INDEX of GHQ/SCAP Records, Government Section (GS): Central
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Japan Between the Wars
JAPAN BETWEEN THE WARS The Meiji era was not followed by as neat and logical a periodi- zation. The Emperor Meiji (his era name was conflated with his person posthumously) symbolized the changes of his period so perfectly that at his death in July 1912 there was a clear sense that an era had come to an end. His successor, who was assigned the era name Taisho¯ (Great Righteousness), was never well, and demonstrated such embarrassing indications of mental illness that his son Hirohito succeeded him as regent in 1922 and re- mained in that office until his father’s death in 1926, when the era name was changed to Sho¯wa. The 1920s are often referred to as the “Taisho¯ period,” but the Taisho¯ emperor was in nominal charge only until 1922; he was unimportant in life and his death was irrelevant. Far better, then, to consider the quarter century between the Russo-Japanese War and the outbreak of the Manchurian Incident of 1931 as the next era of modern Japanese history. There is overlap at both ends, with Meiji and with the resur- gence of the military, but the years in question mark important developments in every aspect of Japanese life. They are also years of irony and paradox. Japan achieved success in joining the Great Powers and reached imperial status just as the territo- rial grabs that distinguished nineteenth-century imperialism came to an end, and its image changed with dramatic swiftness from that of newly founded empire to stubborn advocate of imperial privilege. Its military and naval might approached world standards just as those standards were about to change, and not long before the disaster of World War I produced revul- sion from armament and substituted enthusiasm for arms limi- tations. -
Peace in Vietnam! Beheiren: Transnational Activism and Gi Movement in Postwar Japan 1965-1974
PEACE IN VIETNAM! BEHEIREN: TRANSNATIONAL ACTIVISM AND GI MOVEMENT IN POSTWAR JAPAN 1965-1974 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI‘I AT MĀNOA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICAL SCIENCE AUGUST 2018 By Noriko Shiratori Dissertation Committee: Ehito Kimura, Chairperson James Dator Manfred Steger Maya Soetoro-Ng Patricia Steinhoff Keywords: Beheiren, transnational activism, anti-Vietnam War movement, deserter, GI movement, postwar Japan DEDICATION To my late father, Yasuo Shiratori Born and raised in Nihonbashi, the heart of Tokyo, I have unforgettable scenes that are deeply branded in my heart. In every alley of Ueno station, one of the main train stations in Tokyo, there were always groups of former war prisoners held in Siberia, still wearing their tattered uniforms and playing accordion, chanting, and panhandling. Many of them had lost their limbs and eyes and made a horrifying, yet curious, spectacle. As a little child, I could not help but ask my father “Who are they?” That was the beginning of a long dialogue about war between the two of us. That image has remained deep in my heart up to this day with the sorrowful sound of accordions. My father had just started work at an electrical laboratory at the University of Tokyo when he found he had been drafted into the imperial military and would be sent to China to work on electrical communications. He was 21 years old. His most trusted professor held a secret meeting in the basement of the university with the newest crop of drafted young men and told them, “Japan is engaging in an impossible war that we will never win. -
The Birth of Communism
Looking for a New Economic Order Tensions across Europe mounted in the 1830s and 1840s, as republican (anti-royalist) movements resisted the reigning monarchies. The monarchy in France had been restored after Napoleon Bonaparte’s final defeat at Waterloo in 1815, albeit with great divisions and debate throughout the country. Italy, Germany, and Austria were likewise ruled by monarchies, but faced growing protest. In addition to tensions about forms of government and freedoms, workers were becoming more vocal and unified in protesting conditions in factories, mines, and mills. The Birth of Communism Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels are regarded as the founders of Marxist ideology, more colloquially known as communism. Both were concerned about the ill effects of industrialism. Marx was an economist, historian, and philosopher. Engels was a German journalist and philosopher. After a two-year stay in Manchester, England, Engels wrote his first book, The Condition of the Working Class in England, which was published in 1845. It was in Manchester that Marx and Engels met for the first time. Although they did not like each other at first, they ended up forming a life- and world- changing partnership. Marx was the more public figure of the partnership, but Engels did much of the supporting work, including providing financial assistance to Marx and editing multiple volumes of their publications. In 1847, a group of Germans, working in England, formed a secret society and contacted Marx, asking him to join them as they developed a political platform. At Engels’s suggestion, the group was named the Communist League. Marx and Engels began writing the pamphlet The Communist Manifesto, composed between December 1847 and January 1848. -
Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky University of Kentucky UKnowledge Asian Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 5-15-2014 Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Georgia Institute of Technology Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Woodall, Brian, "Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868" (2014). Asian Studies. 4. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_asian_studies/4 Growing Democracy in Japan Growing Democracy in Japan The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Due to variations in the technical specifications of different electronic reading devices, some elements of this ebook may not appear as they do in the print edition. Readers are encouraged to experiment with user settings for optimum results. Copyright © 2014 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Woodall, Brian. -
Center on Japanese Economy and Business
Center on Japanese Economy and Business ANNUAL REPORT 2015–2016 (JULY 2015–JUNE 2016) Table of Contents Letter from the Directors 2 The Battle Against Deflation: The Evolution of Monetary Policy and Japan’s Experience 52 CJEB 30th-Anniversary Featured Highlights 5 Lunchtime “Zadankai” Seminars 53 CJEB’s 30-Year History (Photos) 5 The Effect of Family-Friendly Regulation on Fertility and CJEB’s 30th-Anniversary Event Highlights 11 Work: Evidence from Japan Using Natural Experiments 53 His Excellency Shinzo Abe, Prime Minister of Japan, Abenomics: Politics and Policy 53 Greets Audience at CJEB’s Tokyo Conference 11 For Yaskawa, the Future Is Now 54 CJEB Lecture Featuring Governor Haruhiko Kuroda, Abenomics: Skepticism and Hope 54 Bank of Japan 14 Two Cultures, One Team: Leading a Major Japanese-Owned CJEB Symposium Featuring Hideki Matsui, Bank in the Americas as the First American CEO 54 Jean Afterman, and George Rose, New York Yankees 15 From Japan’s Leading Securities Company to Asia’s Global 30 Years of Visiting Fellows at the Center 16 Investment Bank: History, Challenges, and Ambitions 55 CJEB Team 21 The Silo Effect on Japanese Companies and Elsewhere 55 Leadership and Staff 21 The Latest Landscape of International Finance 55 Core Faculty 24 The Structure and Characteristics of the Japanese Manga Market 56 Research and Faculty Engagement 27 Lessons in Entrepreneurship: Building a Global Business 56 “Japan’s Economy: Moderate Performance, Japan’s Prewar and Postwar Economic Development 56 Puzzles Persist” by Hugh Patrick 27 Current -
The History Problem: the Politics of War
History / Sociology SAITO … CONTINUED FROM FRONT FLAP … HIRO SAITO “Hiro Saito offers a timely and well-researched analysis of East Asia’s never-ending cycle of blame and denial, distortion and obfuscation concerning the region’s shared history of violence and destruction during the first half of the twentieth SEVENTY YEARS is practiced as a collective endeavor by both century. In The History Problem Saito smartly introduces the have passed since the end perpetrators and victims, Saito argues, a res- central ‘us-versus-them’ issues and confronts readers with the of the Asia-Pacific War, yet Japan remains olution of the history problem—and eventual multiple layers that bind the East Asian countries involved embroiled in controversy with its neighbors reconciliation—will finally become possible. to show how these problems are mutually constituted across over the war’s commemoration. Among the THE HISTORY PROBLEM THE HISTORY The History Problem examines a vast borders and generations. He argues that the inextricable many points of contention between Japan, knots that constrain these problems could be less like a hang- corpus of historical material in both English China, and South Korea are interpretations man’s noose and more of a supportive web if there were the and Japanese, offering provocative findings political will to determine the virtues of peaceful coexistence. of the Tokyo War Crimes Trial, apologies and that challenge orthodox explanations. Written Anything less, he explains, follows an increasingly perilous compensation for foreign victims of Japanese in clear and accessible prose, this uniquely path forward on which nationalist impulses are encouraged aggression, prime ministerial visits to the interdisciplinary book will appeal to sociol- to derail cosmopolitan efforts at engagement. -
2017 Japan: Shinzō Abe Wins a New Mandate
At a glance October 2017 Japan: Shinzō Abe wins a new mandate Shinzō Abe won the snap elections he called for the lower house on 22 October 2017. Despite her popularity, Tokyo's governor Yuriko Koike failed to convince the electorate to oust a prime minister in charge since December 2012. The newly created Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan became the main opposition force in the House of Representatives. In coalition with Kōmeitō, Abe's Liberal Democratic Party holds a two-thirds majority enabling it to pass constitutional amendments. The outcome of the 22 October 2017 elections On 22 October 2017, elections for the lower chamber (House of Representatives) of Japan's Parliament took place. Turnout was 53.69 %, reversing a long-term declining trend (2014 had seen a record low of 52.66 %) despite a powerful typhoon that might have encouraged voters to stay at home. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) was confirmed as the country's largest party, with 281 seats. Its partner Kōmeitō obtained 29 seats. With a combined 310 seats, they retain two thirds of the lower chamber, the majority needed to revise the Constitution, one of Abe's goals. The Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDPJ) became the main opposition party, obtaining 54 seats. The CDPJ is Japan’s smallest main opposition party since 1955. Tokyo's governor Yuriko Koike's Kibō no Tō (Party of Hope) obtained 50 seats. Shinzō Abe won his fourth mandate. Grandson of Nobusuke Kishi, prime minister in the 1950s, his first mandate was from September 2006 to September 2007, when he became, at 52, Japan’s youngest post-War prime minister and the first to have been born after the war. -
The Example of the United Red Army in the Manga Red (2006–2018)
IAFOR Journal of Media, Communication & Film Volume 6 – Issue 1 – Summer 2019 Memory Politics and Popular Culture – The Example of the United Red Army in the Manga Red (2006–2018) Fabien Carpentras, Yokohama National University, Japan Abstract Serialized in a period of booming popular interest for the United Red Army (URA), Red (2006– 2018) by manga artist Yamamoto Naoki (1960–) is to this day the most thoroughly detailed and researched work of fiction drawing on the famous Japanese terrorist group. In the present article, we would like to address how Yamamoto is fully engaged in a memory struggle regarding the “truth” of the historical event – he has been active in the “Association to transmit the overall picture of the United Red Army incident,” a group involved in the gathering and publishing of testimonies surrounding the incident, bringing to the fore until then unknown and neglected details of the URA. And yet, serialized in the seinen manga magazine Evening, Red constitutes at the same time a genuine piece of popular culture, fostering narrative and visual devices aimed at a large audience (for instance, all the characters appear with false and dramatized names – Nagata Hiroko becoming Akagi or “Red Castle” Hiroko – and the ideological motivations are all downplayed in favor of more sanitized and universal ones). By so doing, Yamamoto succeeds in reshaping the popular memory of the URA, but we argue that this reworking is made at the expense of the political and social background of the organization, with the result of hindering our social and historical understanding of this foundational event of contemporary Japan politics. -
Expert Voices on Japan Security, Economic, Social, and Foreign Policy Recommendations
Expert Voices on Japan Security, Economic, Social, and Foreign Policy Recommendations U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Cohort IV Expert Voices on Japan Security, Economic, Social, and Foreign Policy Recommendations U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Cohort IV Arthur Alexander, Editor www.mansfieldfdn.org The Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation, Washington, D.C. ©2018 by The Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation All rights reserved. Published in the United States of America Library of Congress Control Number: 2018942756 The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation or its funders. Contributors Amy Catalinac, Assistant Professor, New York University Yulia Frumer, Assistant Professor, Johns Hopkins University Robert Hoppens, Associate Professor, University of Texas Rio Grande Valley Nori Katagiri, Assistant Professor, Saint Louis University Adam P. Liff, Assistant Professor, Indiana University Ko Maeda, Associate Professor, University of North Texas Reo Matsuzaki, Assistant Professor, Trinity College Matthew Poggi Michael Orlando Sharpe, Associate Professor, City University of New York Jolyon Thomas, Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania Kristin Vekasi, Assistant Professor, University of Maine Joshua W. Walker, Managing Director for Japan and Head of Global Strategic Initiatives, Office of the President, Eurasia Group U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Advisory Committee Dr. Susan J. Pharr, Edwin O. Reischauer Professor -
A Spartacist Pamphlet a $1.50 Cdn $1 £ 0.75 US $1 Trotskyism: What It Isn't and What It Lsi
A Spartacist Pamphlet A $1.50 Cdn $1 £ 0.75 US $1 Trotskyism: What It Isn't and What It lsi L.Y. Leonidov V.1. Lenin and Leon Trotsky, leaders of the Russian Revolution, on its second anniversary in Moscow's Red Square. February 1990 ,"¢~:j~;:~X523 Spartacist Publishing Co., Box 1377 GPO, New York, NY 10116 2 Trotskyism: What It Isn't and What It Is! This article was first published in Spartacist (German We stand with those members and ex-members of the SED edition) No. 14, Winter 1989-90. There are two additions to who defend the gains the working people achieved through the English text, one dealing with the "Trotskyist" revisionists the overthrow of capitalism. We stand for the communism as the political heirs of the London Bureau and the other of Lenin and Trotsky'S Bolshevik Party. with the role played by former American Healyite leader The '''refonners'' in the bureaucracy are promising "so Tim Wohlforth against the struggle for authentic Trotskyism cialist renewal." But Stalinism can't deliver any kind of in the U.S. Other minor changes and corrections have also "renewal." As an ideology Stalinism is simply an apology been made. for the rule of the bureaucracy. Its slogans and "debates" are but arguments about how to put the best false face on To the workers of Germany, the policies of betrayal. Without state power, Stalinist ide ology is an empty shell, devoid of any relevance to the East and West, and to question of proletarian power. European and other militants The bureaucracy headed by J. -
Roster of Winners in Single-Seat Constituencies No
Tuesday, October 24, 2017 | The Japan Times | 3 lower house ele ion ⑳ NAGANO ㉘ OSAKA 38KOCHI No. 1 Takashi Shinohara (I) No. 1 Hiroyuki Onishi (L) No. 1 Gen Nakatani (L) Roster of winners in single-seat constituencies No. 2 Mitsu Shimojo (KI) No. 2 Akira Sato (L) No. 2 Hajime Hirota (I) No. 3 Yosei Ide (KI) No. 3 Shigeki Sato (K) No. 4 Shigeyuki Goto (L) No. 4 Yasuhide Nakayama (L) 39EHIME No. 4 Masaaki Taira (L) ⑮ NIIGATA No. 5 Ichiro Miyashita (L) No. 5 Toru Kunishige (K) No. 1 Yasuhisa Shiozaki (L) ( L ) Liberal Democratic Party; ( KI ) Kibo no To; ( K ) Komeito; No. 5 Kenji Wakamiya (L) No. 6 Shinichi Isa (K) No. 1 Chinami Nishimura (CD) No. 2 Seiichiro Murakami (L) ( JC ) Japanese Communist Party; ( CD ) Constitutional Democratic Party; No. 6 Takayuki Ochiai (CD) No. 7 Naomi Tokashiki (L) No. 2 Eiichiro Washio (I) ㉑ GIFU No. 3 Yoichi Shiraishi (KI) ( NI ) Nippon Ishin no Kai; ( SD ) Social Democratic Party; ( I ) Independent No. 7 Akira Nagatsuma (CD) No. 8 Takashi Otsuka (L) No. 3 Takahiro Kuroiwa (I) No. 1 Seiko Noda (L) No. 4 Koichi Yamamoto (L) No. 8 Nobuteru Ishihara (L) No. 9 Kenji Harada (L) No. 4 Makiko Kikuta (I) No. 2 Yasufumi Tanahashi (L) No. 9 Isshu Sugawara (L) No. 10 Kiyomi Tsujimoto (CD) No. 4 Hiroshi Kajiyama (L) No. 3 Yoji Muto (L) 40FUKUOKA ① HOKKAIDO No. 10 Hayato Suzuki (L) No. 11 Hirofumi Hirano (I) No. 5 Akimasa Ishikawa (L) No. 4 Shunpei Kaneko (L) No. 1 Daiki Michishita (CD) No. 11 Hakubun Shimomura (L) No. -
Japanese Swords As Symbols of Historical Amnesia: Touken Ranbu and the Sword Boom in Popular Media
Volume 19 | Issue 7 | Number 1 | Article ID 5564 | Apr 01, 2021 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Japanese Swords as Symbols of Historical Amnesia: Touken Ranbu and the Sword Boom in Popular Media Kohki Watabe Abstract: This essay analyses the Japanese revisionism, nationalism, symbolism of sword boom in popular media in the 21st Japanese swords, Touken Ranbu century, situating Touken Ranbu, an online video game franchise, within its wider political and historical context. In the first two decades of the 21st century, government, commercial, Introduction and semi-public institutions, such as museums, extensively deployed positive depictions of In the 2010s, Japan's media culture witnessed a Japanese swords in popular media, including phenomenon that could be termed a Japanese anime, manga, TV, and films in public relations sword boom, evident in forms from manga and campaigns. As a historical ideological icon, anime to video games and films. The swords have been used to signify class in the transmedia popularity of sword iconography Edo period (1603-1868) and to justify the has influenced public relations strategies of Japanese Empire’s expansion into Asia during companies and governments and encouraged the Asia-Pacific War (1931-1945). Bycollaborations among public and private emphasizing the object's symbolism andsectors. Arguably, the most notable example of aestheticism, the sword boom of the 21st this phenomenon is a video game called Touken century is following a similar trajectory. Ranbu and its transmedia franchise. Taken Popular representations of swords in media together, these trends represent a fascination culture selectively feature historical episodes with the trope of the sword: some that are deemed politically uncontroversial and representations are historically grounded while beneficial for promoting a sense of national others are radically decontextualized; some pride.