade Lenin expressed it, they: fail to qdvqnce snd sdvocate the ty," "indivisible unity and integri- "...approoch the longuage ques- slogon of the right to secession, we ty of the state together with its coun- tion in the same woy as they ap- shall play into the hsnds, not only of try and nation," are the expression prooch allpolitical questions - like the bourgeoisie, but olso of the of the selfish interests of the hypocritical hucksters, holding out feudal londlords and the sbsolutism bourgeoisie and landlords and their one hand (openly) to democracy and of the oppressor nqtion." desire to unconditionally control the other (behind their back) to the While on the one hand posturing "the market." National oppression feudalists ond police. " as opponents of privileges, our mid- which is carried out for controlling While on the one hand opposing dle bourgeois of national character the market by the bourgeoisie and the feudal stick in the hands of the and our social-opportunists stealthi- landlords and national oppression state by putting forward that it will ly and jealously embrace with two carried out by the ruling be of no use, they cannot refrain hands the privileges favouring the bureaucracy for "caste purposes" from proposing more refined and Turkish bourgeoisie. These extends to the appropriation of polite methods of national oppres- hypocritical shopkeepers hold out democratic rights including mass sion... "The wreckirg of the one hand (openly) to democracy and murder (that is, genocide). In brotherhood between the Turks and the other (behind their backs) to the Turkey, there have been many ex- the Kurds, based on historical roots, reactionaries and police agents, to amples of genocide. of the nationol unity in Turkey ond unbridled and fanatic Turkish na- Thus the oppression against the the territorial integrity of Turkey, in tionalism, feudal racism, and labourers of the oppressed nationali- whotever form, would lead to con- become their accomplices. ty assumes a compound character. sequences controry to the real in- First, the class oppression terests of both the Turks ond the 8. The Kurdish National Movement 75

The national movements in Turkey of historical injustices that have long and the Kurdish peasants against the are neither new nor solely compos- since lost their character as a con- Turkish bourgeoisie and landlords, ed of the Kurdish movement. They temporary issue. "So long as these who controlled the new state, and began even before the collapse of are not historical injustices that con- against the ruling bureaucracy which Ottoman society and have continued tinue /o hinder social development acted in conjunction with them. The to the present. Bulgarians, Greeks, and class struggle directly," the Turkish bourgeoisie and landlords, Hungarians, Albanians, Kurds, communist parties should not adopt masters of the new state, proceeded Armenians, Arabs, Yugoslavs, a stand for their redress which would to resurrect racism and spread it in Romanians... have all repeatedly divert the attention of the working every sphere. They re-wrote history risen up against the dominant class from fundamental questions. from the very beginning, inventing Turkish nation within the Ottoman The historical injustice, which we a racist and absurd theory about the state; history has brought all, except mentioned above, has already lost origin of all nations from the Turks. the Kurdish movement, to a certain the character of being an issue of the The origin of all languages was also resolution. Today, within the day. Therefore communists should Turkish(!). The theory of the "Sun borders of Turkey, the national not display stupidity and lack of cir- Language" was concocted in order movement that has not been resolv- cumspection by demanding its rec- to prove this. The Turks were the ed yet is the Kurdish movement. The tification.... master nation (really, those who natural tendency of the national Within the borders of Turkey as -were masters were the Turkish rul- movement in Turkey also has been determined by the Lausanne Treaty, ing classes): the minorities were the formation of states with national the Kurdish national movement has obliged to obey them. Speaking any unity. Capitalism, which quietly continued. From time to time upris- language other than Turkish was entered the life of East Europe and ings occurred. The most important forbidden. All the democratic rights Asia at the end of the l9th and at the of these have been the 1925 Sheik of the national minorities were beginning of the 20th century, has Said Rebellion, the 1928 Agri suspended, and every form of aroused the national movements in Rebellion, the 1930 Zilan Rebellion humiliation or immiseration of these these regions. To the extent that and the 1938 Dersim Rebellion. peoples was legitimate. Those who capitalism and commodity produc- These movements, along with a ",na- were Kurdish were given degrading tion developed, the other nations tional" character, had a feudal names. Efforts were made to within the borders of Turkey have character as well: the feudal beys, disseminate Turkish chauvinism separated themselves from Turkey who had been sovereign up until that among the Turkish workers and D and become organised in separate point, clashed with the central peasants, and this was more or less national (or multinational) states, authority, which had begun to successful. Martial law, im- s with the exception of the Arme- undermine their sovereignty. This plemented throughout the country, Fa nians, who were massacred and was the essential factor driving the assumed especially intense forms in tr driven from their lands en masse in feudal beys to rebel against the cen- the East. The Kurdish region was l915 and l9l9-20. tral authority. In the face of the cen- frequently declared a "prohibited d The Lausanne Treaty divided the tral authority held by the Turkish military zone," etc. As a reaction to Kurds among various states. ruling classes, the desire of the Kur- this dominant nation chauvinism, s Trampling upon the right of the dish bourgeoisie to control "its the nationalism ofthe oppressed na- z Kurdish nation to self-determination own" internal market merged with tion was inevitably strengthened. It s and defying the Kurdish nation's the desire of the feudal beys for was unavoidable that this drove the q6 own desires and inclinations, the im- sovereignty. As for why the peasant Kurdish peasants into the ranks of tr perialists and the new Turkish masses participated in these the bourgeoisie and the feudal beys government defined the borders by movements on a wide scale, this was of their own nation. The Kurdish bargaining. because of national oppression. As people, the vast majority of whom Thus the Kurdish region was Comrade Stalin pointed out, the didn't even speak Turkish, and divided up among Iran, Iraq and policy of national oppression especially the Kurdish peasants Turkey. "diverts the attention of the brood naturally reacted violently to the of- Here another point deserves at- mosses of people away from the ficials of this new regime who op- tention: The partitioning of Kur- social problem towards the 'com- pressed, degraded and tyrannized distan in violation of its right to self- mon' problems of the bourgeoisie them just like a colonial governor. determination is certainly a and the proletariat. This in turn By necessity this righteous reaction historical injustice. And, as Com- creotes on atmosphere suitable for of the peasants wound up uniting rade Lenin stated on a different oc- spreoding the lie of the 'harmony of with the reaction of the feudal Kur- casion, the task of the communist interests,'for covering up the closs dish beys and the Kurdish parties in such a case is to unceasing- interests of the proletariat (ond the bourgeoisie. And thus were born the ly protest this injustice and to con- peosonts) and for spiriluolly enslav- Kurdish rebellions. demn the entire ruling class. But it ing the proletariot (and the The communists support the pro- would be mindless to put the rec- peasonts)." gressive and democratic elements of tification of such an injustice in the All these reasons united the feudal these rebellions those which are programme. This is because there Kurdish beys, the rising Kurdish directed against oppression- and the exists a whole number of examples bourgeoisie and the intellectuals, policy of the oppressor nation, 76

against inequality and privilege. But ported on the basis of such a claim. classes has continued until this day. they oppose the desire of the feudal Let us assume that British im- And it still continues. Parallel to beys to secure sovereignty for perialism had a hand in the Sheik this, the Kurdish national movement themselves as well as the Said rebellion. Under such cir- has continued as well, with the dif- bourgeoisie's struggle for its own cumstances, what should have been ference that a section of the Kurdish superiority; and they do not defend the stand of the communist move- feudal beys have defected to the the privileges and supremacy of the ment? First, it should have been to ranks of the Turkish ruling classes. bourgeoisie and the landlords of any oppose the Turkish ruling classes' Also, certain big Kurdish bourgeois, one nation. At that time, the Com- suppression of the Kurdish national whose number is extremely limited, munist Party of Turkey (TKP) movement by force, to wage an ac- have joined the ranks of the Turkish thoroughly supported the policy of tive struggle against this, to demand ruling classes. The Kurdish national oppression adopted by the that the Kurdish nation itself decide bourgeoisie has developed quite a bit Turkish ruling classes because it whether to form its own state. In of strength, while feudal influence followed an incorrect policy. Instead practice this would have meant that over the Kurdish national movement of uniting the powerful and there should have been a general has weakened. Today the Kurdish righteous reaction of the Kurdish plebiscite in the Kurdish region, national movement is being led bY peasants against national oppression without interference from outside, the strengthened Kurdish with the leadership of the pro- and that in this or some similar bourgeoisie, and by the Kurdish in- letariat, it tailed after the Turkish fashion the Kurdish nation itself tellectuals and small landlords who bourgeoisie and landlords, and thus should have determined whether to have adopted their ideology. As for did great damage to the unity of the secede. The communist movement the Kurdish workers and peasants, working people of the two na- would have struggled first for the compared to the past they stand tionalities; and among the Kurdish withdrawal of ali military units that relatively more free of the influence labouring people it sowed seeds of were sent to suppress the Kurdish of the Kurdish bourgeoisie and distrust of the Turkish workers and movement, for preventing any in- landlords. Marxist-Leninist ideas peasants. terference whatsoever, for the self- have begun to develop roots among Those who applaud the barbarous determination of the Kurdish na- the Kurdish workers, poor peasants suppression of the Kurdish tion; and it would have vigorously and intellectuals, and are spreading rebellions by the Turkish state and fought against the Turkish ruling rapidly. tr.l the subsequent mass-scale massacres class, going among the masses to ex- Under these conditions, what I as a "progressive," "revolu- pose its policy of suppression, op- should be the attitude of the com- s movement directed pression and intervention. Second- munist movement in Turkey toward o\ tionary" against feudalism are incorrigible na- ly, it would have also exposed to the the Kurdish national movement? ? tionalists on behalf of the oppressor masses the British imperialists' We pass on to this Point now and nation. Such people choose to policy of pitting nationalities against shall examine the line of the Shafak i overlook the fact that the new one another and the damage this in- revisionists, which is erroneous and people oh Turkish state not only attacked the flicts on the labouring of all harmful to the unity of the o feudal Kurdish beys but also savage- nationalities and on their unity, and peoples. . . . q{ ly attacked all the Kurdish people, it would have vigorously fought o including the women and children. against British imperialism's policy 10. Within the Kurdish National Such people forget that, while car- of interference in internal affairs. Movement, the "positive" action of = rying out these massacres, the new Thirdly, it would have evaluated the the bourgeoisie and small landlords Turkish state was actually quite secession of the Kurdish nation "on strives to fortify nationalism friendly with the feudal beys, who the basis of the interests of the pro- Generally in every national move- did not oppose it, and it im- letariat's class struggle for social ment and specifically in the Kurdish plemented a policy of strengthening development and for socialism as a national movement, the real aim of and supporting them. Such people whole," and reached a conclusion the bourgeoisie is to obtain its own choose to overlook the extremely on whether to actually support supremacy. Its real aim is to control important difference between the secession. Had it considered seces- the market, and to monoPolize the factors compelling the Kurdish sion beneficial to the interests of the material wealth, etc., in its region. It peasants to rebel and those compell- proletariat, it would have conducted is to attain inequality and privileges ing the Kurdish feudal beys to rebel. propaganda for this end among the in its own favour and to ensure its There are also so-called com- Kurdish workers and peasants; and own national development. The munists who attempt to defend the the Kurdish communists especially bourgeoisie and, to the extent that national oppression policy of the would have carried out propaganda they participate in the national Turkish ruling classes, claiming that among their own people for unity, movement, the landlords, thus de- British imperialism was behind the struggling against the attempts to mand inequality and privileges in Sheik Said rebellion. Here we shall subordinate the fight against na- their own favour. They want to aP- not discuss whether British im- tional oppression to the strengthen- propriate the democratic rights of perialism was behind it or not. We ing of the mullahs, the beys, etc..... other nations. They want to inflict shall discuss whether the policy of The national oppression national oppression on those who national oppression could be sup- perpetrated by the 'Iurkish ruling are weaker and less powerful than 77 themselves. They seek to segregate the proletarians with national bar- riers and to have the proletariat and other labourers of their own nation support their nationalist aspirations unconditionally. They want to substitute their own national culture for the international culture of the proletariat and democracy; they want to develop the national culture (that is, the culture of that bourgeoisie in power), to feed the proletariat and labourers with na- tional culture and to make them un- conditional supporters of its own class aspirations. The bourgeoisie and landlords resist the historical tendency towards the assimilation of nations, leaving aside the question of forced assimilation; that is, they resist spontaneous assimilation, they resist the spontaneous obliteration of na- tional distinctions, they resist the unity and amalgamation of the workers of all nationalities in a given country into united workers' organisations and instead want to divide the proletarians according to aspirations of the Kurdish ty, the conscious proletariat in nationality and to unite the pro- bourgeoisie and small landlords Turkey shall unconditionally sup- letarians of their own nation not in- and, by tailing them, hamper the port the general democratic content { to class organisations but into "na- solidarity of the two peoples. The of the Kurdish national movement o tional organisations" and for their Turkish-chauvinist line of the that is directed against the oppres- F- own class aims. Shafak revisionists has been recon- sion, tyranny and privileges of the tr Within the Kurdish national ciled with Kurdish nationalism.... Turkish ruling classes as well as the movement today, it is impossible not removal of all forms of national op- d to see, along with the general 11. What should be the stand of the pression and the equality of nations. { democratic content, the reactionary class-conscious proletariat in Turkey It shall resolutely and uncondi- aspirations, similar to those above, on the Kurdish National Move- tionally support the movements of ? that strive to fortify nationalism. ment? the other oppressed nationalities s These are the aspirations of the First of all, it should be pointed out that strive in the same direction. 6 o\ bourgeoisie and landlords which that, regardless ofits nationality, the Fourth, whatever the nationality, Ur lead the Kurdish national move- class-conscious proletariat in Turkey the conscious proletariat in Turkey ment. shall not take up a position under the shall remain totally neutral to the The Shafak revisionists have com- banner of bourgeois nationalism. In struggle waged by the bourgeoisie pletely ignored the "positive" action Comrade Stalin's words: "The con- and Iandlords ol various na- of the bourgeoisie and the landlords scious proletariqt hos its own tested tionalities to secure their own that strives to fortify nationalism banner qnd there con be no needfor supremacy and privileges. The con- within the Kurdish national move- it to hold rank under the banner oJ scious proletariat in Turkey shall ment. According to the Shafak revi- the bourgeoisie. " never support the tendency within sionists, the movement that is Second, regardless of its na- the Kurdish national movement developing in the Kurdish region of tionality, the conscious proletariat in which strives to strengthen Kurdish Turkey is not a national movement, Turkey shall endeavour to gather the nationalism; it shall never aid with its progressive and reactionary masses of workers and peasants bourgeois nationalism; it shall in no aspects, but a completely pro- around its own banner and lead the way support the struggle undertaken gressive people's movement waged class struggle of all labouring by the Kurdish bourgeoisie and against "notional oppression and classes. On the ground of the state of landlords for their own supremacy assimilation" and for "democratic Turkey, it shall unite the workers and privileges; namely, it shall be rights, equality of nations and self- and labourers from all nations in content to support the general determinqtion." Thus the Shafak Turkey within common class democratic content of the Kurdish revisionists provide support for the organisations. national movement and shall not go nationalist and anti-proletarian Third, regardless of its nationali- beyond that.... 78

The Shafak revisionists present view." ning their own interests, the the Kurdish national movement, Comrade Lenin continues with character of the national oppres- within which there are different the following: sion, tactical concerns, etc. all elements, as a homogeneous "Kur- "...nothing holds up the develop- such factors determine the concrete- dish people's" movement and depict ment qnd strengthening of pro- aims formulated by a national it as a movement which is completely letsriqn class solidarity so much os movement.... and utterly progressive; by not speci- national injustice;'offended' na- In Turkey, the Kurdish national fying which points are progressive tionals are not sensitive to anything movement has not yet openly for- and which are reactionary, or the so much as to the feeling of equali- mulated the demand for secession. point beyond which the reactionary ty and the violation of this equolity, Currently the demands openly for- aspirations of the bourgeoisie and if only through negligence or jest mulated by the Kurdish national Iandlords take over, they reach ex- to the violotion of that equality by- movement are the recognition of the actly those conclusions which their proletorisn comrades. That is Kurdish language (in reading, benefit the bourgeoisie and why in this case it is better to over- writing, and speech), radio broad- landlords. Thus in relation to the do rqther than underdo the conces- casts in Kurdish, the removal of Turkish proletariat generally and the sions and leniency towords the ns- obstacles hindering the free Kurdish proletariat specifically, the tionol minorities." (The Question of dissemination of the "national Shafak revisionists make conces- Nationqlities or'Autonomisqtion' culture" (in reality, the culture of sions to the Kurdish bourgeoisie and [ContinuedJ, Sel. Works, Vol.3, p. the Kurdish bourgeoisie and landlords! Tomorrow, when the 6e0) landlords), the ending of the policy "positive action" of the Kurdish Is what the Shafak revisionists do of assimilation, the availability of bourgeoisie and landlords makes anything like what Comrade Lenin schools providing education in Kur- itself more strongly felt, we are proposes? No, not at all! The dish, the recognition of the right to curious what the Shafak revisionists Shafak revisionists today follow a self-determination, etc. The various will do. But really what they will do line which is in essence Turkish na- reasons that we have gone into is already evident! They will uncon- tionalism; with a heap of demagogy, above prevent the Kurdish national ditionally join ranks with the they wantonly trample on the Kur- movement from openly formulating Turkish nationalists. dish nation's right to self- the demand for secession; therefore, Let us state this point as well: determination; and they take the at least today, it is not correct to say ro communists always and absolutely representatives of Turkish that, not the Kurdish people but the aI distinguish between the nationalism chauvinism as their flag-bearer. Kurdish nation is struggling for self- o\ of an oppressed nation and that of What they do is completely at determination. an oppressor nation and between the variance with what Comrade Lenin In maintaining this we do not at nationalism of a small nation and upholds.... all overlook the powerful desire i= that of a big nation. Previously we have mentioned among the Kurdish bourgeoisie and o Comrade Lenin has the following that the general tendency of every small landlords to secede. But we h to say on the subject: national movement is to form an in- hold that this desire has not become a "In respect ofthe second kind of dependent national state, that the re- the open demand of the national q{ nationalism we, nationals of o big quirements of capitalism and com- movement. For instance, today the o nation, have neorly always been modity production are best satisfied national movement in Northern guilty, in historic proctice, of on in- in this manner and that the most Ireland has actually openly for- = finite number of cases of violence; profound economic factors operate mulated the demand for secession. furthermore, we commit violence in this direction. Certainly the The Kurdish national movement in and insult an infinite number of general tendency of the Kurdish na- Turkey had also, in the past, open- times without noticing it.... tional movement as well is in the ly come out with the demand for "That is why internotionalism on direction of forming an independent secession, etc. The fact that the Kur- the part of oppressors or 'great' no- national state. However, the general dish national movement today has tions, as they are called (though they tendency is one thing and the con- not openly formulated the demand are greqt only in their violence, on- crete demands formulated by a na- for secession does not mean that it ly great as bullies), musl consist not tional movement are another. The will not do so at a later date either. only in the observance of theformol concrete demands do not contradict Furthermore, various com- equality of notions but even in qn in- this general tendency. But not every promises are possible between the equality of the oppressor nation, the national movement may choose this bourgeois and landlord classes ofthe great notion, that must make upfor general tendency namely, to form two nations as well; let us not the inequality which obtains in oc- a separate state - as its concrete overlook this either. Indeed, the tual practice. Anybody who does aim. There are innumerable- factors Barzanimoyement in Iraq has rested not understand this hqs not grasped that determine whether this hap- content with partial autonomy. the reol proletarion attitude to the pens. The relation of forces in the Besides, while a section of the Kur- national question, he is still essen- country and on a world scale, the dish national movement might de- tiolly petit bourgeois in his point of considerations of the bourgeoisie mand secession, another section view ond is, therefore, sure to des- and the landlords of various na- might not do so. Consequently, let cend to the bourgeois point of tionalities within the country concer- us not roll up our trousers before the 79 river is in sight. right to self-determination" the leadership of the proletariat 12. Let us not deny the influence of "Self-determination,' in and,,the the Kurdistan of Turkey, then the nationalism of the dominant na- right to self-determination,' tion are dif_ regardless of its nationality, the over the Turkish workers and ferent things. "Self-determination" peasants class-conscious proletariat in Turkey means to secede, to form an in_ shall support the secession. The Shafak revisionists hold that dependent If the ,ro state. However,,,the secession will delay and encumber right to self-determination,, means, the development ,,the and success of the ru i;{i?:*;{ as we pointed out above, right People's Democratic of !) Revolution to form an independent stati.,, under the leadership of the pro- struggle "against the policy of na_ What the communists uncondi- letariat, then regardless tional oppression and assimilation,,' of its na- tionally uphold under all cir- tionality, the class conscious pro- and the "struggle for democratic cumstances is "the right to self- letariat shall not support the rights, equality of nationalities and determination," that is, the rightto secession. Let's assume that the for self-determination', (my form an independent state. ,,The emphasis-I.K.). communist movement developing in right to self-determination,, and our country were rapidly to grow Here concrete reality has been "self-determination, " or, phrasing roots among the peasants in Kur- betrayed for the sake of embellish_ it differently, "the right to form i distan, that the land revolution were ed sentences. First of all, let us cor- separate ,,forming ,,all state" and a developing swiftly and spreading, rect the error that, leaving aside separate state" must never be con_ and that the revolutionary move- of the workers and peasants of founded. Although the communists ment were developing more rapidly Turkey," not even the closs con- uphold the first under all cir- in the Kurdish region than in the scious proletariqt should, under all cumstances, the communist move- western region; under these cir- e struggle ment, in Comrade Lenin,s words, cumstances the retention of (not the the Kur_ " must decide the lotter question ex- dish region within the borders tion). It clusively of on its merits in each par- Turkey would have only hindered if, in the ticulor cqse in conformity with the revolution in this region through the interests of social q development as obstacles caused by the state ap- whole snd with the interests of the paratus proletarion of the bourgeoisie and class struggte for landlords of the Turkish nation. Or, sociolism. "... let us consider that in various areas D, What is the stand of the Shafak in Kurdistan, red political power for secession and accept secession revisionists? To people,s uphold the emerged while revolution was without supporting it actively. We right to make revolution(!), E to tiam- developing in the West at a much shall return to this point later on. ple on the right a of nations to self_ slower pace. Again under these con- F Besides, we cannot claim that ,,all determination. tr Moreover, by saying ditions, the repression by the the workers and peasants of that right "the of the Kurdish nation Turkish ruling classes and their Turkey" todoy support even the self-determination state d to cannot be would have delayed and obstructed most righteous and progressive separated from the struggle against the revolution developing in the s demands of the Kurdish nation. imperialism and from the That struggle East. In that case, the secession of z is only something which is for agrarian revolution which rests desirable and the East would accelerate and I not, unfortunately, on the poor peasants," they make strengthen something that the development of a actually exists. The even the right of self-determination revolution. o\ consciousness of the Turkish Such a situation, by ac- dependent on conditions. Don,t celerating the development of rrt workers and peasants has been forget, this is the solution (l) that the revolution in the West and the East, blinded greatly by the Turkish ruling Shafak revisionists propose for the would certainly affect and accelerate classes with the demagogy of na- national question.... the development revolution tionalism. Leaving aside the of in other countries of the Middle East as peasants, even the sights of the most 16. When does the class-conscious well. In such a situation, advanced elements of the proletariat proletariat regardless in Turkey support the of its nationality, the class-conscious have been more or less benighted by secession of the Kurdish Nation? proletariat in Turkey would desire the nationalism of the dominant na- When does not? it and defend the secession of the Kur- tion. That is, there stands before the Regardless of its nationality, the dish nation and the securing of con- communists in Turkey the task of class-conscious proletariat in Turkey ditions for even faster development destroying Turkish nationalism and views the question of the Kurdish of the revolution which were ridding the workers and peasants of nation's un- forming of a separate state folding rapidly in Kurdistan the remnants of all forms of from the standpoint of the develop- On the other hand, if in the bourgeois nationalism. Any evalua- ment other and the strengthening of regions the revolution were tion that leads to neglecting or belit- revolution. develop- If the forming of a ing more quickly, and its develop- tling this task.is only harmful with separate state by the Kurdish nation ment were slower in the Kurdish respect to the class struggle.... will increase the prospects for the region; if the secession of Kurdistan development peo- and success of the were to slow down the development 15. "Self-determination,"''the ple's Democratic Revolution under of revolution still more and 80

strengthen the domination of the they would never confront the de- nation, the revisionist renegades feudal sheys, beys, mullahs, etc. in mand for secession with force. presume that they have the national this region; and if the revolutionary Recognising "the right to self- question resolved (in fact they, at the struggle in the East were to be determination" means never to Pre- moment, recognise the existence of, weakened, being deprived of the vent secession nor to cause hardship not the Kurdish nation, but the Kur- support from the West, then in that when a nation wants to exercise this dish people(!))... The bourgeoisie of case, regardless ofits nationality, the right, that is, to secede. Communists the ruling nation might recognise the class-conscious proletariat in Turkey leave it completely and strictly to the existence of other nations and might would not support the secession. If, Kurdish nation to decide whether even grant certain rights when it is in after the victory of revolution in the Kurdish nation will form a a bind, as does the bourgeoisie in Turkey, a secessionist movement separate state or not. Ifthe Kurdish Iraq. But at every opportunitY it under the leadership of the Kurdish nation wants to, it forms a separate tramples upon these rights and bourgeoisie were to develop, then state; if not it does not. Those who wants to oppress other nationalities. regardless of its nationality the class- will determine this are not others, What distinguishes the communists conscious proletariat in Turkey but the Kurdish nation. In addition from the bourgeoisie is not whether would not support the secession, etc. to not placing obstacles in the way of to recognise the existence of the What we have said is certainly a nation's demand to secede, the minority nationalities. based on assumptions. But in terms communists would themselves also Be that as it may, in the Sivas of grasping under what conditions wage an active struggle against the Congress under conditions where the communist movement shall take attempts of the government of the there was no such thing as the cen- a position in favour of or against bourgeoisie and landlords to prevent tral state authority and when it had secession, it is useful to consider secession and the use of force. The fairly nearly collapsed, M. Kemal these hypothetical cases. Besides, communists would struggle against wanted essenlially to prevent a possi- they are not cases contrary to reali- every form of interference from out- ble secession movement of the Kur- ty, nor things which cannot possibly side. If the Kurdish workers and dish nation by hypocriticallY emerge; they are in conformity with labourers are conscious of the fact alluding to the Kurds' existence. He reality and things which can quite that secession weakens the revolu- wanted to bring about a situation possibly occur. tion, then they would in anY event where they would reconcile do everything in their Power to themselves to accepting the yoke of r{) 17. If the Kurdish Nation decides to unite. If they are not conscious of it, the Turkish bourgeoisie and I secede, what shall be the attitude of no one would have the right to in- landlords. M. Kemal's whole life is s the class-conscious proletariat in terfere from outside on their full of examples of perpetrating na- S Turkey? behalf.... tional oppression against the Kur- ? In case of secession, two problems dish nation and the other minoritY would present themselves: 19. The Shafak revisionists buttress nationalities. If there is anyone in i The first is the situation, as we themselves up with the ruling-nation Turkey whom the communists can- P mentioned above, where secession nationalism of M. Kemal and I' not use to support their line on the a positively affects the development of Inonu national question, it is M. Kemal. In q{ revolution, in which case the ques- The Shafak revisionists approve of fact, the nationalism that needs to be o tion is straightforward: the class- the national oppression brought struggled against first and foremost conscious proletariat of every na- against the Kurdish nations and is M. Kemal nationalism, which is i tionality resolutely supports and other minority nationalities in the dominant nation nationalism. In- defends secession. past. They applaud the fact that in onu's claim in Lausanne that he was The second is the situation where the Sivas congress [September 1919 also the representative of the Kurds secession negatively affects the AWTWI MustaPha Kemal is a blatant attack on the right of the development of revolution. If that [Ataturk, the first head of the new Kurdish nation to self - were the case and, despite this, the state] said, "in Turkey, Kurds and determination. lt is the perfidy of Kurdish nation wanted to secede, Turks live." They warmly embrace determining the destiny of the Kur- then what would be the stand of the the fact that in Lausanne [referring dish nation from outside. It is the class-conscious proletariat in to the 1923 Lausanne TreatYl Ismet shrewdness of including the region Turkey? In their discussion of this Inonu [the foreign ministerat the inhabited by the Kurdish nation question, the Shafak revisionists time] said, "I am the representative within the borders of Turkey, name- responded: prevent secession by of the Turks and the Kurds," and ly the territory under the domination resorting to every method including they use these statements to but- of the Turkish bourgeoisie and the use of force. The response of our tress themselves up. It is as if they Iandlords through bargaining with movement to the same question is are beckoning the ruling classes: See, the imperialists. And it is Turkish that in such a situation communists even Ataturk and Inonu recognised nationalism manifesting itself in a would categorically reject the use of the existence of the Kurds; that's all most rapacious form. This is what force. Although carrying out pro- that we do too, so what is there to get the revisionist renegades use to but- paganda in favour of "uniting" with angry about? tress themselves up! tr the Kurdish workers and peasants, By recognising the existence of a