DOCSLIB.ORG

Citizens' Participation and Anti-Corruption : the Advocacy And

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Citizens' Participation and Anti-Corruption : the Advocacy And Ben Elers, Angelos Giannakopoulos, Dirk Tänzler Citizens’ Participation and Anti-corruption: The Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres of Transparency International and the EU-funded research project ALACs 1. Introduction The fight against corruption within member and candidate states of the European Union (EU) to date has made obvious that there is a gap between centrally designed anti-corruption measures and public perceptions of corruption.1 Especially regarding South East European countries like Romania and Bulgaria but also EU-member states like Greece or candidate states like Turkey, widespread corruption in terms of both petty and grand corruption still remains a serious problem jeopardising institutional change and citizens’ trust to state. In turn, in central European countries -- especially in Germany -- recent cases of “white collar” corruption (Siemens, Volkswagen) reveal that, while national and international regimes in the fight against corruption have changed by setting a more rigorous anti-corruption frame, perceptions of what “deviant behaviour” is do not simply fit with the new situation. “Wrongdoing” and corrupt conduct are still perceived by private business and political elites either as a necessary evil or in the best case as a “peccadillo”. Against this background informing the public, i.e. raising public awareness about the problem has increasingly become over the recent years one of the most important aspects in the anti- corruption field in Europe. Important anti-corruption EU-institutions like the European Anti- Fraud Office (OLAF) underline that the fight against corruption requires the involvement of civil society, including the media, universities, and the public (OLAF 2009). In order to enhance public participation in the fight against corruption, the internationally leading coalition against corruption, Transparency International (TI), has launched since some years an anti-corruption tool entitled Advocacy and Legal Advice Centre (ALAC). The establishment of the ALACs within the frame of the already existing National Chapters of TI has started with three initial ALACs in Romania, Bosnia and Herzegovina and FYR Macedonia becoming within a few years a global anti-corruption tool spreading currently in all continents (see Table 1 below). The centres demonstrate that people do become actively involved in the fight against corruption when they are provided with simple, credible and viable citizen participation mechanisms to do so. The ALACs provide victims and/or witnesses of corruption with practical assistance to pursue complaints and address their grievances. The ALAC is a citizen participation tool that links the public interest with private incentives for action on the part of the individual. Directly linked to the Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres of TI is the research project “Promotion of Participation and Citizenship in Europe through the ‘Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres (ALACs)’ of TI. Analysis and Enhancement of an Anti-corruption Tool to Enable Better Informed and Effective Citizen Participation in Europe” (short title “ALACs”) supported within the Seventh Framework Programme of the European Commission. The research project is funded in the frame of a new innovative support instrument of the 1 About the relevance of perceptions of corruption to anti-corruption measures see the published results of the research project „Crime and Culture“ supported within the Sixth Framework Programme of the European Commission at: http://www.uni-konstanz.de/crimeandculture/index.htm. In the project perceptions of corruption have been comparatively analysed in the countries Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey, Croatia, Greece, Germany and the United Kingdom. See especially the final report of the project available at: http://www.uni-konstanz.de/crimeandculture/docs/STREP_Crime_and_Culture_Final_Project_Report.pdf 1 European Commission called “Research for the Benefit of Specific Groups-Civil Society Organisations” launched for the first time two years ago demonstrating the increasing interest of the EU-institutions towards scientific support of public engagement in a variety of action fields within society. The ALACs-project is a unique joint venture founded by three types of social actors with different but corresponding interests, competencies and objectives: 1. The civil society activists from the National Chapters of TI, who seek democratic development in their societies through enhanced citizen participation; 2. The TI-Secretariat, which is interested in improving its organisational structure by implementing new techniques of knowledge management (including a database) in its ALAC network Europe- and worldwide; 3. The research performers, who aim at enhancing knowledge about the cultural conditions necessary for the implementation of anti-corruption policies by establishing an innovative action research approach. Conducted by practitioners, professionals and academics, this approach will result in the formulation of a pioneering and empirically-grounded theory of the practice of the Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres. The main objectives of the ALACs research project are therefore: 1. to understand the nature of interaction between loose coupled network practitioners and professionals from TI, and 2. to analyse the cultural conditions necessary for implementing a specific management method and a mechanism to increase citizen participation in the countries participating in the project. The consortium of the ALACs-project is composed of eight National Chapters of TI in the countries Romania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Czech Republic, Azerbaijan, Ireland, Finland, Lithuania, Hungary and the TI-Secretariat in Berlin on one side as well as of scholars based at the Universities of Konstanz (co-ordinator), Duisburg-Essen and Warwick on the other. The research project started in September 2009 and will run until August 2012. Regarding enhancement of citizens’ participation against corruption related to the worldwide anti-corruption efforts of the Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres on the one hand as well as regards the ALACs EU-project on the other, this article contains the following: In the second chapter a detailed description of the ALAC-tool of TI as an innovative anti-corruption mechanism will be provided. In the third chapter core aspects of the co-operation between academics and anti-corruption activists in the frame of the ALACs-project will be highlighted, against the background of which in the fourth and last chapter fundamental dimensions of this unique co-operation in improving citizens’ participation in the anti-corruption field will be underlined. 2. Overall framework und characteristics of the ALAC-tool 2.1 The overall framework Compared, for example, with Greenpeace, a strong, hierarchical NGO with a dominant management represented by the headquarters and a large number of directed and financially- bound “foot troops,” TI represents the ideal type of network for a social movement: a collection of autonomous and independent single and corporate actors unified by a common anti-corruption goal (De Sousa 2005). There is no large bureaucracy or headquarters (with big overhead), but only a handful of charismatic leaders and a secretariat that loosely bind widespread and spontaneous activities into a grassroots organisation. Moral integrity, not formal hierarchical status or position of power, is the linchpin of integration in such a movement. The moral integrity of TI has been the secret of the movement’s success in the last 15 years, especially in countries undergoing large-scale socio- political transitions. In the post-socialist, but also in the post-colonial countries (in Africa, for example), people see the state institutions as the source and motor of corruption, rife with 2 functional deficiencies, structural inequality, poverty and lack of personal and political liberty – in short, the ground zero of cultural and societal underdevelopment. After 1990, the state institutions of the Western developed countries came under similar suspicion because they were perceived as responsible for the corruption and crisis in the countries of the so-called “third world” and for the contemporary state of the political and economic world order. Against this backdrop, TI represented an alternative of unpolitical politics, i.e. politics of non(-professional)- politicians. TI became a model for activists all over the world to enforce citizen participation and civil society. As a morally-grounded institution, TI gained strong legitimation and was thus able to greatly impact political agenda-setting worldwide (Keck/Sikkink1998, Marschall 2002, Eigen 2003). Since the times of German sociologist Max Weber, organisational theory assumes that social institutions begin as charismatic organisations and must be transformed into formalised structures if they are to endure (Weber 1964). Looking back, one sees that TI began to do just that, professionalising and formalising the anti-corruption movement by inventing and implementing effective management and citizen participation tools, which did and will continue to optimise the work of the activists and the organisation as a whole. In consequence of the specific character of TI as a global informal network, one can expect that this transformation from a personalised to a formalised structure will generate a new type of organisation typical for global politics in the post-modern knowledge society. It should be assumed that not so much power (or law) but practical knowledge will be
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Greece, Capitalist Interests, and the Specular Purity of the State
    Discussion Paper No. 8 Corrupt Compared to What? Greece, Capitalist Interests, and the Specular Purity of the State Peter Bratsis August 2003 The Hellenic Observatory The European Institute London School of Economics and Political Science Acknowledgements This paper was made possible by a research fellowship from the Hellenic Observatory of the European Institute. It is based on a talk given at the London School of Economics on October 22, 2002. Many of the ideas and arguments presented here were developed during discussions with Constantine Tsoukalas, without his input and encouragement this paper would not have been possible. Stanley Aronowitz, John Bowman, Andreas Karras, Lenny Markovitz, Randy Martin, Eleni Natsiopoulou, Frances Fox Piven and Yannis Stavrakakis have read earlier versions of key sections of the current paper and have provided important comments and suggestions. Kevin Featherstone and Dimitris Papadimitriou have been kind enough to read the paper and provide useful criticisms and suggestions. I hope that the arguments contained here are clear and provocative enough to engender discussion. Table of Contents Introduction: Political Corruption and Greece Part I: Legitimation What is Political Corruption? Why Corruption? Rules of Separation: From Leviticus to Washington D.C. The Australian Case: Fetishism Revealed Part II: Accumulation The Opacity of Transparency Instrumental Reason and the Relative Autonomy of the State The Globalization of the Capitalist State Conclusion: Future Directions for Research on Corruption and Greece Works Cited 3 Introduction: Political Corruption and Greece Political corruption is under attack. Technocrats, mainstream academics, and media pundits qua ‘experts’ have increasingly set their sights upon the blight of corruption.
    [Show full text]
  • Here a Causal Relationship? Contemporary Economics, 9(1), 45–60
    Bibliography on Corruption and Anticorruption Professor Matthew C. Stephenson Harvard Law School http://www.law.harvard.edu/faculty/mstephenson/ March 2021 Aaken, A., & Voigt, S. (2011). Do individual disclosure rules for parliamentarians improve government effectiveness? Economics of Governance, 12(4), 301–324. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10101-011-0100-8 Aaronson, S. A. (2011a). Does the WTO Help Member States Clean Up? Available at SSRN 1922190. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1922190 Aaronson, S. A. (2011b). Limited partnership: Business, government, civil society, and the public in the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI). Public Administration and Development, 31(1), 50–63. https://doi.org/10.1002/pad.588 Aaronson, S. A., & Abouharb, M. R. (2014). Corruption, Conflicts of Interest and the WTO. In J.-B. Auby, E. Breen, & T. Perroud (Eds.), Corruption and conflicts of interest: A comparative law approach (pp. 183–197). Edward Elgar PubLtd. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:hul.ebookbatch.GEN_batch:ELGAR01620140507 Abbas Drebee, H., & Azam Abdul-Razak, N. (2020). The Impact of Corruption on Agriculture Sector in Iraq: Econometrics Approach. IOP Conference Series. Earth and Environmental Science, 553(1), 12019-. https://doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/553/1/012019 Abbink, K., Dasgupta, U., Gangadharan, L., & Jain, T. (2014). Letting the briber go free: An experiment on mitigating harassment bribes. JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ECONOMICS, 111(Journal Article), 17–28. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2013.12.012 Abbink, Klaus. (2004). Staff rotation as an anti-corruption policy: An experimental study. European Journal of Political Economy, 20(4), 887–906. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2003.10.008 Abbink, Klaus.
    [Show full text]
  • Crime and Culture : Breaking New Ground in Corruption Research
    SIXTH FRAMEWORK PROGRAMME OF THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION RESEARCH PROJECT: CRIME AND CULTURE Crime as a Cultural Problem. The Relevance of Perceptions of Corruption to Crime Prevention. A Comparative Cultural Study in the EU-Accession States Bulgaria and Romania, the EU-Candidate States Turkey and Croatia and the EU-States Germany, Greece and United Kingdom Dirk Tänzler Konstadinos Maras Angelos Giannakopoulos Crime and Culture Breaking New Ground in Corruption Research Discussion Paper Series No 1 2007 2 Dr. Dirk Tänzler is currently visiting Professor at the University of Zurich 2007, Assistant Professor at the University of Konstanz and Co-ordinator of the EU-Research-Consortium ‘Crime and Culture’ 2006-2008. He was Visiting Professor at Vienna University 2005, 2006, Visiting Lecturer at the University of Luzern 2005-2008, Zeppelin University, Friedrichs- hafen 2006, University of Salzburg 2005, Humboldt University of Berlin 1995, 1996. Director of the Sozialwissenschaftliches Archiv Konstanz (“Alfred-Schütz-Gedächtnis-Archiv)/ Zentralarchiv der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Soziologie 2000-2005, Research Fellow at the University of Konstanz 1999-2000, Research Fellow at the Science Centre Berlin for Social Research (WZB) 1993-1997, Research Fellow at the Institute for Economic Culture at Boston University 1991-1992. He earned his postdoctoral degree (Habilitation) at the University of Konstanz 2005 and his Ph.D. at J.-W. Goethe University of Frankfurt a.M. 1990. His special research and teaching interests are Sociological Theory, Social Philosophy, History of Sociology, Sociology of Knowledge, Sociology of Culture, Political Sociology, Qualitative Methods, Hermeneutics, Media Analysis, Visual Sociology. Dr. Dr. Konstadinos Maras is Lecturer at the University of Tübingen, Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Institute of Art History and research assistant at the “European Centre for Scientific, Ecumenical and Cultural Co-operation”, Würzburg, responsible for documentation and research on the European and International Philhellenism.
    [Show full text]
  • The Shadow Economy and Corruption in Greece STAVROS KATSIOS
    South-Eastern Europe Journal of Economics 1 (2006) 61-80 THE SHADOW ECONOMY AND CORRUPTION IN GREECE STAVROS KATSIOS* Ionian University Abstract The paper highlights the interaction between the underground economy and corruption, focussing on the regional dimensions of the problem in south-eastern Europe. It discusses the theoretical approach to underground economic activities and focuses on the determinants of the Greek economy, the tax and national insurance burdens and the intensity of the relevant regulations in Greece, concluding that Greece shows profound signs of a transition country in terms of the high level of regulation leading to a high incidence of bribery and a large shadow economy. The taxation problems arising from high administrative-compliance costs and bribery indicate the urgent need for tax reforms designed to simplify the regulation framework. Improvement of the quality of Greek institutions and rationalisation of administrative-compliance costs are a prerequisite for successful and urgently needed tax reforms in terms of reducing the overall Greek shadow economy, through the simplification of the regulatory framework. The inability of Greek governments to tax underground activities, and the relevant impact on the scale of corruption, is related with a vast range of governmental activities distorting and weakening its allocative, redistributional and stabilising role. The paper finally argues that the strong and consistent relationship between the shadow economy and corruption in Greece is closely connected with the reflexes of those who are not willing or cannot afford to bribe central or local government bureaucrats, or who have no connections to these bureaucrats, systematically choosing the dark (shadow) side of the economy as a substitute for corruption (bribery) and making the shadow economy complementary to a “corrupt state”.
    [Show full text]
  • Curriculum Vitae
    Curriculum Vitae NAME Theodore Pelagidis DATE AND PLACE OF BIRTH April 07 1965, Thessaloniki, Greece PROFESSION Professor of Economic Analysis, University of Piraeus & NR Senior Fellow, The Brookings Institution, US ADDRESS 9 Pallinidos Athinas, Kantza Pallinis GR-15351. Tel: +210-7216033, 6932-812981, Fax: +210-4142571 E-mail: [email protected] , [email protected] Academic Studies 1993-1994: Post-doctoral Fellow, Center for European Studies, Harvard University, USA. 1991-1993: Doctorat (Economics), Dpt. of Political Economy, University of Paris VIII, France. 1987-1989: M.Phil. (Development Economics), Institute of Development Studies (IDS), University of Sussex, UK. 1983-1987: Diploma/Ptychion (Economics), Aristotelian University of Thessaloniki, Greece. Academic Career 2015/04/21 – 2015/30/06: International expert, IMF – IEO, US. 2012/07 - today: Nonresident Senior Fellow, The Brookings Institution, US. 2004/10 - today: Professor (Economic Analysis), University of Piraeus, Dpt. of Maritime Studies. 2010/09 - today: Professor of Economics, School of National Defense. 2010 spring semester: London School of Economics, HO, Senior Professorial Fellow. 2008 spring semester: Onassis and Fulbright Professorial Scholar. CUNY & Columbia University, US. 2005 - 2007: Economic University of Athens, Dpt of European & International Economics, Vis. Professor. 2005/10 - today: Greek Open University, Visiting Professor. 2010/10 – today: Open University of Cyprus, Visiting Professor supervising MSc. Dissertations. 1999/2-2004/9: Assistant Professor
    [Show full text]
  • Global Corruption Barometer 2013 Transparency International Is the Global Civil Society Organisation Leading the Fight Against Corruption
    GLOBAL CORRUPTION BAROMETER 2013 Transparency International is the global civil society organisation leading the fight against corruption. Through more than 90 chapters worldwide and an international secretariat in Berlin, we raise awareness of the damaging effects of corruption and work with partners in government, business and civil society to develop and implement effective measures to tackle it. www.transparency.org ISBN: 978-3-943497-36-6 © 2013 Transparency International. All rights reserved. Printed on 100% recycled paper. Authors: Deborah Hardoon, Finn Heinrich © Cover photo: iStockphoto/pixalot Design: Soapbox, www.soapbox.co.uk Every effort has been made to verify the accuracy of the information contained in this report. All information was believed to be correct as of July 2013. Nevertheless, Transparency International cannot accept responsibility for the consequences of its use for other purposes or in other contexts. Errata: Please note that the following mistakes occurred in the report: Pages 27-30: Australia: The interview method was listed as CATI, when it should read Online Bosnia and Herzegovina: BBSS was listed as the survey company, when it should read Mareco Index Bosnia Estonia: Riat was listed as the survey company, when it should read RAIT Ethiopia: The interview method was listed as CATI, when it should read Face to face Greece: Centrum was listed as the survey company, when it should read Alternative Research Hungary: The interview method was listed as Face to face, when it should read CATI Iraq: IIASS was listed
    [Show full text]
  • Thinking About Corruption in Greece1 by Costas Azariadis2 and Yannis M
    Thinking about Corruption in Greece1 by Costas Azariadis2 and Yannis M. Ioannides3 February 20, 2015 1 Abstract Thinking about Corruption in Greece Costas Azariadis and Yannis M. Ioannides The paper addresses the issue of corruption, which appears to be endemic in Greece. It reviews the facts about corruption as a multifaceted phenomenon and its relationship to tax evasion, by comparing Greece to its EU partners as well as internationally. It looks at corruption as an example of anti-social behavior through the prism of modern theories of social interactions and property rights. Our research offers both bad and good news. The bad news is that corruption is rampant in Greece, and with a much higher incidence than in other EU countries. One way to deal with it is by means of zero tolerance and relentless vigilance. A second way to deal with corruption is to design institutions that encourage honest behavior and facilitate reporting of abuses. The good news from the paper is that an outcome thoroughly permeated by corrupt practices is not the only possible social and economic outcome. Taste for proper social behavior can be taught and learned, and adverse practices discussed in this paper may be altered by suitable reforms and retraining of public servants. 2 The EU Task Force for Greece is a very good case in point, and so is the Greek Annex of the EU Anti-Corruption Report.4 The latter details a specific legislative agenda to combat anti-social practices in Greece. We conclude that decisive enforcement of anti-corruption statutes is needed if Greece desires to reduce anti-social behavior.
    [Show full text]
  • Eye-Popping Greek Corruption
    Eye-Popping Greek Corruption s overburdened German taxpayers become indignant over having to pay for the con- And the collusion sequences of corruption in Greece, it behooves them to know that German pros- between Athens officials ecutors are investigating at least two German companies—Siemens and Ferrostaal (a subsidiary of MAN AG)—for and EU interests. promoting that Greek corruption. In Greece itself, a parliamentary commission of inquiry (the ASiemens Commission) is going through the motions of investigating which Greek politicians have been bribed by Siemens. It is an exer- cise in futility because existing Greek law (N. 2509/1997 as revised B Y C RITON M. ZOAKOS in 2001) makes it practically impossible to prosecute ministers and even members of parliament for crimes committed while in office. This peculiar law, which has drawn the ire of the European Court of Human Rights, of Transparency International, and others, was promulgated in 1997 by the Socialist Party (PASOK). It was adopted after a prior conservative government had prosecuted for corruption four Socialist ministers and a Socialist prime minister (Andreas Papandreou) over the 1989–92 period. Those found guilty during these prosecutions were promptly given parliamentary pardon as soon as the Socialists regained major- ity in 1993. Taking no chances, the Socialists proceeded to pass the law that virtually immunizes corruption and which remains in force to date. Corruption in Greece became endemic after 1981, the year when THE MAGAZINE OF Greece joined the European Community (later European Union) and INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY elected its first-ever Socialist government. Between then and now, 888 16th Street, N.W.
    [Show full text]
  • Download [Pdf]
    Working PaperEuropean No. 54 Research Centre for Anti-Corruption and State-Building Hertie School of Governance Working Paper No. 54 Building Good Governance in Greece, a European Missed Opportunity? Alina Mungiu-Pippidi ERCAS WORKING PAPERS COLLECTION WORKING PAPERS ERCAS Berlin, April 2019 www.againstcorruption.eu 1 Working Paper No. 54 Working Paper No. 54 Abstract1 Corruption has risen on the European agenda considerably from the last European elections and is likely to play a prominent role in the 2019 campaign for European Parliament. But while pro-European parties will advocate for a stronger Europe and populist parties might try to blame all corruption on Brus- sels and mainstream parties, a deeper understanding on the linkage EU-national government in curbing corruption becomes imperative. This paper uses the case of Greece to discuss the impact of Europe about governance quality in EU Member States and asks if the new European elections find both Greece and Brussels more prepared to deal with corruption. The conclusion is that EU driven reforms in Greece remain scattered, fragmented, not locally “owned” or driven by any group whose interest good governance would serve. Meanwhile, the groups opposing change are well articulated. Greece’s genuine good governance congregation has yet to coalesce, and the 2019 European and legislative elections are a good opportunity, especially if civil society would not allow parties to instrumentalize anticorruption but engage them to promise the still missing good governance reforms during electoral campaign and then monitor them. Keywords: corruption, trust in Europe, elites, austerity, Greece, Italy, mezzogiorno syndrome, Santer, euro, Clean Hands Tables and Figures: 1 The paper is based on a book chapter in Europe’s Burden.
    [Show full text]
  • Who Benefits from the Southern Gas Corridor?
    RISKY BUSINESS — WHO BENEFITS FROM THE SOUTHERN GAS CORRIDOR? A Bankwatch Report RISKY BUSINESS — WHO BENEFITS FROM THE SOUTHERN GAS CORRIDOR? AUTHORS Lorenzo Bagnoli Claudia Ciobanu Apostolis Fotiadis G. T. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Pippa Gallop Elena Gerebizza Sven Haertig David Hoffman Ido Liven Anna Roggenbuck Regine Richter Xavier Sol EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 I WHAT IS THE SOUTHERN GAS CORRIDOR? 16 II GREECE AND TAP 30 III ITALY AND TAP 48 IV TURKEY AND TANAP 66 CONCLUSIONS 78 REFERENCES 82 THE SOUTHERN GAS CORRIDOR ● trans adriatic pipeline [tap] ● ● trans anatolian pipeline [tanap] ● ● south caucasus pipeline extension [scpx] ● an interactive presentation of this report is available at: www.bankwatch.org/risky-business EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Southern Gas Corridor, a 3,500 kilometre system of pipelines meant to bring gas from Azerbaijan into Europe, is the new pet project of the European Union in the energy sector. It is presented as a panacea for all ills: reducing Europe’s reliance on Russian gas, contributing to the move away from coal, and bringing energy and business to the poorer southeastern Europe. It is set to benefit from some of the biggest loans in the history of European public banks. Critics1 of the pipeline argue that forecasts of gas demand in Europe do not justify this pipeline. Relying on authoritarian Azerbaijan (and Turkey) to secure Europe’s energy needs is not much change from depending on Russia but rather a way to strengthen more tyrants. Massive pipeline projects promoted by the EU in the past, such as Baku-Tblisi-Ceyhan, have come with human rights abuses and the militarisation of the route of the pipelines, and that should serve as a warning.
    [Show full text]
  • General Secretariat Against Corruption: Communications Strategy 2017
    Greece-OECD Project: Technical Support on Anti-Corruption General Secretariat Against Corruption: Communications Strategy 2017 This document is prepared by OECD for the General Secretariat Against Corruption (GSAC) in Greece. The opinions expressed and arguments employed herein do not necessarily reflect the official views of OECD member countries. This document and any map included herein are without prejudice to the status of or sovereignty over any territory, to the delimitation of international frontiers and boundaries and to the name of any territory, city or area. About the OECD The OECD is a forum in which governments compare and exchange policy experiences, identify good practices in light of emerging challenges, and promote decisions and recommendation to produce better policies for better lives. The OECD’s mission is to promote policies that improve economic and social well-being of people around the world. For further information, please see www.oecd.org. About the Greece-OECD Project The Greek government is prioritising the fight against corruption and bribery and, with the assistance of the European institutions, is committed to taking immediate action. Under the responsibility of the General Secretariat Against Corruption, Greece’s National Anti-Corruption Action Plan (NACAP) identifies key areas of reform and provides for a detailed action plan towards strengthening integrity and fighting corruption and bribery. The OECD, together with Greece and the European Commission, has developed support activities for implementing the NACAP. This project is scheduled for completion in 2018 and is co-funded by the European Commission and Greece. For further information, please see the project webpage. PREFACE - 3 Preface This document presents the communications strategy of the General Secretariat Against Corruption (GSAC) for 2017, which was revised based on GSAC inputs in March and June 2017.
    [Show full text]
  • Corruption in Greece Or Corruption of Greece? the "Modern" Triumphalism
    •o -o " -o Z - •" " • "• •< z o ," u " o Cri ...... C.ltu ..t P",bw," rho 1010".'0 01 ,," ..option, of [or"'ptlon to Crime P,...ntlon. A COlnpu>t1 .. Cultu",1 St"d~ In the (U·AccMl1on SW•• lulQ;lr1 ••nd lon.nl., tho EU~.ndldl .. Sh... TIIrkoy .nd C", ..t ...d the (U·st.t.. 'onn.nv, ',..,o.nd Un! .... Ktngdoll Effi Lambropou[oU, Theodoros losifidis, Nikos PapapamanoLis, Eleftheria BakaLi,SteLLa Ageli, ErifyLi BakirLi, GaryfaLia MassDuri Corruption in Greece or Corruption of Greece? The "Modern" Triumphalism .... ,. at tile E.ro~ Conmfolf... • N.' ..... "'....... ,. SIXTH FRAMEWORK PROGRAMME OF THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION RESEARCH PROJECT: CRIME AND CULTURE Crime as a Cultural Problem. The Relevance of Perceptions of Corruption to Crime Prevention. A Comparative Cultural Study in the EU-Accession States Bulgaria and Romania, the EU-Candidate States Turkey and Croatia and the EU-States Germany, Greece and United Kingdom Effi Lambropoulou, Theodoros Iosifidis, Nikos Papapamanolis, Eleftheria Bakali, Stella Ageli, Erifyli Bakirli, Garyfalia Massouri Corruption in Greece or Corruption of Greece? The ‘Modern’ Triumphalism Discussion Paper Series No 23 2008 2 1. Introduction In the first phase of the Greek study within the research project “Crime and Culture” we analysed either texts referring to corruption and ‘scandals’ or to the case studies (e.g. parliamentary proceedings, prosecutors’ findings, newspaper articles). In the second phase the analysis concentrated on the discourse of the target groups interviewed, in order to synthesise their views about the forms and the extent of corruption in modern Greece. In the third phase, we attempted the integration of the two periods’ findings into a theoretical context.
    [Show full text]