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Enged Rus- Sian Contractual Supply Arrangements to Central and Eastern Europe With
ÓÀØÀÒÈÅÄËÏÓ ÓÔÒÀÔÄÂÉÉÓÀ ÃÀ ÓÀÄÒÈÀÛÏÒÉÓÏ ÖÒÈÉÄÒÈÏÁÀÈÀ ÊÅËÄÅÉÓ ×ÏÍÃÉ GEORGIAN FOUNDATION FOR STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES EXPERT OPINION DAVID J. SMITH AZERBAIJAN AND GEORGIA: THE ENDURING STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE OF THE SOUTH CAUCASUS EAST-WEST CORRIDOR 19 2014 The publication is made possible with the support of the US Embassy in Georgia. Editor: Jeffrey Morski Technical Editor: Artem Melik-Nubarov All rights reserved and belong to Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form, including electronic and mechanical, without the prior written permission of the publisher. Copyright © 2014 Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies ISSN 1512-4835 ISBN 978-9941-0-6498-2 Introduction NATO’s 2014 withdrawal from Afghanistan will bring at least momentary Western refocus on the South Caucasus East-West Corridor across which much of the alliance’s homeward-bound equipment will pass. Meanwhile, as Sochi’s Olympic ski runs turn from snow to mud, expect Russian Presi- dent Vladimir Putin to do his all to insure that any resurgence of Western interest will indeed be momentary. He is liable to succeed if Washington and other Western capitals persist in seeing the South Caucasus as a grab- bag of hard-to-pronounce place names where often bizarre episodes oc- cur, rather than a coherent region in which it has vital interests. The narrow corridor formed by the Rioni and Mtkvari (in Georgia) or Kür (in Azerbaijan) Rivers that leads from the Black Sea to the Caspian Sea is the geopolitical key to Putin’s quest to recreate the Russian Empire. -
The Southern Gas Corridor
Energy July 2013 THE SOUTHERN GAS CORRIDOR The recent decision of The State Oil Company of The EU Energy Security and Solidarity Action Plan the Azerbaijan Republic (SOCAR) and its consortium identified the development of a Southern Gas partners to transport the Shah Deniz gas through Corridor to supply Europe with gas from Caspian Southern Europe via the Trans Adriatic Pipeline (TAP) and Middle Eastern sources as one of the EU’s is a key milestone in the creation of the Southern “highest energy securities priorities”. Azerbaijan, Gas Corridor. Turkmenistan, Iraq and Mashreq countries (as well as in the longer term, when political conditions This Briefing examines the origins, aims and permit, Uzbekistan and Iran) were identified development of the Southern Gas Corridor, including as partners which the EU would work with to the competing proposals to deliver gas through it. secure commitments for the supply of gas and the construction of the pipelines necessary for its Background development. It was clear from the Action Plan that the EU wanted increased independence from In 2007, driven by political incidents in gas supplier Russia. The EU Commission President José Manuel and transit countries, and the dependence by some Barroso stated that the EU needs “a collective EU Member States on a single gas supplier, the approach to key infrastructure to diversify our European Council agreed a new EU energy and energy supply – pipelines in particular. Today eight environment policy. The policy established a political Member States are reliant on just one supplier for agenda to achieve the Community’s core energy 100% of their gas needs – this is a problem we must objectives of sustainability, competitiveness and address”. -
Visegrad Group Facing the Nord Stream and South Stream Gas Pipeline Projects
VISEGRAD GROUP FACING THE NORD STREAM AND SOUTH STREAM GAS PIPELINE PROJECTS A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY ZAHİDE TUĞBA ŞENTERZİ IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AUGUST 2012 I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Zahide Tuğba, Şenterzi Signature : iii ABSTRACT VISEGRAD GROUP FACING THE NORD STREAM AND SOUTH STREAM GAS PIPELINE PROJECTS Şenterzi, Zahide Tuğba MSc., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Mustafa Türkeş August 2012, 163 pages This thesis analyzes the Visegrad Group’s stance toward the Russian-German Nord Stream and Russian-Italian South Stream gas pipeline projects, which aimed to circumvent the traditional energy routes situated in Central Europe and Eastern Europe. The level of the Visegrad Group’s dependency on inherited Soviet gas pipeline routes is examined alongside the Visegrad Group’s policy setting ability within the group itself and in the European Union. The thesis also traces the evolution of energy relations between Europe and Russia and Visegrad Group’s adaptation to the new state of affairs after the collapse of the Soviet Union, particularly with respect to energy issues. It is argued that despite all differences, Visegrad Group members are able to set a cooperation platform at times of crisis and develop common energy strategies. -
Security Aspects of the South Stream Project
BRIEFING PAPER Policy Department External Policies SECURITY ASPECTS OF THE SOUTH STREAM PROJECT FOREIGN AFFAIRS October 2008 JANUARY 2004 EN This briefing paper was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs. It is published in the following language: English Author: Zeyno Baran, Director Center for Eurasian Policy (CEP), Hudson Institute www.hudson.org The author is grateful for the support of CEP Research Associates Onur Sazak and Emmet C. Tuohy as well as former CEP Research Assistant Rob A. Smith. Responsible Official: Levente Császi Directorate-General for External Policies of the Union Policy Department BD4 06 M 55 rue Wiertz B-1047 Brussels E-mail: [email protected] Publisher European Parliament Manuscript completed on 23 October 2008. The briefing paper is available on the Internet at http://www.europarl.europa.eu/activities/committees/studies.do?language=EN If you are unable to download the information you require, please request a paper copy by e-mail : [email protected] Brussels: European Parliament, 2008. Any opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. © European Communities, 2008. Reproduction and translation, except for commercial purposes, are authorised, provided the source is acknowledged and provided the publisher is given prior notice and supplied with a copy of the publication. EXPO/B/AFET/2008/30 October 2008 PE 388.962 EN CONTENTS SECURITY ASPECTS OF THE SOUTH STREAM PROJECT ................................ ii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .............................................................................................iii 1. INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................... 1 2. THE RUSSIAN CHALLENGE................................................................................... 2 2.1. -
Nord Stream 2
Updated August 24, 2021 Russia’s Nord Stream 2 Natural Gas Pipeline to Germany Nord Stream 2, a natural gas pipeline nearing completion, is which accounted for about 48% of EU natural gas imports expected to increase the volume of Russia’s natural gas in 2020. Russian gas exports to the EU were up 18% year- export capacity directly to Germany, bypassing Ukraine, on-year in the first quarter of 2021. Factors behind reliance Poland, and other transit states (Figure 1). Successive U.S. on Russian supply include diminishing European gas Administrations and Congresses have opposed Nord Stream supplies, commitments to reduce coal use, Russian 2, reflecting concerns about European dependence on investments in European infrastructure, Russian export Russian energy and the threat of increased Russian prices, and the perception of many Europeans that Russia aggression in Ukraine. The German government is a key remains a reliable supplier. proponent of the pipeline, which it says will be a reliable Figure 1. Nord Stream Gas Pipeline System source of natural gas as Germany is ending nuclear energy production and reducing coal use. Despite the Biden Administration’s stated opposition to Nord Stream 2, the Administration appears to have shifted its focus away from working to prevent the pipeline’s completion to mitigating the potential negative impacts of an operational pipeline. Some critics of this approach, including some Members of Congress and the Ukrainian and Polish governments, sharply criticized a U.S.-German joint statement on energy security, issued on July 21, 2021, which they perceived as indirectly affirming the pipeline’s completion. -
3. Energy Reserves, Pipeline Routes and the Legal Regime in the Caspian Sea
3. Energy reserves, pipeline routes and the legal regime in the Caspian Sea John Roberts I. The energy reserves and production potential of the Caspian The issue of Caspian energy development has been dominated by four factors. The first is uncertain oil prices. These pose a challenge both to oilfield devel- opers and to the promoters of pipelines. The boom prices of 2000, coupled with supply shortages within the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), have made development of the resources of the Caspian area very attractive. By contrast, when oil prices hovered around the $10 per barrel level in late 1998 and early 1999, the price downturn threatened not only the viability of some of the more grandiose pipeline projects to carry Caspian oil to the outside world, but also the economics of basic oilfield exploration in the region. While there will be some fly-by-night operators who endeavour to secure swift returns in an era of high prices, the major energy developers, as well as the majority of smaller investors, will continue to predicate total production costs (including carriage to market) not exceeding $10–12 a barrel. The second is the geology and geography of the area. The importance of its geology was highlighted when two of the first four international consortia formed to look for oil in blocks off Azerbaijan where no wells had previously been drilled pulled out in the wake of poor results.1 The geography of the area involves the complex problem of export pipeline development and the chicken- and-egg question whether lack of pipelines is holding back oil and gas pro- duction or vice versa. -
Roberto Pirani, Chairman, White Stream Pipeline Company
White Stream™ A Priority Project of the EU and integral component of the Southern Gas Corridor Roberto Pirani – Chairman of the Board November 2010 Project development by the White Stream Consortium White Stream Pipeline Company Ltd – London, UK www.gueu-whitestream.com © 2010 -White Stream Pipeline Company Limited, The White Stream gas transportation project in the context of the Southern Gas Corridor A factor important for Caspian region governments and for potential upstream investors is the security and continuity of demand The concurrent development of White Stream with Nabucco and other Turkish loop projects offers producers and exporters such security of demand and security of export. White Stream The EU’s Southern Corridor projects are mutually reinforcing The important result is not only 60 Bcm/y+ of capacity, but also dramatic reduction of perceived transportation risks © 2010 -White Stream Pipeline Company Limited, the White Stream Consortium 2 East-West Energy Corridor pipelines paved the way for Caspian Gas to Europe The three success stories from the East- Supsa west corridor prove that Kazakh market-transforming Sangachal pipelines can be Erzurum realised Picture from CB&I John Brown Limited Ceyhan 3 © 2010 -White Stream Pipeline Company Limited, the White Stream Consortium The EU needs to replace declining production and meet new demand growth IAE: Volume Bcm IEA 2007 700 2020 import gap yet to be contracted IEA 2008 Demand for gas in Europe 600 IEA 2009 White Stream: 32 Bcm will increase from 526 bcm/y 500 IEA 2009 in -
W O R K I N G P a P E R Natural Gas Import and Export
W ORKING P APER Working Paper No26 July 2019 NATURAL GAS IMPORT AND EXPORT ROUTES IN SOUTH-EAST EUROPE AND TURKEY Gina Cohen Lecturer & Consultant on Natural Gas ΙΕΝΕ Working Paper No26 NATURAL GAS IMPORT AND EXPORT ROUTES IN SOUTH-EAST EUROPE AND TURKEY Author Gina Cohen, Lecturer & Consultant on Natural Gas Institute of Energy for SE Europe (IENE) 3, Alexandrou Soutsou, 106 71 Athens, Greece tel: 0030 210 3628457, 3640278 fax: 0030 210 3646144 web: www.iene.gr, e-mail: [email protected] Copyright ©2019, Institute of Energy for SE Europe All rights reserved. No part of this study may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior written permission of the Institute of Energy for South East Europe. Please note that this publication is subject to specific restrictions that limit its use and distribution. [2] ACRONYMS AERS - Energy Agency of the Republic of Serbia AIIB - Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank BCM - Billion cubic meters BOTAS - Boru Hatlari Ile Petroleum Tasima Anonim Sirketi (Petroleum Pipeline Corporation) BRUA - Bulgaria-Romania-Hungary-Austria BRUSKA- Bulgaria-Romania-Hungary-Slovakia-Austria EBRD - European Bank for Reconstruction and Development EITI - Exctractive Industries Transparency Initiative EPDK - Enerji Piyasasi Duzenleme Kurumu (Energy Market Regulatory Authority) EU - European Union FGSZ - Foldgazszallito Zrt. (Hungarian Gas Transmission System Operator) FSRU – Floating Storage and Regasification unit GWh - Gigawatt hour HAG - Hungaria-Austria-Gasleitung (Hungary-Austria Interconnector) -
South Stream Becomes Serbian Stream
Serbia: South Stream becomes Serbian stream The position of the Republic of Serbia as a candidate for EU membership on the one hand and cooperation with Russia on the other allows this country to position itself as an intermediary between the two sides, between the East and the West. The re-export of Russian gas to other countries is exactly such an opportunity. While Russia is under EU sanctions and while the official Union policy reduces dependence on Russian gas (despite obvious contradictions like North Stream 2), Russia cannot sell gas to the EU under free market conditions. Serbia, as a still non-member of the Union, does not oblige to follow the same rules. The specific position in which Serbia is located allows this country to use it for its economic progress. After the Kremlin summit at the end of December last year, there were rumors that Russia will begin to change Russia’s natural gas supply agreement to Serbia, and allow this country to sell Russian gas to other countries, and now we are closer to realizing that plan. The Russian newsletter announced that Moscow will put an end to the agreement that stipulates that Russian natural gas can only be sold on the Serbian market. The agreement covers the period from 2012 to 2021 and envisages the delivery of up to five billion cubic meters per year. In order for this to be possible, Serbia will have to build new pipelines. At present, its pipes are connected only to Bosnia and Herzegovina, but since December, construction of a special branch of the gas pipeline from Dimitrovgrad to Niš has begun. -
Wiiw Research Report 367: EU Gas Supplies Security
f December Research Reports | 367 | 2010 Gerhard Mangott EU Gas Supplies Security: Russian and EU Perspectives, the Role of the Caspian, the Middle East and the Maghreb Countries Gerhard Mangott EU Gas Supplies Security: Gerhard Mangott is Professor at the Department Russian and EU of Political Science, University of Innsbruck. Perspectives, the Role of This paper was prepared within the framework of the Caspian, the the project ‘European Energy Security’, financed from the Jubilee Fund of the Oesterreichische Na- Middle East and the tionalbank (Project No. 115). Maghreb Countries Contents Summary ......................................................................................................................... i 1 Russia’s strategic objectives: breaking Ukrainian transit dominance in gas trade with the EU by export routes diversification ............................................................... 1 1.1 Nord Stream (Severny Potok) (a.k.a. North European Gas Pipeline, NEGP) ... 7 1.2 South Stream (Yuzhnyi Potok) and Blue Stream II ......................................... 12 2 The EU’s South European gas corridor: options for guaranteed long-term gas supplies at reasonable cost ............................................................................... 20 2.1 Gas resources in the Caspian region ............................................................. 23 2.2 Gas export potential in the Caspian and the Middle East and its impact on the EU’s Southern gas corridor ................................................................. -
The Declared End of South Stream and Why Nobody Seems to Care Arno Behrens* 5 December 2014
The declared end of South Stream and why nobody seems to care Arno Behrens* 5 December 2014 ore than seven years after the South Stream pipeline project was first announced in June 2007, it finally seems to have been dropped by Russian President Vladimir MPutin on his visit to Turkey this week. This CEPS Commentary looks at the ostensible reasons for President Putin’s decision as well as what’s potentially behind them. It concludes that the EU may actually benefit from this decision in being able to secure more gas with less political interference from Russia. The primary reason for abandoning the project stated in President Putin’s speech was that the European Commission had been “unconstructive”. “It’s not that the European Commission has helped to implement this project – it’s that we see obstacles being created in its implementation”.1 He is referring to the insistence by the European Commission for participating member states to respect internal market legislation and thus to carry out their obligations associated with the EU acquis communautaire. In particular, the Commission called on member states to comply with the Third Energy Package and the associated Gas Directive, which has two central elements: the effective separation of networks from supply (‘unbundling’) and non- discriminatory access by third parties to the infrastructure. Against this background, the Commission in December 2013 found that the Intergovernmental Agreements (IGAs) for the construction of South Stream between Russia on the one hand and Austria, Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Hungary, Serbia and Slovenia on the other were all in breach of EU law inter alia regarding ‘unbundling’ and ‘third party access’. -
The Moscow-Ankara Energy Axis and the Future of EU-Turkey Relations
September 2017 FEUTURE Online Paper No. 5 The Moscow-Ankara Energy Axis and the Future of EU-Turkey Relations Nona Mikhelidze, IAI Nicolò Sartori, IAI Oktay F. Tanrisever, METU Theodoros Tsakiris, ELIAMEP Online Paper No. 5 “The Moscow-Ankara Energy Axis and the Future of EU -Turkey Relations ” ABSTRACT The Turkey-Russia-EU energy triangle is a relationship of interdependence and strategic compromise. However, Russian support for secessionism and erosion of state autonomy in the Caucasus and Eurasia has proven difficult to reconcile for western European states despite their energy dependence. Yet, Turkey has enjoyed an enhanced bilateral relationship with Russia, augmenting its position and relevance in a strategic energy relationship with the EU. The relationship between Ankara and Moscow is principally based on energy security and domestic business interests, and has largely remained stable in times of regional turmoil. This paper analyses the dynamics of Ankara-Moscow cooperation in order to understand which of the three scenarios in EU –Turkey relations – conflict, cooperation or convergence – could be expected to develop bearing in mind that the partnership between Turkey and Russia has become unpredictable. The intimacy of Turkish-Russia energy relations and EU-Russian regional antagonism makes transactional cooperation on energy demand the most likely of future scenarios. A scenario in which both Brussels and Ankara will try to coordinate their relations with Russia through a positive agenda, in order to exploit the interdependence emerging within the “triangle”. ÖZET Türkiye Rusya ve AB arasındaki enerji üçgeni bir karşılıklı bağımlılık ve stratejik uzlaşma ilişkisidir. Ancak, her ne kadar Rusya’ya enerji bağımlılıkları olsa da, Batı Avrupalı devletler için Rusya’nın Kafkasya ve Avrasyadaki ayrılıkçılığa ve devlet özerkliğinin erozyonuna verdiği desteğin kabullenilmesinin zor olduğu ortaya çıkmıştır.