The Predatory State and Radical Politics: the Case of the Philippines
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The Predatory State and Radical Politics: The Case of the Philippines Christopher Ryan Baquero Maboloc Ateneo de Davao University, Manila Abstract This paper examines why the radical approach to politics of President Rodrigo Duterte, halfway into his term, has not overcome the predatory nature of the Philippine state. The predatory nature of the state implies that politics in the country is still defined by vested interests. The struggle of the Filipino is largely due to the structural nature of the injustices suffered by the country. Duterte’s brand of politics is antagonistic. The president is a polarizing figure. Despite the declaration that he will punish corrupt officials, traditional politicians and elite clans continue to rule the land with impunity. The country’s political ills are actually systemic. Elitism is rooted in colonial history that is perpetuated by an inept bureaucracy. It will be argued that the strong resolve and charisma of a leader is inadequate to remedy the troubles in fledgling democracies such as the Philippines. Key words: predatory state, elite democracy, radical politics, President Duterte Introduction 2016, Rodrigo Duterte was elected by an overwhelming majority of the electorate What is the fundamental task of hoping that the radical approach of the every Filipino president? There can only tough-talking politician will alter the be one answer – to change the political fortunes of the Filipino people. In this new landscape in Philippine society. In order study, the author uses the interpretive to do so, Filipinos have to become mature method in textual analysis, using texts in terms of their choices. Yet, it is wrong and materials culled from various sources, to blame them for their situation. The including books, recent newspaper problems of the Philippine state are articles, and scholarly works on the structural in character. Political overlords subject matter at hand. control the lives of the people and manipulate political exercises to Democratic Paralysis in the Predatory perpetuate themselves into power. As a State result, millions have not escaped the John Sidel’s Capital, Coercion, and poverty trap and continue to suffer from Crime: Bossism in the Philippines explains the discomfort of an inept bureaucracy. In Journal of ASEAN Studies, Vol. 7, No. 2 (2019), pp. 161-175 DOI: https://doi.org/10.21512/jas.v7i2.6163 ©2019 by CBDS Bina Nusantara University and Indonesian Association for International Relations ISSN 2338-1361 print / ISSN 2338-1353 electronic 162 The Predatory States nd Radical Politics that bossism is the “interlocking and profit-making ventures. This scheme is multitier directorate of bosses who use mutually beneficial for both but is their control over the state apparatus to dangerous to the basic welfare of the exploit the archipelago’s human and people. Nathan Quimpo (2005) thinks that natural resources.” (Sidel, 1999) The roots “bossism reflects a common conjuncture of bossism in the Philippines can be traced in state formation and capitalist to the American period. The Western development: the superimposition of the colonizers put the coercive and extractive trappings of formal electoral democracy power of the state into the hands of the upon a state apparatus at an early stage of traditional ruling class. Elected officials, capital accumulation.” State formation in untrained in the sophistication of the Philippines is the conspiracy between democratic governance, found at their two evil masterminds: the traditional absolute disposal the opportunity to politician and the oligarchs who continue manipulate the affairs of the state. The to subjugate, abuse and ultimately exploit systemic exploitation of the Filipino was the Filipino to the hilt. entrenched in the politics practiced in the Predation in the Philippine state is country. The landed class enforced the about the use of machinations to control monopolization of enterprises. the population. Understanding the Bureaucrats became tools of corrupt rule. political consciousness of the poor matters This is apparent in provinces and cities in this regard. But one cannot blame the that are dominated by political dynasties. masses. The poor have been forced into The Philippine state even after the People circumstances that influence the way they Power Revolt of 1986 is a paralyzed form think about and choose a candidate. This of democracy that has been subordinated explains why the masses still elect corrupt to the vested interests of traditional politicians. The traditional politician has politicians and corporate masters. successfully portrayed that for the masa Since the time of President Manuel (people), it does not really matter who L. Quezon, the traditional politician rules them. This fatalistic attitude is a remains to be the boss in Philippine consequence of latent as well as obvious society. Bosses, Sidel (1999) argues, “are forms of maneuvering from the barangay predatory power brokers who achieve up to the provincial level. Party bosses monopolistic control over both human hire starlets and celebrities, transforming and economic resources within given election campaigns into entertainment territorial jurisdictions or bailiwicks.” shows and public spectacles. At the root Business interests and the politics of cause of it all is the politics of money. money mix up in the Philippines. The In Sidel’s theory, the state is a businessman, who often monopolizes the Mafia-like enterprise that exploits with trading of goods of a locality controlled by impunity the natural and human resource a few, finances the politician because the of a political jurisdiction. The predatory former expects the latter to protect his Journal of ASEAN Studies 163 state feeds on the weaknesses of the poor, police, and public officials – divide the many of whom lack formal education. loot. They do not only paralyze the Having no decent means of living, the bureaucracy; their wicked ways also poor succumbs to dependency. Political destroy the future of the nation. leaders organize the poor in urban centers Culture and context will always as well as in rural areas into groups. matter. (Paredes, 2002) For example, the Leaders sell their votes wholesale. Folks value of “utang na loob” (debt of are made to attend fake seminars and gratitude) is negative when applied in the mass rallies. Even senior citizens are paid political arena. According to Oona to distribute election materials. The poor Thommes Paredes (2002), “in the case of see this as means to make money during the Philippines, it is clear that certain elections. The electorate will ignore cultural factors configure social and candidates who do not provide them with political relations between bosses and food packs or cash. In the end, the damage their supporters, as well as within a given that a predatory state makes is network of bosses.” People see their irreparable. The people are used as means political overlords as their first resort to perpetrate a systemic exploitation that when they need money during town is seemingly legitimized by dirty electoral celebrations, weddings, or baptism. In exercises. The politics of money paralyzes return, their sense of gratitude will democracy by influencing the outcomes of translate into votes. Paredes (2002) says elections. that for Sidel, “electoral democracy and Quimpo (2009) explains that in a bossism go hand-in-hand.” For this predatory regime, “clientelism and reason, the reality of bossism is inevitable patronage give way to pervasive in impoverished societies like the corruption, a systematic plunder of Philippines. Since the electorate is government resources and the rapid conditioned to think that they owe corrosion of public institutions into tools something to the traditional politician, the for predation.” Public officials only latter thinks that the people are no longer approve business applications after they entitled to anything. The boss dictates not are bribed with shares of stocks. Corrupt only the rules of the game but also the politicians also have a say on who must outcomes of the lives of the people. get the licenses in legal gambling like the Sidel’s analysis is important in Small-Town Lottery. Developers of understanding the type of leadership that subdivisions are forced to give padanlug usurps the state. The failure of any (grease money) to have their land government to protect the welfare of its conversion requests approved. In citizens may be due to the incompetence addition, there are politicians who are of technocrats but the root of the problem engaged in smuggling and drug is dynastic rule. In the Philippines, 169 or trafficking. The individuals who conspire 84% of the 200 elected members of in these evil schemes – businessmen, local 164 The Predatory States nd Radical Politics Congress belong to pre-1972 ruling “lack of diplomacy, Duterte clearly families. (Tadem & Tadem, 2016) Senator comprehends the biggest dangers for his Manny Pacquiao, a Filipino boxing hero, nation (potential or existing) and acts thinks that “too much democracy is bad accordingly.” In fact, Duterte’s timid yet for the Philippines” (Elemia, 2019). realist position on the West Philippine Sea Pacquiao, who is also building his own issue is simply misunderstood. While dynastic rule in Sarangani Province, has some accuse him of selling the country off the highest number of recorded absences to China, the president is clear in saying in the Senate (Talabong, 2019). The effect that he only wants to protect national of dynasties is apparent – persistent interest by not instigating any potential poverty. The monopoly of power means military conflict against China. that people do not have the means to That Duterte is an autocrat is voice out concerns. As a result, the interest debatable, but what seems clear is that he of the public is not attended to by their has the tendency to ignore public morals. government officials. By limiting the field To his critics, he sometimes speaks like a of candidates to a few, dominant family, thug (Wood, 2017). Indeed, in his three national progress stagnates.