Introduction Conquest and Defeat: Legacy and Literature 1
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NOTES Introduction Conquest and Defeat: Legacy and Literature 1 . On the myth and legend surrounding the invasion, particularly the devel- opment of this narrative, see Drayson 2007 and Grieve 2009. Grieve also provides a clear summary of the different versions of the conquest in early chronicle accounts (38–45). Lewis notes that in the case of La Cava, his- torical sources are “problematic” but for Count Julian there is a “high probability that he was a real person” (2008, 120). 2 . Collins describes the nature of the conquest in the following terms: “The initial conquest was territorially comprehensive, though depending on a patchwork mixture of garrisons and local treaties. The imperative for fur- ther gain led to the extension of conquest across the Pyrenees and on into Provence and Aquitaine. This was halted and then reversed thanks to a mixture of increasingly resilient opposition and the revolt of the Berbers in Ifr ī qiya and then in al-Andalus itself” (2014, 23). 3 . On these conquests, see Ladero Quesada 2006, 17 and O’Callaghan 1975, 100. 4 . Lomax describes it as “an ideal invented by Spanish Christians soon after 711,” preserved as a historiographical tradition, which has also become “an object of nostalgia and a rhetorical clich é of traditionalist and communist publicists” (1978, 1–2). For Burns, “the very term Reconquest . has prob- ably outlived its usefulness, except as the medieval canonists’ synonym and justification for crusade against Islam in the East as in the West” (1979, 242). O’Callaghan refers to it as “not a static concept brought to perfec- tion in the ninth century, but rather one that evolved and was shaped by the influences of successive generations” (2003, 3–4). For Ladero Quesada “la idea de reconquista no se puede aceptar hoy de manera tan simple y escueta” (2006, 13). 5 . The term “literature of conquest” is usually reserved for those works which describe conquest from the perspective of the victors / conquerors whereas in the case of medieval Spain I use it to designate literary texts dealing with the Islamic invasion of 711. I do not use this term therefore as a generic category, but as an indicative description of thematic content, alongside the notion of “literature of reconquest.” The term “literature of defeat” is 192 NOTES used as a generic category by Moorman to describe literature which “has its origins in the refusal of a defeated people to submit in its heart to recon- struction, to approve the new mores, to find common cause with its con- queror, in the terms of recent history, to collaborate” (1990, 31). Quint’s study of Epic and Empire (1993) is an extremely useful means of considering literature of conquest and defeat as separate categories; he discusses epic literature in terms of the poems and perspectives of the winners and los- ers and so forms a contrast between two political traditions: the Virgilian epics of conquest and empire and the epic of the defeated and of republican liberty, epitomized by Lucan’s Pharsalia , Ercilla’s Araucana , and d’Aubign é ’s Les tragiques . In the former, historical narrative is linear and teleological and, in the latter, it is open-ended and identified with romance. The term “conquest narratives” is often applied in the context of Spanish literature to the chronicles of the Spanish conquerors of the New World; for the use of such a term see, for example, Sears 1998. 6 . I choose not to include the Romancero viejo in this study, obvious a source as it is for relationships between Christians and Moors and representations of conquest, owing to the vast amount of scholarship, much of it excel- lent, that already exists on the topic. See, for example, the classic article by Angus MacKay, “The Ballad and the Frontier in Late Medieval Spain” (1976) and the recent book by Yiacoup, Frontier Memory: Cultural Conflict and Exchange in the ‘Romancero fronterizo’ (2013). 7 . The Libro de buen amor refers in its Prologue to the “ ç ela de la memoria” (line 22; Gybbon-Monypenny 1988, 106) 8 . Recent scholarship draws attention to the poem’s hybrid generic status; see, for example, Bailey 1993 and West 1983. 9 . As Barkai notes, in the context of medieval Spanish historiography, “a veces se hallan expresiones de la mentalidad popular tambi é n en las fuentes de los ilustrados, ya sea aparezcan como de paso o que fueron transmitidas explí citamente como s í mbolo de una expresi ó n popular” (2007, 15). 10 . See also Ruiz’s earlier article “Fronteras: de la comunidad a la nació n en la Castilla bajomedieval” in which he argues that the development of ideas of sovereignty, national frontiers and a national space in late medi- eval and early modern Castile was linked to the emergence of territorial boundaries and the ordering of physical space at a more local level in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries (1997). 11 . For an excellent summary of scholarship on the Granadan frontier, see Rodrí guez Molina 2007, 9–11. 12 . Pick notes, for example, that “There are problems with this multiplica- tion of meanings for the word ‘frontier’ . By defining a frontier vari- ously as ‘a line, a moving zone, a static region, a kind of society, a process of character formation, an abundance of land’, and so forth, the concept of a frontier becomes less useful as a way of understanding difference—if difference is everywhere, it is, in a sense, nowhere” (2004, 24). Huizinga (1955) serves as an ever-useful reminder of the capacity of the medieval imagination. NOTES 193 13 . Daniel ardently argued that Western attitudes toward Islam in the mod- ern era were formed in the Middle Ages (1958), a posture he continued in later work (1975, 2). More recently, Akbari (2009) relates premodern ideas of the Orient with Orientalist types still common in present-day depict ions of Musl im s. Flesler (20 08) arg ues that contemporar y Moroccan immigration to Spain is connected with the fact that the Moroccans are characterized as Moors and, as such, identified with the Arab and Berber Muslims who colonized Iberia in 711, awakening “historical ghosts related to their invading and threatening character” (3). For a historical overview of Western attitudes toward Islam, see the classic studies by Daniel 1958 and Southern 1962. 14 . For a discussion of the origins of the term convivencia in Mené ndez Pidal and Am é rico Castro, see Glick 1992, 1–2. 15 . For an overview of scholarship on Islam and the Arabs in Spain from the sixteenth century onward, see Monroe 1970. A more recent assessment of scholarship on Western views of Islam, including those from Spain, since the1960s can be found in Blanks and Frassetto 1999, 37–38. 16 . Earlier literary accounts are dismissed as “de gran parquedad” (21). 17 . Carrasco Urgoiti’s choice of texts for the fifteenth century covers the Romancero fronterizo , Juan de Mena’s Laberinto de Fortuna (briefly), the ser- ranillas , and the work of Juan de la Encina. Mar í a Rosa Lida de Malkiel’s review article notes that Don Juan Manuel is a glaring omission, given that he “pertenece al ‘clima’ de frontera . porque en sus tiempos merma considerablemente el í mpetu de la Reconquista, en parte por la turbulen- cia de magnates que, como é l mismo, anduvieron en tratos má s cordiales con el rey de Granada que con el de Castilla” (1960, 355). 18 . This work is a recopilation of articles covering the representation of the Moor in a range of mainly Golden Age literary contexts, including Cervantes and the Comedia , with some reference also to the Romantic period and beyond. 19 . While not directly relevant to this study, Albert Mas’s early and wide- ranging study of the Turk in Spanish literature of the Golden Age (1967) deserves acknowledgment. 1 Dominion and Dynasty in the Estoria de España 1 . The earliest accounts include the Cr ó nica moz á rabe de 754 (L ó pez Pereira 1980); History of the Conquest of Spain by the Egyptian Ibn Abd-el-Hakem (c. 870); and Cronica del moro Rasis (Catal á n and de Andr é s 1974), an anony- mous Spanish version of a lost Arabic text, Ajbar Muluk al-Andalus , written by the Andalusian historian al-Razi in the mid-tenth century. 2 . Chronicon mundi is a world chronicle in the tradition of Isidore of Seville which employed a variety of Latin histories, and popular epic legends, to describe the time of the Muslim invasion of 711 to the recapture of C ó rdoba in 1236. See edition by Falque Rey 2003. Jim é nez de Rada’s De 194 NOTES rebus Hispaniae borrowed heavily from Lucas’s work and traced Spanish his- tory from Genesis down to the conquest of Có rdoba. His Historia Arabum covers the Muslim conquest of Iberia through to the arrival of the North African Almoravids in terms that show acquaintance with Arabic lan- guage, history, and culture. 3 . The edition of the Estoria used here is the Primera cró nica general by Men é ndez Pidal (see Alfonso el Sabio 1955); page numbers will henceforth be provided. 4 . Alfonso’s sources for the episode are primarily De rebus Hispanie (1243), Chronicon mundi (1236), and Chronicon sive Chronographia by Sigebert of Gembloux (1111). The story was also diffused in the Cr ó nica moz á rabe de 754 ; History of the Conquest of Spain by Abd-el-Hakem (c. 870), and Cronica del moro Rasis . 5 . Jim é nez de Rada, in De rebus , mentions the possible marriage to the king that never comes about, “Qua legatione pendente rex Rodericus filiam eius, de qua diximus, uiolenter opresit.