Callimachean Poetics
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The Cosmic Myths of Homer and Hesiod
Oral Tradition, 2/1 (1987): 31-53 The Cosmic Myths of Homer and Hesiod Eric A. Havelock I HOMER’S COSMIC IMAGERY Embedded in the narratives of the Homeric poems are a few passages which open windows on the ways in which the Homeric poet envisioned the cosmos around him. They occur as brief digressions, offering powerful but by no means consistent images, intruding into the narrative and then vanishing from it, but always prompted by some suitable context. A. Iliad 5.748-52 and 768-69 The Greeks in battle being pressed hard by the Trojans, assisted by the god Ares; the goddesses Hera and Athene decide to equalize the encounter by descending from Olympus to help the Greeks. A servant assembles the components of Hera’s chariot: body, wheels, spokes, axle, felloe, tires, naves, platform, rails, pole, yoke are all itemized in sequence, comprising a formulaic account of a mechanical operation: Hera herself attaches the horses to the car. Athene on her side is provided by the poet with a corresponding “arming scene”; she fi nally mounts the chariot and the two of them proceed: 748 Hera swiftly with whip set upon the horses 749 and self-moving the gates of heaven creaked, which the seasons kept 750 to whom is committed great heaven and Olympus 751 either to swing open the thick cloud or to shut it back. 752 Straight through between them they kept the horses goaded-and-driven. 32 ERIC A. HAVELOCK 768 Hera whipped up the horses, and the pair unhesitant fl ew on 769 in midspace between earth and heaven star-studded. -
Hamilton's Theseus.Pdf
'1 I\!I, 208 Mythology lnstantlysaw his opportunity. He went straight to the pal- ace and entered the hall. As he stood at the entrance, Athena's shining buckler on his breast, the silver wallet at his side, he drew the eyes of every man there. Then before 1\' any could look away he held up the Gorgon's head; and at the sight one and all, the cruel King and his servile courtiers, were turned into stone. There they sat, a row of statues, each, ! as it were, frozen stiff in the attitude he had struck when he first saw Perseus. CHAPTER II When the islanders knew themselves freed from the tyrant it was-easyfot Perseus to find Danae and Dictys. He made Theseus Dictys king of the island, but he and his mother decided that This dearest of heroes to the Athenians engaged the atten- they would go back with Andromeda to Greece and try to tion of many writers. Ovid, who lived in the Augustan Age, be reconciled to Acrisius, to see if the many years that had tells his life in detail and so does Apollodorus, in the first or passed since he had put them in the chest had not softened second century A.D. Plutarch, too, toward the end of the fi·rst century A.D. He is a prominent character in three of Eurip- him so that he would be glad to receive his daughter and ides' plays and in one of Sophocles. There are many allusions grandson. When they reached Argos, however, they found to him in ptose writers as well as poets. -
Poetic Authority and Oral Tradition in Hesiod and Pindar
CHAPTER SIX POETIC AUTHORITY AND ORAL TRADITION IN HESIOD AND PINDAR Ruth Scodel Elsewhere, I have discussed the distinction Homer makes, especially in the Odyssey, between the songs of bards and other storytelling.1 This argument rests especially on three recent insights that appear to point in quite opposite directions. First, Andrew Ford shows in Homer: the Poetry of the Past how the Odyssey evades the reality of the transmission of poetic tradition as well as that of bardic contests. The Muses simply replace poets’ teachers; the narrative content of per- formance has no naturalistic source.2 S. Douglas Olson has shown in Blood and Iron how richly the same epic depicts the workings of everyday oral tradition, its considerable interest in how news gets around.3 Third, Louise Pratt argues convincingly that the truth-claims of early Greek poetry need to be interpreted relative to their rhetor- ical functions in context. While only fables are truly fiction, for most poetic narrative historical accuracy is not the primary concern.4 Homer, then, shows how people in reality create and spread kleos, but he seems to want to avoid facing the obvious implication that poetic performances depend on what earlier storytellers have trans- mitted. The proem to the Catalogue of Ships perfectly demonstrates this peculiarity in its distinction between the Muses, who see and hear everything, and poet and audience, who only hear the kleos and know nothing (Il. 2.484–93). So in asking why Homer does not acknowledge openly that his stories depend on tradition, I looked at what distinguishes bardic performances from other storytelling prac- tices in Homer, and concluded that the most important distinctions 1 R. -
A Note on the Thrax of Euphorion: Sh 15.Ii.1Ff
ANUARI DE FILOLOGIA. ANTIQVA ET MEDIAEVALIA (Anu.Filol.Antiq.Mediaeualia) 4/2014, pp. 17-26, ISSN: 2014-1386 A NOTE ON THE THRAX OF EUPHORION: SH 15.II.1FF. JOSEP ANTONI CLUA SERENA Universitat de Lleida [email protected] ABSTRACT This paper tries to consider the Archaic or Classical origins of Dike or dike, starting by Hesiod and Aeschylus or some indexes which show its religious meaning, and its evolution from the “religious” treatment to the “exemplum” by Euphorion in his “curse poem” the Thrax. Although the probable ironical nature of the Thrax would suggest that Dike is a literary rather than religious figure, it is difficult to support so, because the poem may well be something of a mock- complaint on either a dog or another pet animal, but this does not imply that Dike, as a figure, is not serious. The relevant lines of the poem (SH 415.ii.1ff.) are quite serious in themselves: Dike and Themis are introduced as powerful divine entities regulating human life. But references to the possible “dog” in the Thrax may involve “l´énigme par fragmentation” and this shows the importance attached to “enigma” in Greek texts, as well as in the Thrax, according to Hurst´s proposal. KEY WORDS: Euphorion; Thrax; Dike; ”enigma”; exemplum. SOBRE EL TRACIO DE EUFORIÓN: SH 415.II.1FF. RESUMEN Este artículo trata de considerar los orígenes arcaicos de Dike o dike, comenzando por Hesíodo y Esquilo, así como por algunos índices que muestran su significado religioso. También se analiza su evolución desde la consideración “religiosa” de dicha diosa hasta el exemplum citado por Euforión en su Tracio. -
Between Arcadia and Crete: Callisto in Callimachus' Hymn to Zeus The
Between Arcadia and Crete: Callisto in Callimachus’ Hymn to Zeus The speaker of Callimachus’ Hymn to Zeus famously asks Zeus himself whether he should celebrate the god as “Dictaean,” i.e. born on Mt. Dicte in Crete, or “Lycaean,” born on Arcadian Mt. Lycaeus (4-7). When the response comes, “Κρῆτες ἀεὶ ψεῦσται” (“Cretans are always liars,” 8), the hymnist agrees, and for support recalls that the Cretans built a tomb for Zeus, who is immortal (8-9). In so dismissing Cretan claims to truth, the hymnist justifies an Arcadian setting for his ensuing birth narrative (10-41). Curiously, however, after recounting Zeus’s birth and bath, the hymnist suddenly locates the remainder of the god’s early life in Crete after all (42-54). The transition is surprising, not only because it runs counter to the previous rejection of Cretan claims, but also because the Arcadians themselves held that Zeus was both born and raised in Arcadia (Paus. 8.38.2). While scholars have focused on how the ambiguity of two place names (κευθμὸν... Κρηταῖον, 34; Θενάς/Θεναί, 42, 43) misleads the audience and/or prepares them for the abrupt move from Arcadia to Crete (Griffiths 1970 32-33; Arnott 1976 13-18; McLennan 1977 66, 74- 75; Tandy 1979 105, 115-118; Hopkinson 1988 126-127), this paper proposes that the final word of the birth narrative, ἄρκτοιο (“bear,” 41), plays an important role in the transition as well. This reference to Callisto a) allusively justifies the departure from Arcadia, by suggesting that the Arcadians are liars not unlike the Cretans; b) prepares for the hymnist’s rejection of the Cretan account of Helice; and c) initiates a series of heavenly ascents that binds the Arcadian and Cretan portions of the hymn and culminates climactically with Zeus’s own accession to the sky. -
Bacchylides 17: Singing and Usurping the Paean Maria Pavlou
Bacchylides 17: Singing and Usurping the Paean Maria Pavlou ACCHYLIDES 17, a Cean commission performed on Delos, has been the subject of extensive study and is Bmuch admired for its narrative artistry, elegance, and excellence. The ode was classified as a dithyramb by the Alex- andrians, but the Du-Stil address to Apollo in the closing lines renders this classification problematic and has rather baffled scholars. The solution to the thorny issue of the ode’s generic taxonomy is not yet conclusive, and the dilemma paean/ dithyramb is still alive.1 In fact, scholars now are more inclined to place the poem somewhere in the middle, on the premise that in antiquity the boundaries between dithyramb and paean were not so clear-cut as we tend to believe.2 Even though I am 1 Paean: R. Merkelbach, “Der Theseus des Bakchylides,” ZPE 12 (1973) 56–62; L. Käppel, Paian: Studien zur Geschichte einer Gattung (Berlin 1992) 156– 158, 184–189; H. Maehler, Die Lieder des Bakchylides II (Leiden 1997) 167– 168, and Bacchylides. A Selection (Cambridge 2004) 172–173; I. Rutherford, Pindar’s Paeans (Oxford 2001) 35–36, 73. Dithyramb: D. Gerber, “The Gifts of Aphrodite (Bacchylides 17.10),” Phoenix 19 (1965) 212–213; G. Pieper, “The Conflict of Character in Bacchylides 17,” TAPA 103 (1972) 393–404. D. Schmidt, “Bacchylides 17: Paean or Dithyramb?” Hermes 118 (1990) 18– 31, at 28–29, proposes that Ode 17 was actually an hyporcheme. 2 B. Zimmermann, Dithyrambos: Geschichte einer Gattung (Hypomnemata 98 [1992]) 91–93, argues that Ode 17 was a dithyramb for Apollo; see also C. -
The Higher Aspects of Greek Religion. Lectures Delivered at Oxford and In
BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIET OF Henirg m. Sage 1891 .A^^^ffM3. islm^lix.. 5931 CornelJ University Library BL 25.H621911 The higher aspects of Greek religion.Lec 3 1924 007 845 450 The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924007845450 THE HIBBERT LECTURES SECOND SERIES 1911 THE HIBBERT LECTURES SECOND SERIES THE HIGHER ASPECTS OF GREEK RELIGION LECTURES DELIVERED AT OXFORD AND IN LONDON IN APRIL AND MAY igii BY L. R. FARNELL, D.Litt. WILDE LECTURER IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD LONDON WILLIAMS AND NORGATE GARDEN, W.C. 14 HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT 1912 CONTENTS Lecture I GENERAL FEATURES AND ORIGINS OF GREEK RELIGION Greek religion mainly a social-political system, 1. In its earliest " period a " theistic creed, that is^ a worship of personal individual deities, ethical personalities rather than mere nature forces, 2. Anthrqgomorphism its predominant bias, 2-3. Yet preserving many primitive features of " animism " or " animatism," 3-5. Its progress gradual without violent break with its distant past, 5-6. The ele- ment of magic fused with the religion but not predominant, 6-7. Hellenism and Hellenic religion a blend of two ethnic strains, one North-Aryan, the other Mediterranean, mainly Minoan-Mycenaean, 7-9. Criteria by which we can distinguish the various influences of these two, 9-1 6. The value of Homeric evidence, 18-20. Sum- mary of results, 21-24. Lecture II THE RELIGIOUS BOND AND MORALITY OF THE FAMILY The earliest type of family in Hellenic society patrilinear, 25-27. -
Greek Religion and the Tradition of Myth Religion
Greek Religion and The Tradition of Myth Religion • Religion • An institutionalized system of rituals. • An institution is a “system of ideas whose object is to explain the world” (Durkheim, 1965: 476). • Spiritualism • A belief in forces that exist outside of space and time but that can act within those domains Culture and Belief • “Religion is sociologically interesting not because, as vulgar positivism would have it, it describes the social order...but because... it shapes it” (Geertz 1973, 119). • “The social function of myth is to bind together social groups as wholes or, in other words, to establish a social consensus” (Halpern 1961, 137). Mythos • Archaic Greek: a story, speech, utterance. • Essentially declarative in nature • Classical Greek: An unsubstantiated claim • Mythographos • Logographos • Logopoios Modern Definitions • “…Myth is defined as a complex of traditional tales in which significant human situations are united in fantastic combinations to form a polyvalent semiotic system which is used in multifarious ways to illuminate reality…” • (Burkert 1985: 120). • “A traditional story with collective importance” • (Powell, 2009: 2) Logos • An argument • A statement or story based on comparative evaluation or collection of data • The result of a process • A study • Bio-logy, Socio-logy, mytho-logy • Powell: • logos is defined by authorship, it has a known origin, • mythos is anonymous, it exists in a social milieu undefined by its origin Truth and Falsehood • “The poet and the historian differ not by writing in verse or in prose… The true difference is that one relates what has happened, the other what may happen. Poetry, therefore, is a more philosophical and a higher thing than history: for poetry tends to express the universal, history the particular.” • (Aristotle Poetics 1451a. -
B. L. Gildersleeve on Pindar Nemean 3.74-75
BRIGGS, WARD W., JR, B. L. Gildersleeve on Pindar "Nemean" 3.74-75 , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 25:3 (1984) p.233 B. L. Gildersleeve on Pindar Nemean 3.74-75 Ward W. Briggs, Jr N 1898 Charles Eliot Norton, the nation's foremost champion of I Dante and a leading Northern literary critic who influenced a host of literary figures from Henry James to T. s. Eliot,l wrote to Basil Lanneau Gildersleeve, the nation's most visible representative of German philological training and a man of considerable critical ability. Named emeritus at Harvard in November 1897, with his duties confined to teaching a small class in Dante, Norton was depressed at the thought of retirement,2 and sought the advice of his Southern near-contemporary on the Greek view of the ages of man and its accompanying virtues, as described in Pindar Nemean 3.70-75. Gil dersleeve's answer, one of his rare letters on purely philological matters, gives considerable insight into his critical method. The poem in question is a hymn on the victory in the pancration by Aristocleides, an Aeginetan. It opens with a picture of the youths standing on the banks of the Asopus waiting for the Muse to arrive with their victory song (1-8). The Muse is to sing of Aegina, which the victor has ennobled by a triumph worthy of the Myrmidons, and he has thus figuratively passed the pillars of Heracles (9-26). The mention of Heracles leads Pindar to digress on the Aeacids, Peleus, Telamon (31-42), and the young Achilles (43-63). -
THE FINAL LINE in CALLIMACHUS' HYMN to APOLLO Giuseppe Gian Grande
http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/Habis.1992.i23.05 THE FINAL LINE IN CALLIMACHUS' HYMN TO APOLLO Giuseppe Gian grande King' s College, London Un examen del verso final del Himno a Apolo de Calímaco dentro del marco de las teorías poéticas calimaqueas lleva a la conclusión de que la lectura OBóvos- es genuina, mientras que la variante .950ópoç es una trivialización. An analysis of the final une of Callimachus Hymn to Apollo, conducted within the framework of the poet' s literary theories, shows that the reading 006- voç is genuine, whereas the variant 006pos- is a trivialization. The final une in Callimachus' Hymn to Apollo has been the subject of copious debate during the last centuries. Fortunately for us, most of the relevant material has been assembled by F. Williams, in his doctoral dissertation which was directed by me at my Classics Research Centre, University of London, so that I can now conveniently refer the readers to the monograph in question 1 • As is well known, the problem consists in choosing between the variants 00óvos- or 00ópoç in fine 113. The editiones veteres, as Ernesti noted in his commentary ad loc. 2, read xaí'pe cYval'. 6 8é- .1114.1os-, 1'v '6 00óvos-, gvOci ué-otTO 1 F. Williams, Callimachus' Hymn to Apollo (Oxford 1978) 96 ff. 2 Jo. Aug. Emesti, Callimachi Hymni, Epigrammata el Fragmenta I (Lugduni Batavorum 1761) 65. 53 HABIS 23 (1992) 53-62 THE FINAL LINE IN CALLIMACHUS' HYMN TO APOLLO but the variant ~vos- was rejected by Emesti, who judged 00ópos- to be the cor- rect one. -
Aristotle's Contribution to Scholarly Communication
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 12-2008 Aristotle’s Contribution to Scholarly Communication Stephen Edward Bales University of Tennessee - Knoxville Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Part of the Communication Commons Recommended Citation Bales, Stephen Edward, "Aristotle’s Contribution to Scholarly Communication. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2008. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/475 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by Stephen Edward Bales entitled "Aristotle’s Contribution to Scholarly Communication." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Communication and Information. J. Michael Pemberton, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance: Suzie Allard, Barbara J. Thayer-Bacon, Dwight Teeter Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by Stephen Edward Bales entitled “Aristotle’s Contribution to Scholarly Communication.” I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Communication & Information. -
5.5 X 10 Long Title.P65
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-67827-8 - Euripides: Hippolytus Ben Shaw Excerpt More information List of characters APHRODITE goddess of love (also called Cypris) HIPPOLYTUS son of Theseus HUNTSMEN followers of Hippolytus SERVANT a member of the royal household at Trozen CHORUS women of Trozen NURSE Phaedra’s attendant PHAEDRA wife of Theseus THESEUS king of Athens and Trozen MESSENGER one of Hippolytus’ attendants ARTEMIS goddess of chastity and hunting 1 © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-67827-8 - Euripides: Hippolytus Ben Shaw Excerpt More information PROLOGUE (1–117) Euripides’ prologues introduce elements of plot which explain the situation as the play begins. In Hippolytus the goddess Aphrodite, chief architect of the events of the play, delivers a prologue that predicts the future as well as explaining the recent past. Setting Hippolytus, produced in Athens in 428 BC, takes place in Trozen, a coastal town thirty miles south of Athens. The ske-ne- (stage building, see pages 122–3) represents the royal palace. In front of the palace are two statues, one of Aphrodite, the other of Artemis (both statues are directly addressed or referred to in the play – see 66, 98, 112 and 513). The Greek audience would immediately recognise a conflict of interests: Aphrodite stands for sexual love, Artemis for chastity. Aphrodite Aphrodite, the goddess of love, in this play is often called ‘Cypris’ (2) since she was first worshipped on the island of Cyprus, traditionally her birthplace. She represents sexual love, often denounced in Greek literature as an uncontrollable, destructive force that overrides rational, moral conduct (a view strongly expressed in Euripides’ Medea).