Table of Contents
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Keeping Political and Criminal Responsibility Separate
Declassified AS/Jur (2012) 28 declassified 25 September 2012 ajdoc28 2012 declassified Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights Keeping political and criminal responsibility separate Information memorandum on the case of Geir Haarde, former Prime ∗∗∗ Minister of Iceland Rapporteur: Pieter Omtzigt, Netherlands, Group of the European People’s Party 1. Introduction 1. As indicated in the Introductory Memorandum, 1 the case of former Icelandic Prime Minister Geir Haarde is arguably one of those cases from which lessons can be drawn for keeping political and criminal responsibility separate. 2. My fact-finding visit to Iceland from 6-9 May 2012 was very instructive, and I should like to reiterate my thanks to the Icelandic delegation for its hospitality and the efficient organisation of the visit. As indicated at the Committee meeting on 21 May 2012 in Paris, I should like to present my findings on the Icelandic case in the form of this information memorandum. I will begin by summing up the facts of this case (2.) and presenting the interpretation they have been given by the two sides of the dispute (3.), and conclude by offering my own assessment, in the light of the information and views provided by our legal experts, Professor Satzger from Munich and Professor Verheij from Leiden. 2. Summary of the facts of the case of former Prime Minister Geir Haarde 3. Iceland suffered a severe economic setback in 2008/2009 in the wake of the world-wide banking crisis triggered by the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers in the United States. The situation in Iceland was worse than in other countries in that the Icelandic banks in crisis (Landsbanki, Kaupthing and Glitnir) were far larger, in proportion to the country’s GDP, than those elsewhere, 2 during the same world-wide financial crisis. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The Rise and Fall of the Icelandic Constitutional Reform Movement: the Interaction Between Social Movements and Party Politics
157 The Rise and Fall of the Icelandic Constitutional Reform Movement: The Interaction Between Social Movements and Party Politics SHIOTA Jun * Abstract This article traces the rise and fall of the Icelandic constitutional reform movement, which emerged following the financial crisis of 2008. The movement grew out of the popular protest that arose in face of the crisis. We draw on the political process approach to examine how the movement declined despite some remarkable initial progress, such as the championing of a participatory drafting process. We find that the movement had serious challenges in terms of social control, collective attribution, movement network, and political opportunities. The movement faced tough setbacks partly derived from the traditional rural-capital dynamics in Icelandic politics. Moreover, the linkage with institutional actors was weak although ratification by parliament is necessary for the implementation of a new constitution. The populistic movement frame motivated the participants in the beginning, however this was later impeded by the anti-foreign debt protests. The 2013 election was the final straw because the left-wing government, which supported the movement, was replaced by a right-wing government which was hostile to the new constitution. In conclusion, the paper finds that recognizing the dynamic interrelation between social movements and institutional politics is important if we are to understand today’s social changes. Keywords:Iceland, Constitutional reform movement, Political process approach, Party politics, Financial crisis * Ph.D student in Graduate School of International Cooperation Studies, Kobe University. Journal of International Cooperation Studies, Vol.27, No.1(2019.7) P157-塩田.indd 157 2019/07/04 18:38:25 158 国 際 協 力 論 集 第 27 巻 第 1 号 Introduction The financial crisis which unfolded in 2008 and the following austerity politics triggered massive social mobilization in many European countries. -
Small States and Big Banks – the Case of Iceland
31 Small states and big banks – the case of Iceland Hilmar Þór Hilmarsson1 Abstract The Icelandic economy was hit hard by the global economic and financial crisis that started in the fall of 2008. During this crisis the three largest banks all collapsed and many other smaller banks and companies went bankrupt in the aftermath of the crisis with severe consequences for the economy and the people. Prior to the crisis, Iceland, a high income economy, had experienced strong growth rates and unprecedented expansion in overseas investment and activities, especially in the financial sector. This article focuses on action by top government officials during this expansion as well as during and after the collapse of the Icelandic banks. The findings of the study are that the government showed negligence and made mistakes by not taking credible action to manage risks following a rapid cross border expansion of the Icelandic banking system. This had severe consequences and resulted in the collapse of the Icelandic economy in October 2008. The discussion can have a wider relevance than that for Iceland only. This is especially true for small countries with a large banking sector, using their own currency, and with limited fiscal space to support their banks during a crisis. Keywords: Economic and financial crisis, economic policy, international expansion of firms, risk management. JEL Classification: F21, G32, H12 1. Introduction The Icelandic economy was hit hard by the global economic and financial crisis that start- ed in the fall of 2008. During this crisis the three largest banks (Glitnir, Kaupthing, and Landsbanki)2 all collapsed and many other smaller banks and companies went bankrupt in the aftermath of the crisis with severe consequences for the economy and the people. -
Not for Distribution
7 The constitution as a political tool in Iceland From the periphery to the center of the political debate Baldvin Thor Bergsson With the election of Donald Trump as the president of the United States, Brexit in the UK, and the growing support for populist parties throughout Europe, the debate about the disgruntled and alienated has intensified. The demand for struc- tural changes to societies takes different forms but they seem to have a common theme – namely that power and wealth have to be distributed in a fairer way. The economic crisis in 2008 gave birth to groups such as the Occupy movement, and several others, focusing on democratic reform all over the world. When the Icelandic financial system collapsed in 2008 the economic cri- sis was followed by an even deeper political crisis. Protests in front of Althingi (the Icelandic parliament) escalated and in January 2009 Prime Minister Geir H. Haarde resigned and called for elections. With growing skepticism towards politicians and political institutions, the need to reconnect with the public was obvious. TheTaylor most drastic decision and was to set upFrancis a Constitutional Council, made up of ‘ordinary citizens’, tasked with the revision of the Icelandic Constitution. While the processNot was hailedfor as unprecedented distribution and inclusive, it was contested on all stages by both opponents of the government formed after the general elections in 2009 and those skeptical of constitutional changes. Despite a referen- dum on the constitutional draft that showed support amongst the public, and an anticipated majority in Althingi, the process came to a dramatic halt in 2013. -
Analyzing Icelandic Support for EU Membership
It’s ot the Economy, Stupid? Analyzing Icelandic Support for EU Membership K. Amber Curtis Department of Political Science University of Colorado at Boulder UCB 333 Boulder, CO 80309-0333 [email protected] Joseph Jupille Department of Political Science University of Colorado at Boulder UCB 333 Boulder, CO 80309-0333 ABSTRACT: What drives support for EU membership? We test the determinants of EU attitudes using original data from Iceland, whose recent woes have received wide attention. Given its crisis, we expect economic anxiety to drive public opinion. We find instead that economic unease is entirely mediated by assessments of the current government and that, despite the dire economic context, cultural concerns predominate. This suggests a potential disconnect between Icelandic elites’ desire for accession and the public will at large. Our results largely confirm prior findings on support for integration, further exposing the conditions under which individuals will evaluate EU membership favorably or negatively. They also highlight the utility of mediation analysis for identifying the mechanisms through which economic evaluations may operate and imply that economic indicators’ apparent insignificance in a host of other research areas may simply be a product of model misspecification. Paper prepared for presentation at the Annual Meeting of the European Union Studies Association, Boston, MA, Mar. 3-5, 2011. Jupille gratefully acknowledges financial support from National Science Foundation (NSF) Award #SES-1035102 (“RAPID: A Referendum on Debt: The Political Economy of Icesave”). What drives public support for European Union (EU) membership? Though this question would seem exhausted by decades of scholarship, we are particularly interested in two less commonly explored conditions: 1) public opinion in new candidate countries—as opposed to existing member states—and 2) individual attitudes in the context of economic duress. -
Jóhanna Sigurdardóttir
Jóhanna Sigurdardóttir Islandia, Primera ministra Duración del mandato: 01 de Febrero de 2009 - de de Nacimiento: 04 de Octubre de 1942 Partido político: SF Profesión : Azafata de vuelo ResumenLa dimisión en pleno en enero de 2009 del Gobierno de Islandia, arrastrado por el estrepitoso colapso de la banca privada nacional en octubre de 2008, situó en el cargo de primer ministro a una mujer, Jóhanna Sigurdardóttir, miembro de la Alianza Socialdemócrata y hasta entonces responsable de Asuntos Sociales en el Gabinete que encabezaba el conservador Geir Haarde. Coaligada con el Movimiento de Izquierda-Verde, esta veterana diputada y servidora gubernamental dirige ahora un ejecutivo de transición preelectoral que intenta restaurar la confianza en el país más castigado por el tsunami financiero global, y que aborda el ingreso de la súbitamente arruinada Islandia en la Unión Europea por la vía rápida. Emparejada legalmente con otra mujer, Jóhanna se ha convertido en el primer gobernante del mundo que reconoce abiertamente su condición homosexual. http://www.cidob.org 1 of 7 Biografía 1. Trayectoria parlamentaria y ministerial 2. Una jefa de Gobierno de izquierda para un país en bancarrota 1. Trayectoria parlamentaria y ministerial En 1962, tras diplomarse por la Escuela de Comercio de Islandia, entró a trabajar como azafata de vuelo en la compañía Loftleidir, aerolínea privada que en 1973 iba a fusionarse con su rival Flugfélag para formar la actual Icelandair. En 1971 se despidió de esta ocupación y contrató con una firma de embalaje de mercancías de Reykjavík, para la que laboró desde un puesto administrativo de despacho. Paralelamente a su ejercicio profesional, estuvo activa en el movimiento sindical y asociativo de su primer ramo comercial, adquiriendo presencia en los órganos directivos de los gremios de tripulaciones de vuelo y de ex azafatas. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
The 2008 Icelandic Bank Collapse: Foreign Factors
The 2008 Icelandic Bank Collapse: Foreign Factors A Report for the Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs Centre for Political and Economic Research at the Social Science Research Institute University of Iceland Reykjavik 19 September 2018 1 Summary 1. An international financial crisis started in August 2007, greatly intensifying in 2008. 2. In early 2008, European central banks apparently reached a quiet consensus that the Icelandic banking sector was too big, that it threatened financial stability with its aggressive deposit collection and that it should not be rescued. An additional reason the Bank of England rejected a currency swap deal with the CBI was that it did not want a financial centre in Iceland. 3. While the US had protected and assisted Iceland in the Cold War, now she was no longer considered strategically important. In September, the US Fed refused a dollar swap deal to the CBI similar to what it had made with the three Scandinavian central banks. 4. Despite repeated warnings from the CBI, little was done to prepare for the possible failure of the banks, both because many hoped for the best and because public opinion in Iceland was strongly in favour of the banks and of businessmen controlling them. 5. Hedge funds were active in betting against the krona and the banks and probably also in spreading rumours about Iceland’s vulnerability. In late September 2008, when Glitnir Bank was in trouble, the government decided to inject capital into it. But Glitnir’s major shareholder, a media magnate, started a campaign against this trust-building measure, and a bank run started. -
Legislative Assembly
ALTHINGI | 150 REYKJAVÍK | TEL. (+354) 563 0500 | FAX (+354) 563 0550 | WWW.ALTHINGI.IS ALTHINGI Contents Parliament and Democracy . 4 Political parties . 5 The History of Althingi . 6 Royal rule . 7 Legislative assembly . 9 Voting rights and number of Members . 10 Elections to Althingi . 12 Constituencies . 13 The Role of Althingi . 14 Parliamentary Procedure . 14 Opening and adjournment . 15 The parliament chamber . 15 The Speaker . 16 Sessions of Althingi . 17 Parliamentary debate . 17 Voting . 18 Party groups . 18 The process of a parliamentary Bill . 18 Standing committees . 20 Committee procedures . 20 Election to committees . 21 International organisations . 22 The Althingi Administration . 23 Parliament House . 24 Inaugural ceremony . 24 The building . 25 Parliament Garden . 25 Institutions of Althingi . 26 National Audit Bureau . 26 Parliamentary Ombudsman . 26 Jón Sigurdsson House . 26 Information on Althingi . 27 Visits to Parliament House . 27 School Parliament . 27 3 Parliament and Democracy he Constitution of the Republic of Iceland is based on the principle that power Toriginates with the people, who assign that power to their elected representatives . This system is termed representative democracy . Every fourth year the electors choose, by secret ballot, 63 representatives to sit in parliament . These Members of Althingi jointly hold legislative powers, and also fiscal powers, i .e . the power to make decisions on public spending and taxation . It is important that the people should know what decisions are made in parliament, and how they are made, as the electorate and their representatives are responsible for maintaining democracy in action . The right to vote The public gallery is open when may be said to be the basis of democracy in Iceland, and Althingi is its cornerstone . -
Aðgragandi Og Orsakir Falls Íslensku Bankanna 2008 Og Tengdir Atburðir
Aðdragandi og orsakir falls íslensku bankanna 2008 og tengdir atburðir Rannsóknarnefnd Alþingis 1 Útgefandi: Rannsóknarnefnd Alþingis samkvæmt lögum nr. 142/2008 um rannsókn á aðdraganda og orsökum falls íslensku bankanna og tengdra atburða Ritstjórn: Páll Hreinsson Sigríður Benediktsdóttir Tryggvi Gunnarsson Útgáfustjóri: Anna Sigríður Guðfinnsdóttir Kápur: Hrund Guðmundsdóttir Ljósmyndir: Rebekka Guðleifsdóttir Prentun og bókband: Oddi hf. Umbrot: Essinþrjú Reykjavík 2010 ISBN: 978-9979-888-33-8 Merking tákna: * Bráðabirgðatala eða áætlun 0 Minna en helmingur einingar – Núll, þ.e. ekkert ... Upplýsingar vantar eða tala ekki til . Tala á ekki við Efnisyfirlit Bindi 1 1.0 Verkefni og skipan nefndarinnar. 21 1.1 Skipan rannsóknarnefndar Alþingis. 21 1.2 Afmörkun á efni rannsóknarinnar. 23 1.3 Afmörkun á tímabili sem rannsóknin tók til. 24 1.4 Rannsóknarheimildir nefndarinnar. 25 1.5 Um þagnarskyldu og birtingu trúnaðarupplýsinga. 26 1.6 Um mistök, vanrækslu og refsiverða háttsemi svo og aðrar aðfinnslur . 27 1.7 Framsetning skýrslunnar. 29 1.8 Horft til baka. 30 2.0 Ágrip um meginniðurstöður skýrslunnar. 31 3.0 Sérstaða og mikilvægi banka og fjármálafyrirtækja í samfélagi. 49 3.1 Inngangur. 49 3.2 Eðli banka- og fjármálastarfsemi og þýðing fyrir gangverk samfélagsins. 50 3.3 Sérstaða og samfélagsleg ábyrgð umfram það sem gildir um rekstur fyrirtækja almennt? . 52 3.4 Afskipti hins opinbera í formi laga og eftirlits stjórnvalda. 53 3.5 Ályktanir rannsóknarnefndar Alþingis. 54 4.0 Efnahagslegt umhverfi og innlend peningamálastjórnun. 57 4.1 Inngangur. 57 4.2 Efnahagsþróun í umheiminum. 58 4.2.1 Inngangur. 58 4.2.2 Lágvaxtaskeið og lausafjárgnótt . 58 4.2.3 Hin alþjóðlega fjármálakreppa. -
Økonomisk-Politisk Kalender
Økonomisk-politisk kalender Økonomisk-politisk kalender 30. april ”Danmark 2005” SR-regeringen fremlægger en plan for udviklingen af det danske samfund frem til år 2005. Blandt regeringens mål er, Den økonomisk-politiske kalender for perioden 1997 at der over de næste otte år skal skabes 240.000 nye arbejds- indeholder en summarisk oversigt over vigtige øko- pladser, så ledigheden falder til 5 pct. Det samlede antal mod- nomisk-politiske indgreb og begivenheder, der kan tagere af overførselsindkomst skal falde fra 920.000 i år til have betydning for vurderingen af tidsserierne i Kon- 750.000 i år 2005. Gælden til udlandet skal være afviklet junkturstatistik. inden år 2005, og den offentlige gæld skal reduceres fra 67 pct. til omkring 40 pct. af BNP. På miljøområdet skal CO2- udslippet være nedbragt med 20 pct. i forhold til 1988- niveauet. Det er regeringens hensigt at hæve bruttoskatten 1997 med 1 pct. om året i de kommende år, og der skal betales mere i grønne afgifter. Skattestigningen skal finansiere en 21. feb. Statsligt overenskomstforlig nedsættelse af indkomstskatten, især for de lavtlønnede. De statsansatte, repræsenteret ved CFU, indgår forlig med finansministeren. Den samlede lønramme udgør for den 2- 5. maj Afgiftspakke årige overenskomstperiode 4,25 pct. Heraf afsættes 2,9 pct. til Regeringen indgår aftale med Socialistisk Folkeparti og En- generelle lønstigninger, som falder 1. april 1997 med 0,5 pct., hedslisten om en afgiftspakke, som indebærer, at det bliver 1. april 1998 med 0,9 pct. og 1. oktober 1998 med 1,5 pct. De dyrere at flyve indenrigs og køre i bil, mens det bliver billigere resterende 1,35 pct.