The Predatory State and Radical Politics: The Case of the

Christopher Ryan Baquero Maboloc Ateneo de Davao University,

Abstract

This paper examines why the radical approach to politics of President , halfway into his term, has not overcome the predatory nature of the Philippine state. The predatory nature of the state implies that politics in the country is still defined by vested interests. The struggle of the Filipino is largely due to the structural nature of the injustices suffered by the country. Duterte’s brand of politics is antagonistic. The president is a polarizing figure. Despite the declaration that he will punish corrupt officials, traditional politicians and elite clans continue to rule the land with impunity. The country’s political ills are actually systemic. Elitism is rooted in colonial history that is perpetuated by an inept bureaucracy. It will be argued that the strong resolve and charisma of a leader is inadequate to remedy the troubles in fledgling democracies such as the Philippines.

Key words: predatory state, elite democracy, radical politics, President Duterte

Introduction 2016, Rodrigo Duterte was elected by an overwhelming majority of the electorate What is the fundamental task of hoping that the radical approach of the every Filipino president? There can only tough-talking politician will alter the be one answer – to change the political fortunes of the Filipino people. In this new landscape in Philippine society. In order study, the author uses the interpretive to do so, have to become mature method in textual analysis, using texts in terms of their choices. Yet, it is wrong and materials culled from various sources, to blame them for their situation. The including books, recent newspaper problems of the Philippine state are articles, and scholarly works on the structural in character. Political overlords subject matter at hand. control the lives of the people and manipulate political exercises to Democratic Paralysis in the Predatory perpetuate themselves into power. As a State result, millions have not escaped the John Sidel’s Capital, Coercion, and poverty trap and continue to suffer from Crime: Bossism in the Philippines explains the discomfort of an inept bureaucracy. In

Journal of ASEAN Studies, Vol. 7, No. 2 (2019), pp. 161-175 DOI: https://doi.org/10.21512/jas.v7i2.6163 ©2019 by CBDS Bina Nusantara University and Indonesian Association for International Relations ISSN 2338-1361 print / ISSN 2338-1353 electronic 162 The Predatory States nd Radical Politics

that bossism is the “interlocking and profit-making ventures. This scheme is multitier directorate of bosses who use mutually beneficial for both but is their control over the state apparatus to dangerous to the basic welfare of the exploit the archipelago’s human and people. Nathan Quimpo (2005) thinks that natural resources.” (Sidel, 1999) The roots “bossism reflects a common conjuncture of bossism in the Philippines can be traced in state formation and capitalist to the American period. The Western development: the superimposition of the colonizers put the coercive and extractive trappings of formal electoral democracy power of the state into the hands of the upon a state apparatus at an early stage of traditional ruling class. Elected officials, capital accumulation.” State formation in untrained in the sophistication of the Philippines is the conspiracy between democratic governance, found at their two evil masterminds: the traditional absolute disposal the opportunity to politician and the oligarchs who continue manipulate the affairs of the state. The to subjugate, abuse and ultimately exploit systemic exploitation of the Filipino was the Filipino to the hilt. entrenched in the politics practiced in the Predation in the Philippine state is country. The landed class enforced the about the use of machinations to control monopolization of enterprises. the population. Understanding the Bureaucrats became tools of corrupt rule. political consciousness of the poor matters This is apparent in provinces and cities in this regard. But one cannot blame the that are dominated by political dynasties. masses. The poor have been forced into The Philippine state even after the People circumstances that influence the way they Power Revolt of 1986 is a paralyzed form think about and choose a candidate. This of democracy that has been subordinated explains why the masses still elect corrupt to the vested interests of traditional politicians. The traditional politician has politicians and corporate masters. successfully portrayed that for the masa Since the time of President Manuel (people), it does not really matter who L. Quezon, the traditional politician rules them. This fatalistic attitude is a remains to be the boss in Philippine consequence of latent as well as obvious society. Bosses, Sidel (1999) argues, “are forms of maneuvering from the barangay predatory power brokers who achieve up to the provincial level. Party bosses monopolistic control over both human hire starlets and celebrities, transforming and economic resources within given election campaigns into entertainment territorial jurisdictions or bailiwicks.” shows and public spectacles. At the root Business interests and the politics of cause of it all is the politics of money. money mix up in the Philippines. The In Sidel’s theory, the state is a businessman, who often monopolizes the Mafia-like enterprise that exploits with trading of goods of a locality controlled by impunity the natural and human resource a few, finances the politician because the of a political jurisdiction. The predatory former expects the latter to protect his Journal of ASEAN Studies 163 state feeds on the weaknesses of the poor, police, and public officials – divide the many of whom lack formal education. loot. They do not only paralyze the Having no decent means of living, the bureaucracy; their wicked ways also poor succumbs to dependency. Political destroy the future of the nation. leaders organize the poor in urban centers Culture and context will always as well as in rural areas into groups. matter. (Paredes, 2002) For example, the Leaders sell their votes wholesale. Folks value of “utang na loob” (debt of are made to attend fake seminars and gratitude) is negative when applied in the mass rallies. Even senior citizens are paid political arena. According to Oona to distribute election materials. The poor Thommes Paredes (2002), “in the case of see this as means to make money during the Philippines, it is clear that certain elections. The electorate will ignore cultural factors configure social and candidates who do not provide them with political relations between bosses and food packs or cash. In the end, the damage their supporters, as well as within a given that a predatory state makes is network of bosses.” People see their irreparable. The people are used as means political overlords as their first resort to perpetrate a systemic exploitation that when they need money during town is seemingly legitimized by dirty electoral celebrations, weddings, or baptism. In exercises. The politics of money paralyzes return, their sense of gratitude will democracy by influencing the outcomes of translate into votes. Paredes (2002) says elections. that for Sidel, “electoral democracy and Quimpo (2009) explains that in a bossism go hand-in-hand.” For this predatory regime, “clientelism and reason, the reality of bossism is inevitable patronage give way to pervasive in impoverished societies like the corruption, a systematic plunder of Philippines. Since the electorate is government resources and the rapid conditioned to think that they owe corrosion of public institutions into tools something to the traditional politician, the for predation.” Public officials only latter thinks that the people are no longer approve business applications after they entitled to anything. The boss dictates not are bribed with shares of stocks. Corrupt only the rules of the game but also the politicians also have a say on who must outcomes of the lives of the people. get the licenses in legal gambling like the Sidel’s analysis is important in Small-Town Lottery. Developers of understanding the type of leadership that subdivisions are forced to give padanlug usurps the state. The failure of any (grease money) to have their land government to protect the welfare of its conversion requests approved. In citizens may be due to the incompetence addition, there are politicians who are of technocrats but the root of the problem engaged in smuggling and drug is dynastic rule. In the Philippines, 169 or trafficking. The individuals who conspire 84% of the 200 elected members of in these evil schemes – businessmen, local 164 The Predatory States nd Radical Politics

Congress belong to pre-1972 ruling “lack of diplomacy, Duterte clearly families. (Tadem & Tadem, 2016) Senator comprehends the biggest dangers for his , a Filipino boxing hero, nation (potential or existing) and acts thinks that “too much democracy is bad accordingly.” In fact, Duterte’s timid yet for the Philippines” (Elemia, 2019). realist position on the West Philippine Sea Pacquiao, who is also building his own issue is simply misunderstood. While dynastic rule in Sarangani Province, has some accuse him of selling the country off the highest number of recorded absences to China, the president is clear in saying in the Senate (Talabong, 2019). The effect that he only wants to protect national of dynasties is apparent – persistent interest by not instigating any potential poverty. The monopoly of power means military conflict against China. that people do not have the means to That Duterte is an autocrat is voice out concerns. As a result, the interest debatable, but what seems clear is that he of the public is not attended to by their has the tendency to ignore public morals. government officials. By limiting the field To his critics, he sometimes speaks like a of candidates to a few, dominant family, thug (Wood, 2017). Indeed, in his three national progress stagnates. But the bosses years in office, critics and admirers alike – mayors, governors, including the would remember his rape joke, his cursing president – become richer. of Pope Francis and President Barack President Duterte is a polarizing Obama, and above all else, his decision to figure. His brand of politics is disruptive. allow the burial of the late strongman But to put things into context, it is at the Libingan ng mga important to revisit the real reason why Bayani. The burial happened at early Filipinos put Duterte in Malacañang. D. S. dawn. It was a strategy that caught his Panarina presents a positive view on the critics by surprise. But as of the moment, Philippine president. Panarina (2017) protests on Duterte’s decision has since observes that “Duterte made a strategic subsided. But while the president is decision to start his domestic policy with projected negatively, he has also achieved reestablishment of law and order using unique accomplishments through his rather authoritarian and militaristic maverick ways. Duterte solved the “laglag methods, but at the same time rapidly bala” racket at the Ninoy Aquino earned him the abovementioned trust of International Airport, he made Lucio ordinary people.” Duterte does not seem Tan’s Philippine Airlines pay its seven to mind the opinion of the West against billion-peso debt, and the Bangsamoro him. A realist by heart, Duterte’s pivot to Organic Law (BOL) was passed by both China and Russia presumably is for the houses of Congress and ratified in a sake of national interest, arguing that the referendum. US is meddling over his domestic policies, especially his war on drugs. Panarina (2017) believes that despite the president’s Journal of ASEAN Studies 165

The Pejorative Term “Buang” reflective of the kind of bias that is still prevalent in Philippine society. Someone Senator , who led who is “buang” is not only an irrational Duterte’s “War on Drugs” then as head of man. The same is also considered as the Philippine National Police, was undesirable in society. This prejudice criticized for describing the death of Kyla might have come from the fact that there Ulpina, a three-year old girl killed in a are insane persons roaming the streets, the drug operation as “collateral damage” ones called “taong grasa”. They have been (Aurelio, 2019). Police operatives alleged abandoned by their families and are left to that the girl was used by his father as a scavenge for any leftover in garbage bins. shield, although the report of Human This reminds us of the politics of Rights Watch (HRW) indicates that the exclusion, in which the bad elements of latter was actually unarmed. The human society are to be separated from the good rights group said that the girl is a victim ones. Duterte characteristically portrayed of Duterte’s drug war (Conde, 2019). The the drug addict and drug dealer as vicious excessive use of force is the object of villains. For the president, both should be criticism. When Duterte mentioned that punished. Steffen Jensen and Karl Hapal he will protect law enforcers from legal (2018) in researching their paper, suits emanating from anti-drug interviewed a law enforcement officer operations, critics said it gave the police a who put it this way: “The people we put feeling of impunity. When the “right to down are not people anymore. They are due process” was raised by the Catholic demons that need to be removed from the Church and the country’s constitutionally face of the earth. We the police are like independent Human Rights Commission, angels that battle those demons. We know Duterte rebuffed his critics, saying that what is right and we know that what “your concern is human rights, mine is those criminals do is not right.” human lives” (Villamor, 2018). Critics were alarmed that murder has become a According to HRW, the Philippine national policy. The problem of the Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA) has president’s statement is that human rights recorded 4,948 deaths of suspected drug and human life are not mutually users and pushers in police operations exclusive. To protect human lives, one since July 1, 2016 up to September 30, needs to value human rights. 2018. The same report indicates that 22,983 such deaths have been classified as But one needs to ask, what is the homicides under investigation (Human reason for the huge support for Duterte’s Rights Watch, 2019). Some critics say that violent anti-drug war? Arguably, it lies in Duterte only targets small drug dealers, the prejudice against drug pushers and although during the Senatorial Debate, drug users. Drug addicts, in the mind of then candidate Dela Rosa fired back at the Philippine president, is “buang” critics in defense of the president saying (crazy). Calling a person “buang” is that police anti-drug operations have 166 The Predatory States nd Radical Politics

neutralized ‘big fishes’ like the Parojinogs crime and punishment. For historian of Ozamiz City and Albuera Mayor Vicente Rafael (2016), the president’s Rolando Espinosa, the father of the violent ways are nothing but a suspected drug lord Kerwin Espinosa. manifestation of a principle of vengeance. However, in a survey conducted by the He writes that “for Duterte and the rest Social Weather Stations in December 2018, like him, justice means revenge.” Rafael it was shown that 78% of the public are argues that the president is using his worried about extra-judicial killings. In campaign against criminality as an excuse the same survey, 50% of the victims of for his dictatorial infatuations. summary executions in the country Randy David (2016) says that such belong to poor households. Only 3% come phenomenon of blind obedience and from wealthy families (, 2019). ultra-fanaticism is “pure theater – a However, the Filipino public has not sensual experience rather than the rational shown any massive indignation against application of ideas to society’s the president’s war on drugs. Even the problems.” David says that Duterte is members of the clergy are divided. Daniel using the coercive power of the state Franklin Pilario (2017) says that it is against his dissenters. The sociologist because “the official political machine thinks that Duterte is the “incarnation of a officially extols the success of the anti- style of governance enabled by the public’s drug project.” Beyond this observation, faith in the capacity of a tough-talking, however, is the feeling that the war on willful, and unorthodox leader to carry out drugs has made many communities safe drastic actions to solve the nation’s from criminal elements. persistent problems” (David, 2017). He Duterte’s mystique was reinforced calls such phenomenon, “Dutertismo”. when he met with the alleged drug Benjiemen Labastin (2018) explains that the kingpin Peter Lim of Cebu City. The idea “could be read as a prophetic president has warned that he would kill warning to remind the people not to be the Chinese businessman. So far, that has trapped again with the sweet promises of not happened. For some critics, Duterte’s authoritarianism as an easy path to solve war on drugs is morally troubling. They the country’s woes.” David believes that argue that it is an extermination program Duterte’s type of governance is nothing (Esmaquel, 2017). Violence is at the heart short of a demagoguery. Labastin says of this anti-drug campaign. For three that for David, the president is subverting years, scores of drug suspects have been the sovereignty of the Filipino people killed and then marked with a cardboard, (West Philippine Sea issue) and “Wag Tularan” (Do not follow). The bastardizing its democratic processes context is clear. It warns the public to keep (right to due process of drug suspects), themselves away from illegal drugs. suggesting that such an attitude is a Critics contend that Duterte’s radical characteristic of leaders who pay no approach revolves around a world of respect to the rule of law. Journal of ASEAN Studies 167

The paralysis of state and society system and distributed the resources in in the Philippines is manifest in the deaths the country to the elites in Manila. Since of thousands in the war on drugs. It is no the provincial elites were beholden to the secret that the violent means employed by national leadership and the oligarchs in the state through law enforcers have the capital, the American imperialists resulted in the murder of innocent lives. knew that all they had to do was keep The reason is simple. Police operatives are close ties with the ruling class in Manila. human beings who make mistakes. They Paul Hutchcroft and Joel can also be abusive and so by giving them Rocamora (2003) explains that “the logic the absolute blanket of authority to kill of Philippine politics became driven to a every drug suspect, such an approach will considerable extent by the politics of have far reaching implications that can patronage and the division of the spoils destroy Filipino families. Duterte, in this among the elite and the expansion of the sense, is not only ruining Philippine quantity of spoils available to the elite as a democracy, but is also obliterating the whole.” The EDSA People Power failed to future of children whose parents have not emancipate the Filipino from oligarchic been given the chance to reform. The rule. The elites used their status to death of thousands is a disturbing reality. influence policy. Post-EDSA II In this regard, critics contend that the governments promised to serve the president is a danger to Philippine society Filipino under the pretext of moral (Panarina, 2017). reform, but the predatory culture of Politics as Usual: The Corrupt Ways of corruption continued to stifle progress Post-Colonial Philippines and governance. The elites in the provinces too wielded great power and According to Michael Cullinane influence. The Philippine state had no real (2003), “bureaucrats who were appointed means to control them. Instead, national to implement the new laws more often leaders used local dynasts to perpetuate than not abused them.” The ilustrados their positions. In return, the bosses in the aggrandized themselves. Moreover, the poor provinces persisted in their greedy same cabals impoverished the Filipino and corrupt ways. While relative people. The incompetent brand of service economic growth was achieved during rendered to the people would be carried past administrations after EDSA II, this over decades thereafter. At the heart of the has not trickled down to poor households. ilustrado rule is centralized governance. The Spanish authorities instituted a The ascent of Duterte to power can system to administer the islands more be attributed to the discontent of the effectively, although the main motive of Filipino. Duterte succeeded in projecting the friars were land and the subjugation of himself as the right candidate for the job the local population. When Spain left the by building that image of an alternative to country, the Americans maintained the a lousy leadership. But Duterte is not 168 The Predatory States nd Radical Politics

someone who can be exempted from the The silencing of the voices from predatory nature of the Philippine state. the margins, including the media, the While can be showcased as a perpetuation of a neo-colonial regime, and success story, this success is not about the presence of a semi-feudal socio- good governance, but the kind of economic order, reveal the predatory discipline imposed on the people. It is the nature of the Philippine state. The real personality of Duterte, more than his problem of politics in the Philippines is principle of governance, which charmed that it has been reduced into the pursuit of the Filipino electorate. This makes personal interests. President Benigno manifest what Patricio Abinales and Aquino III campaigned on the promise Donna Amoroso (2005) calls “the slide of that he would reform Philippine society Philippine society from institutionalism by running after corrupt government into pure politics.” officials. Yet, as his administration started its mission, it has become clear that he Elite democracy only privileges the was only interested in prosecuting few. Its rent-seeking ways only benefit President . those at the top. In such kind of politics, Aquino’s government was also embroiled extraction and exclusion characterize the in many controversies, the most system. The Filipino, as a result, finds prominent of which was the Development himself serving two overlords – Chinese- Acceleration Program (DAP) where then Filipino tycoons and dynasts. Chinese Budget Secretary Florencio Abad was migrants effectively integrated themselves accused of re-aligning surplus funds from into Philippine society. While they were the national budget into discretionary unable to do so in Malaysia or Indonesia, projects without the proper authorization it was a different case for the Philippines from Congress as mandated by the (Kusaka, 2017). Filipinos of Chinese Philippine Constitution. descent control 60% of the non-land capital in the Philippines. Chinese tycoons Three years into the Duterte own the biggest banks, manufacturing presidency, it seems that it is “politics as firms, and malls. They have shares in usual” for corrupt politicians. Duterte infrastructure, mining, and in utility firms. understands what power means. For this A rising oligarch, Dennis Uy is of Chinese- reason, he has to make alliances with Filipino blood. Injap Sia, an emerging dynasts and the traditional politicians in tycoon who at a very young age became a pursuit of all his agenda. The senatorial billionaire, is also of Chinese descent. This elections of 2019 proved that the president is not to diminish the huge contribution of still has that charm, although some in the Chinese Filipinos to the development of political opposition would like to the country. What we this claim intends to insinuate that the exercise was rigged. show is that opportunities have been Clearly, the election of his Special scarce for the ordinary Filipino but not for Assistant Christopher Lawrence “Bong” those who live in gated communities. Go is a testament of the high trust and Journal of ASEAN Studies 169 confidence of the majority of the people cycle continues because no single man can on President Duterte. The Liberal Party’s reform this system. Duterte himself knows slate of senatorial candidates known as that he has to play his cards well and “” that included the dance with the wolves if he wants his incumbent Senator and agenda to push through. Change does not former Department of the Interior and happen overnight, not even after three Local Government Secretary , years. The political machine has all lost in the election. The midterm embedded itself and the traditional ways election was simply a vote of confidence of politics have penetrated the deepest for Duterte. roots of Philippine society like a cancer. While roads and bridges have been built The LP slate represented the elite. in the countryside, poor houses occupy But the defeat of “Otso Diretso” does not the landscape. Without jobs, there is no also mean the defeat of the ilustrado class. way for the Filipino to overcome his In fact, many of the candidates who won situation. Politicians give people a reason in the 2019 midterm election are political to hope, but it is our choice of principles butterflies or turncoats. The majority of that would matter in the end. The the congressmen and senators who are traditional politician has none. now allied with Duterte formerly belonged to the Liberal Party. For obvious Moral Politics and the Radical President reasons, politicians change loyalties for Agonistic politics is grounded in political expediency. So, despite the strong the idea of struggle. Society is not a pronouncement of the president against homogenous set of identities. Antonio corruption, it still widespread. Indeed, Gramsci’s constructivist view of the world traditional politicians have positioned tells us that human society has no intrinsic themselves since time immemorial with nature. What becomes of society is a the ruling party to secure their place in the product of hegemonic relations. This is the hierarchy and the necessary funding for case for the Philippines. For instance, the pet their projects. Infrastructure projects ownership of vast landholdings by the are a potential source of kickbacks that ruling class during the colonial period range from 10 to 30 per cent. As a defined the economic as well as the social consequence, it is the people who suffer. landscape of the country. There remains to In fact, it can be said that Duterte has not be hierarchical differences that influence dismantled elite rule in the country. how citizens relate to each other The reason why the predatory politically. In fact, it is the case to this day. nature of the Philippine state remains is As such, after Duterte won, big apparent. Corruption in the country is businessmen from Manila came to see him systemic. Unless the people mature in at his temporary office in Davao. They all politics, there is no way to overhaul the wanted a big part of the action. But more elitist nature of Philippine democracy. The than anything else, they simply needed 170 The Predatory States nd Radical Politics

assurance and security for their of rational consensus ignores the value of businesses. passion in the political. Indeed, the normal way of doing things will not work The thing that people call in a society like the Philippines where the consensus is no more than an ordering of situation is abnormal. The clamor for power. Prior to Duterte, those in the someone who is strong, even this leader capital dictated what was to become of the will bypass legal processes, becomes country. The idea of dialogue is nothing inevitable. but a disguise for the selfish motives of the powerful. The anti-establishment Thus, with his aggressive and strategy that Duterte employs is a type of adversarial style of leadership, Duterte antagonism. This type of conflict comes in may have inaugurated radical democracy various forms – Manila versus Mindanao, in the country. The moral vision of politics the educated versus the unschooled, the in the Third World is that ideal of rich versus the masa (people) (Kusaka, establishing an egalitarian society. There 2017). This is even clear in the reaction of is a true concern for the equal rights of the Mayor , the president’s poor and the disadvantaged who have daughter, when she reacted against the been perpetually oppressed. The reason use of the song “Manila” during the for every desire for radical reform is that Opening Ceremony of the 2019 social inequalities are unjustified. Duterte SEAGAMES. Yet. It can be said that has always considered himself a Duterte’s rule is not defined by class progressive. He has endured having struggle. It is more of a disruptive type of embraced this principle, even with all the politics that uses to the fullest extent the political divergences, many breaking divisive situations of people in order to points, and splits in the country after control the state and its political EDSA I. But as a “contested democracy”, machinery. to use Quimpo’s term, Duterte’s style is of course subject to the judgment of history. The daily life of the people cannot It must not be forgotten that the kind of be separated from the dimension of their society Filipinos have is not a matter of communitarian soul. Nation-building as fate but a conscious act on the part of their the slow unfolding of history in political bosses to exploit the powerless. movements is something that the atomism of most liberals has never paid attention In modern democracies, it is to. Radical democracy maintains that the unexpected for a provincial politician to political cannot be limited to rational seize power from the ruling class of discourse because doing so is to tie traditional political families. Duterte is the politics to the narrow limits of logic and product of a society that has failed on its explanation (Mouffe, 1995). Indeed, the democratic experiments, the latest of notion of identity cannot be established which was grounded on Aquino’s moral without the reality of difference. Any form recovery model of reform. Even the Journal of ASEAN Studies 171 development-oriented model of President Filipino is really the way out of his Arroyo did not work in the country. desperate situation. Arroyo’s corruption plagued The above attitude is ingrained in administration gave legitimacy to Filipino political culture. Politics has someone who represents change. become some form of ritual for people President Aquino became that person wherein they worship their political idol. when his mother, the former president, Duterte is a political paradox. Many of his died. The second Aquino administration critics say that he is no more than a began with a great promise, only to suffer dictator who use his colorful language to from the same malady the Arroyo hide his true motives and ambitions of administration had. While President power. It is possible, for instance, that his Aquino may not be corrupt, he was not daughter will run in the 2022 presidential emulated by his fellow politicians as an elections given the weakness and lack of example. Aquino was a weak leader. But unity of his political opponents. But to his this weakness, it can be presumed, is not supporters, Duterte’s maverick ways can just a personality thing. It bespeaks of the help a society find the means and lack of concern of the ruling elite beyond measures to achieve change. While the their own kind. antagonistic nature of his politics will It appears that most Filipinos are require people to go beyond the limits of not against shortcuts if the same can bring rational discourse, Duterte thinks that a actual results and immediate benefits. The politician must distinguish his politics only problem is that the masses look up to from morality to realize the meaning of their idols like some kind of a demi-god the common good. Liberalism provides a who will solve their problems. Moral straight path in achieving the ideals of development, in this respect, is farthest democracy through discussion and from the mind of the electorate. What dialogue. But the dynamics in Philippine brings a poor man to City Hall is not the society, given the hegemonic relations desire to live the good life. Rather, it is rooted in an oppressive colonial past, about his daily survival, the problem that leads one to think that Duterte’s radical he is embroiled in, and that hope that the kind of leadership is necessary. politician-patron will be able to give him Limiting politics to the binaries of money to free him from his troubles. A morality misses the important aspect of poor man is not in search of virtue when it decision making which is crucial in all comes to politics. He is looking for realizing change. This should not mean attention from the politician who is also a that people must reject morality. It only caring father figure, one who is expected means that citizens have to make the to provide solutions to impossible distinction when it comes to the political. problems. Technical expertise may be For Carl Schmitt, politics refers to crucial to the success of the state, but the institutions designed to govern society. most immediate concern of the poor 172 The Predatory States nd Radical Politics

The political, on the other hand, is about is for him to bring out the agenda of the relations of power. Indeed, it is argued masses. On the other hand, as the boss he that the concept of a perfect consensus is also realizes the pragmatic reality of an illusion. The same is utopian and Philippine politics. The only way forward, unrealistic. Despite the criticisms, Duterte in this regard, is for the president to have is using well the card of hegemony to his the radical resolve to face the problems advantage. This is not to suggest that he that bedevil the nation. The norm is for an has the wrong motives in doing so. But elected leader to conform to tradition and what is obvious is that he has been able to protocol that befit the highest position of consolidate his powers to protect himself the land. But Duterte shows that in his from any threat from those who may have case, it is the other way around. The plans to challenge his position, including weakness of Philippine institutions the military. manifests the political and moral divide in society. Institutional decisions are based Radical politics may characterize on the choices made by people in the situation of the Filipino’s post-colonial authority in whom the electorate entrust struggle. But the ordinary Filipino still political power. As such, it matters how finds himself voiceless in the affairs of the people choose their leaders. People should state. This colonial legacy appears to give play a part in the formulation of policies some semblance of legitimacy to Duterte’s that are to affect their situation. It is radical leadership. But the death of elitism beyond question that the development of is temporary and the reason is often modern nations draws from the principles obvious. Duterte has not implemented of democratic governance because principle-based reforms to change the political maturity and economic progress socio-political establishment. In fact, the must go together. The political will of president is aware that the same cabals in Duterte is a good thing, but the Filipino Congress are still there. He has to depend people must also embrace the virtues of on the normal state of things in order to democratic governance and the rule of pursue his agenda. The president also law if the country must escape from the knows that he has to deal with the ills of the past. The Filipino people cannot oligarchy and the traditional elites in just rely on outside help because in the Philippine society. There’s the rub. first place, it is foreign rule that has Conclusion bedeviled this society and cemented the latent and obvious moral and hegemonic The history of the Filipino people divide among its people. Filipinos must is generally presented through the eyes of face their most pressing political problem Manila. Such shatters the voices in the – the absolute dismantling of a predatory margins of Philippine society. The radical state. The way forward is to overhaul a approach of Duterte is no less than his corrupt system and empower a people way of challenging the status quo. Duterte who have been deprived of their rights. as a father-figure knows how important it Nothing replaces institutional reforms Journal of ASEAN Studies 173 that are truly grounded in democratic David, R. (2016, May 1). Dutertismo. principles. Retrieved from Philippine Daily Inquirer: About the Author https://opinion.inquirer.net/94530/ Dr. Christopher Ryan Maboloc, dutertismo associate professor of philosophy at David, R. (2017, June 17). Where is Ateneo de Davao University, finished his ‘Dutertismo’ Headed?. Retrieved doctorate in philosophy at the University from Philippine Daily Inquirer: of San Carlos, maxima cum laude. He http://opinion.inquirer.net/109531/ graduated from the Erasmus Mundus where-is-dutertismo- Master in Applied Ethics at Linkoping headed#ixzz5MnE0yDr6 University, Sweden and NTNU, Norway. He also has a master's in philosophy from Elemia, C. (2019, March 2). Pacquiao: Too Ateneo de Manila University. much democracy is bad for the Philippines. Retrieved from References Rappler: Abinales, P. N., & Amoroso, D. J. (2005). https://www.rappler.com/nation/2 New States and Reorientations 24754-manny-pacquiao-too-much- 1368–1764. State and Society in the democracy-is-bad-for-the- Philippines. Lanham, Md.: Rowman philippines & Littlefield, 53. Esmaquel, P. (2017, August 30). What have Aurelio, J. (2019, July 6). Dela Rosa’s we done to deserve this?. Retrieved comment on child’s death in police from Rappler: raid hits the fan. 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