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The Transnational Growth of Philippine Ethnic Businesses in The

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The Transnational Growth of Philippine Ethnic Businesses in The People and Culture in Oceania, 35: 31-59, 2019 The Transnational Growth of Philippine Ethnic Businesses in the Age of Global Mobility: A Case of Korean-Run English Language Schools in Baguio, a Regional Capital, the Philippines Nobutaka Suzuki* This paper examines the origin and transnational growth of Korean-run English language education businesses, through which Philippine English has been commercialized as a commodity in overseas markets. The Philippines has become one of the most popular destinations for Korean and Japanese students to study English. Two major factors make this decision valid: English competency has become an essential skill for employability and career growth; and studying in the Philippines is more affordable than doing so in native English- speaking countries. Accordingly, English language schools for foreigners in the Philippines have proliferated tremendously. However, little is known about why these English language schools, owned and managed by Korean and Japanese migrant entrepreneurs and investors, have dominated the English language industry in the Philippines. Unlike Korean migrants’ small and self-employed businesses in the Philippines, such as Korean restaurants, beauty parlors, bakeries, and butchers, the schools are both groundbreaking and innovative. These businesses, initially established for early study abroad opportunities for Korean children, have continued to grow rapidly by finding a new overseas market in Japan. Such a transnational spread of these ethnic businesses has been possible not only thanks to their innovative English language training programs, but also because of the de-regulation policy related to visa application by the Philippine authorities, which facilitates this ethnic entrepreneurship. In this paper, focusing on Baguio, a regional capital in northern Luzon, we analyze how Korean migrant entrepreneurs started their English language schools and how they came to develop their innovative educational programs. Further, we shed light on how Philippine authorities have assisted with the growth of Korean ethnic businesses by advertising the study of Philippine English as a new tourist attraction. Keywords: Baguio, de-Koreanization, education tourism, English language school, ethnic business, Korean migrant, Philippine English, transnational growth * Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Tsukuba [e-mail: [email protected]] 32 N. Suzuki 1. Introduction English has long been used as a lingua franca in the Philippines, alongside the native Filipino language (Bolton, 2008; Kirkpatrick, 2012; Tinio, 2013). In 1898, when the United States colonized the country, a new public educational system, patterned after American educational institutions, was introduced. It was through these schools that English became a medium of public instruction (Bernardo, 2004; Lorente, 2013). Ever since, English has played a vital role in the country’s social life. Today, the Philippines is known as a migrant-exporting country (Lorente, 2018; Rodriguez, 2010; Tyner, 2009). The transnational development of Filipino overseas workers is rooted in their high English competency. Filipino engineers and nurses working in the global labor market are good examples of educated Filipino professionals and specialists (Choo, 2003; Massenlink and Lee, 2013; Yeates, 2010). At the same time, the present-day Philippines has attracted much attention as a stronghold in Asian regions in the foreign capital-run business processing outsourcing (BPO) industry, such as call centers (Errighi et al., 2016; Forey and Lockwood, 2006; JETRO Manila Center, 2006; Lockwood et al., 2008; Tupas and Salonga, 2016). In this environment, learning English in the Philippines has become a new option for Korean and Japanese students (Choe, 2016; Hoshino, 2013; Kobari, 2018b; Kobayashi, 2017; Nakagawa, 2015, 2016; Ota, 2011). Especially for those wishing to improve their employability and career growth, the Philippines has become a popular destination, on account of its affordability and geographical proximity. Still, for non-English speaking countries like Korea and Japan, there has long existed a strong belief that English should be taught by native English speakers. Nevertheless, much has been discussed in academic literature about World Englishes and Asian Englishes, both of which are common varieties of English used in multi-lingual situations around the world (Bamgbose, 2001; Kachru, 2005; Murata and Jenkins, 2009). Along this line, a new teaching style is being used by Filipino teachers who learned English as a second language, not as a mother tongue, to teach Philippine English to non-native English speakers, and it has become a new business platform (Hoshino, 2013; Ota, 2011). English language schools designed for foreigners (hereafter, English language schools) have been established in major regional capital cities such as Cebu, Baguio, and Davao, as well as Manila, the country’s capital city.1 Interestingly, a majority of these schools are owned and run by Korean and Japanese migrants and investors. Of those schools currently in operation, 1 In this paper, “English language schools in the Philippines” refer to schools exclusively for international students. This definition excludes the many local English language schools for Filipinos that may be in operation. Transnational Growth of Philippine Ethnic Businesses 33 CNN, in Manila, established in 1997, and CPILS, operating in Cebu since 2001, are the earliest business enterprises in major cities. The motive behind the birth of the English language school as an ethnic business lies in the growing demand for English competency in Korea. Korean entrepreneurs have tried to make Filipino English competency into a commodity for the commercial market (Heller, 2003, 2010; Tan and Ruddy, 2008; Tupas, 2008b). In the academic field of linguistics and pedagogy, much has been argued about Philippine English as a form of World English and in the bilingual policy of the Philippine education system (Gonzales, 1981, 2017; Kawahara, 2002; Martin, 2008; Toh and Floresca-Cawagas, 2003; Tollefson, 1991; Tupas, 2004, 2008a). Meanwhile, sociology studies dealing with English language schools as ethnic business in the Philippines have been non-existent, apart from Kobari (2018a, 2018b). Kobari, shedding light on the commodification of Philippine English, has shared a common awareness of the issues with the author of this paper (Kobari, 2018b). However, his analysis, only covering its linguistic aspects, has failed to look into the historical growth of English language schools as ethnic businesses. In the case of Japanese-run English language schools as latecomers in this industry, for example, the Chief Director of QQ English, Raiko Fujioka, reports that he once studied English at the Korean-run CPILS in Cebu city.2 He then attempted to succeed with an innovative Korean education system based on his own English learning method before eventually developing his own schools. For this reason, for us to understand the origin and development of English language schools as ethnic businesses, Korean-run schools are an ideal focus for academic inquiry. Along this line, this paper analyzes how Korean language schools as ethnic businesses, have grown in 2 major ways, namely due to Korean migrants’ adaptation to their host country (human and social capital) as well as external factors, such as the policy of the Philippine government as a host country (opportunity structure). In addition, for ethnic businesses to get started and then grow, capital migrants possess will play a vital role. However, the case of the Korean-run English language schools cannot be fully explained in this light. This is because these language businesses have largely depended on the Philippine government’s deregulatory policy, which aims to encompass Korean ethnic businesses among the Philippines’ tourist attractions. In 2004, the Department of Tourism of the Philippines, locating English learners from abroad who were participating in “ESL programs,” undertook deregulatory measures such as the streamlining of visa application procedures to promote Philippine economic development in tandem with other government offices such as the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA), Bureau of Immigration 2 Interview with Raiko Fujioka, the Chief Director of QQ English, 6 July 2015. 34 N. Suzuki (BI), and the Technical Education and Skills Development Authority (TESDA) (The Korean Times, 2009a). Without institutional support from the host country, the success of Korean migrant ethnic businesses would not have been possible. The primary data and information on which this paper relies was made available through field studies, which were carried out 6 times in Baguio and Cebu between 2015 and 2019. The length of each visit varied from 1 week to 10 days. In addition to school and/or campus visits to Korean- and Japanese-run English language schools, 8 owners of Korean-run schools were interviewed, as were Korean staff members and Japanese managers in the schools’ marketing and student affairs departments, respectively, during stays in Baguio. Further, to obtain first-hand information of how schools have been operated, the author carried out participatory observations for a duration of 5 school days twice, in 2018 and 2019. Through this research, detailed information was made available, including a view of students’ campus life, such as their arrival orientation, English placement test, food service, dormitory life, and one-on-one
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