DOCSLIB.ORG

National Convention

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
National Convention Fifteenth NNAATTIIOONNAALL CCOONNVVEENNTTIIOONN Socialist Labor Party of America May 5–10, 1920 Published by Socialist Labor Party of America www.slp.org 2005 NATIONAL CONVENTION SOCIALIST LABOR PARTY Mag 5-10, 1920. REPORTS, RESOLUTIONS, PLATFORM’, ETC. Published 1921 National Executi,ve Committee, Socialist Labor Party, 45 Rose Street New York : ‘., . The modem revolutionist knows find the revolutionist putting himself full well. that man is not superior to above the organization. The opposite principle, that principle is superior to conduct is an unmstakable earmark man, but ‘he does not fly off the han- of reformers. dle with the maxim, and thus turn the The revolutionist recognizes that maxim into absurdity. He firmly the present machinery and methods couples the maxim with this other, of production render impossible-and that no principle is superior to the well it is they do-the individual free- movement or organization that puts dom of man such as our savage an- it and upholds it in the field.. .He cestors knew the thing; that, today, knows that in the revolution demand- the highest individual freedom must ed by our age, Organization must be go hand in hand with collective free- the incarnation of Principle. Just the ,dom; and none such is possible with- reverse of the reformer, who will ever out a central directing authority. be seen mocking at science, the revo- ‘Standing upon this vigor-imparting lutionist will not make a distinction high plane of civilization, the revolu- between the Organization and the tionist is virile and selfreliant, in Principle. He will say: “The Prin- striking contrast with the mentally ciple and the Organization are one.” sickly, and, therefore, suspicious re- former. Hence the cry of “Bossism!” Again, the modem revolutionist is as absent from the revolutionist’s knows that in order to accomplish re- lips as it is a feature on those of the sults or promote principle, there must reformer. !be unity of action. ‘He knows that, if we do not go in a body and hang to- No organization will inspire the gether, we are bound to hang separate. outside masses with respect that will He&e, you will ever see the revolu- not insist upon and enforce discipline tionist submit to thewillof the major- within its own ranks. If you allow ity: you will always see him readiest your own members to play monkey- to obey; he recognizes that obedience shines with the Party, the lookers-on, is the badge of civilized man. The who belong in this camp, will justly savage does not know the word. The believe that you will at some critical word “obedience” does not exist in the moment allow capitalism to play mon- vocabulary of any language until its keyshines with you; they will not re- people got beyond the stage of sav- spect you, and their accession to your wery. Hence, also, you will never ranks will be delayed. f CONTENTS. h Report of the National Executive Committee- .................... 1 Report of the Editor of the Weekly People .................... 31 Resolutions Adopted ........................................ 38 National Platform Adopted .................................. 45 RFports of Committees Adopted ............................... 47 Amendments to the Party Constitution Adopted and Approved by Referendum ............................................. 51 Appendix ................................................. 55 Report of the National Executive Committee to the 15th National Convention of the Socialist Labor Party, May 1920 Greetings: the submerged weorking class, which Looking back over the four years so far (outside of Russia) in vain has that have elapsed since the last con- sought to overcome the monster. vention of the Party, one is impressed In America, the final stronghold, with the fact that changes have taken the backbone of Capitalist Imperial- place that none could have anticipated ism, a like condition exists, with the within that short space of time, a pe- difference that actual war does not riod which in importance transcends exist, and the masses, though on the any period of that duration in the verge of starvation, have as,yet not world’s history. The entire civilized gone through that agony of hunger world has been convulsed as if by an and misery which has fallen to the earthquake. The savage war, finally lot of the working classes elsewhere. extending to the remotest corners of The American Plutocracy, true to the the earth, has so affected the com- ideals of imperialism, has, however, plexion of the prevailing system, has introduced a reign of terror among so clianged its processes, or rather dissentients, which goes further than it has so intensified and hastened the in most of the old oountries. Being d ilec- t’on* of these processes, as :o “illiterates” in all matters pertaining render it impossible ever to return to to the social sciences, economics, the conditions prevailing prior to etc., the Imperialists of this country 1911. It has become clear by this stand bewildered at the sight of the time that capitalism proper, capital- yawning abyss before them. Choking ism in its‘ n,ormal aspects, has gone with wealth wrung from as exploited forever. In its place there has been a slave class as ever existed, they reared a system of society which, tremble with fear and wonder at the though essentially capitalist in so far rumblings already heard, even in this as its relation to th,e working class benighted country of untram~melled is concerned, differs as much from capitalism and labor fakerism. In su- the capitalism of pre-war days as the perstitious awe they. strike blindly rotten ripe fruit differs from the about them, attacking in their despair ripening fruit. Oeath and pestilence, the very foundation of that form of hunger and misery ravage Europe as government which they never tireof a direct result of the war, the foul holding up to the world as the last social atmosphere being surcharged word in governmental arrangements. with the putrid smell of the decaying, The war and its aftermath have fast decaying capitalist system. On produced a darkness that has filled the other hand, Capitalist Imperial- many with despair, and many others ism, or nascent Industrial Feudalism, (formerly clear) with confusion. T,hat towers apparently supreme above the which formerly, in the distance, was social misery and social decay of the or seemed clear to them has now be- old world, holding in its iron grip oome a fog, though within grasp and realization. Many of those groups 1,osing their grip on the workers- and individuals who formerly pre- m.ore and more are these parties and tend,ed to be opponents of capitalism their organs revealed as the hand- ,have not only dropped the pretence, maids of the vested interests, of nas- but have become in fact the last bar- cent Industrial Feudalism. The time ricades, the final support and chief is fast coming, in short, when we may hope of the Imperialists. In the name expect to be called upon to lead of Socialism these unspeakalbmle .that working class to final victory. wretches have slaughtered the work- dne of the important acts of the ers, as witness Germany during the last Party convention was the adop- last one and a half years. tion of a statement on the question In all th’is darkness there has arisen of unity between the S. L. P. and the a pillar of flame, a piercing ray of S. P. The document adopted by the hope, a voice in the wilderness ring- convention was endorsed by the ref- ing around the world. Russia, czar- erendum, and after much discussion ridden and exploited, with a popula- and correspondence the proposed tion groping in thraldom andmisery, Unity Conference took place in Janu- suddenly arose, Phoenix-like, from ary, 1917, in New York City. Five the ashes. Young Russia, shaking delegates from the S. L. P. and four the’ shackles of centuries from off its from the S. P. (one of their delegates strong limbs, stands today as that being unable to attend) attended th.is pillar of flame, as that piercing ray conference, which, by the way, was of hope. initiated by the S. P. The conference * * * lasted two days (January 6 and 7) and We shall now review the events of resulted, as most clear-sighted S. L. ~the last four years as far as they P. men expected, in absolute disagree- concern the Party. ment. The S. P., true to its inherent The national campaign of 1916 was bourgeois nature, naturally clung to conducted with great vigor. Tons of its bourgeois reform program, and literature were distributed, our or- refused to recede an inch from its ganizers were sent to almost every position as a buffer of the American part of the country. That the result Federation of Labor, the strongest in point of votes and membership bulwark of American capitalism. The were no greater need nemither dismay S. L. P., on the other hand, true to nor disappoint us. The S. L. P. is its inherent Socialist nature, insisted the young giant that must and will upon a revolutionary program, in- slay the monst,er capitalism, but it cluding an unqualified recognition of can not do so until that monster has industrial unionism as the sine qlla exhausted its own possibilit,ies-pas- non of working class emancipation. sibilities for good as for evil. So long The Unity Conference having come as the capitalist parties, and their vari- to an end, a period in S. L. P. history ous car,icatures, are able to poison or was concluded during which the seeds confuse the minds #of the workers, so of-future dissension were sown. So long must our work.be that of the long as there was a prospest of unity; apostle-spreading our gospel far and however remote, between the S.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Some Aspects of Life and Politics in the United States of America in 19321)
    M. S. VENKATARAMANI SOME ASPECTS OF LIFE AND POLITICS IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN 19321) To the present generation of young Americans the so-called two party system appears to be an almost unshakeable and permanent feature of the nation's polity. Several well-known American liberals (as, for instance, Senator Paul Douglas of Illinois and Walter Reuther, head of the powerful United Automobile Workers), who, in earlier years had reposed little faith in the Republican and Democratic parties, have gradually veered round to the view that the quest for reform must be pursued within the framework of the two major political parties. "Third parties" on the American scene have become virtually skele- tonized for various reasons and their plans and platforms receive scant notice at the hands of the media of mass communication. With the advent of good times during the war and post-war years, organizations advocating a radical reconstruction of the social and economic order have found a progressively shrinking audience. Radicalism among the intelligentsia has become a factor of minor significance. Will there be any important changes in such a state of affairs if the current business "recession" continues much longer or intensifies? Do "bad times" favor the growth of militant parties of protest and dissent? Few students of the American scene expect that in the foreseeable future there will be any widespread move away from the two traditional parties. It is interesting in this connection to examine the developments in the United States a quarter of a century ago when the nation was plunged into one of the most serious economic crises in its annals.
    [Show full text]
  • Hungarian Studies Review, 29, 1-2 (1992): 7-27
    A Communist Newspaper for Hungarian-Americans: The Strange World of the Uj Elore Thomas L. Sakmyster On November 6, 1921 the first issue of a newspaper called the Uj Elore (New Forward) appeared in New York City.1 This paper, which was published by the Hungarian Language Federation of the American Communist Party (then known as the Workers Party), was to appear daily until its demise in 1937. With a circulation ranging between 6,000 and 10,000, the Uj Elore was the third largest newspaper serving the Hungarian-American community.2 Furthermore, the Uj Elore was, as its editors often boasted, the only daily Hungarian Communist newspaper in the world. Copies of the paper were regularly sent to Hungarian subscri- bers in Paris, Berlin, Vienna, Moscow, Buenos Aires, and, on occasion, even smuggled into Budapest. The editors and journalists who produced the Uj Elore were a band of fervent ideologues who presented and inter- preted news in a highly partisan and utterly dogmatic manner. Indeed, this publication was quite unlike most American newspapers of the time, which, though often oriented toward a particular ideology or political party, by and large attempted to maintain some level of objectivity. The main purpose of Uj Elore, as later recalled by one of its editors, was "not the dissemination of news but agitation and propaganda."3 The world as depicted by writers for the Uj Elore was a strange and distorted one, filled with often unintended ironies and paradoxes. Readers of the newspaper were provided, in issue after issue, with sensational and repetitive stories about the horrors of capitalism and fascism (especially in Hungary and the United States), the constant threat of political terror and oppression in all countries of the world except the Soviet Union, and the misery and suffering of Hungarian-American workers.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Legal Document
    2:19-cv-03083-RMG Date Filed 11/25/19 Entry Number 35-16 Page 1 of 33 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT DISTRICT OF SOUTH CAROLINA CHARLESTON DIVISION Linquista White, et al., Plaintiffs, v. Civil Action No. Kevin Shwedo, et al., 2:19-cv-03083-RMG Defendants. DECLARATION OF BARBRA KINGLSEY, Ph.D. I, Barbra Kingsley, Ph.D., declare as follows: I. QUALIFICATIONS 1. I am an expert in the fields of information design and plain language. Information design is a professional field focused on developing written communication that fosters efficient and effective understanding for the average reader. Plain language is a professional field focused on fostering written communication that is clear and simple so that average readers can find, understand, and appropriately use the information they need. My curriculum vitae, which sets forth my education, professional experiences, publications, and awards, is attached as Appendix A. A. Professional Experience 2. For more than 24 years, I have focused on providing education, consulting, research and training on the use of plain language and effective information design in written communications to enhance reader comprehension and to help readers make appropriate, informed decisions based on their understanding of written communications. 3. I am the co-founder of Kleimann Communication Group, a firm that provides consulting, 1 2:19-cv-03083-RMG Date Filed 11/25/19 Entry Number 35-16 Page 2 of 33 training, and research services in information design and plain language.1 4. I am also the Chair of the Center for Plain Language (“CPL”), a national advocacy organization championing clear communication.
    [Show full text]
  • Memories of C.E. Ruthenberg by Bill Dunne: Excerpt from an Interview Conducted by Oakley C. Johnson, 1940
    Memories of C.E. Ruthenberg by Bill Dunne: Excerpt from an Interview Conducted by Oakley C. Johnson, 1940 Handwritten index cards in C.E. Ruthenberg Papers, Ohio Historical Society, Box 9, Folder 2, microfilm reel 5. Very heavily edited by Tim Davenport. C.E. Ruthenberg was what you might call the American spokes- man for the foreign elements. The Slavs, Letts [Latvians], Poles, etc. gathered around Ruthenberg. As late as 1927 we were still publishing 22 papers — 3 Finnish dailies, 2 Lithuanian dailies, 1 Italian daily, 1 German daily, and a number of weeklies. But Ruthenberg didn’t have American contacts outside of Chicago. I considered Ruthenberg an uninspired person. He was no scholar, he couldn’t write — but he was a gentleman. His relations with the Party were always very formal. Ruthenberg’s big mistake was to allow himself to be used by the Lovestone caucus. And he was monstrously vain! Well, personally vain anyway. He would become personally offended if he didn’t get the deference which he expected. I first met Ruthenberg in our apartment at 11 St. Luke’s Place in New York City in 1922.1 I was the first editor of the weekly Worker.2 Ruthenberg was just out of prison.3 Caleb Harrison was the secretary of The Worker, which was the party’s legal daily. Henryk Walecki, the CI Rep, was there, also Boris Reinstein, and Charlie Johnson [Karlis Janson] — a Lett,.4 now in Moscow, and Lovestone, as well as Will 1 Apparently the secret location of CPA party headquarters. 2 Formerly The Toiler and prior to that The Ohio Socialist.
    [Show full text]
  • ED057706.Pdf
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 057 706 rt. 002 042 AWTMOR Moskowitz, Solomon TITLP Hebrew for 'c,econlAty Schools. INSTTTUTIOW Wew York State Education Dept., Albany. Pureau of Secondary Curriculum !Development. IMB DAT!!! 71 wOTE 143n. EDRS PRICE XF-30.65 HC-$6.56 DESCRIPTOPS Articulation (Program); Audiolingual skills; Sasic Skills; Bibliographies; Cultural Education: Hebrew; Language Instruction; Language Laboratories; Language Learning Levels; Language Programs; Language skills; Lesson Plans; Manuscript Writing (Handlettering); Pattern Drills (Language); Secondary Schools; *Semitic Languages; *Teaching Guides ABSTRACT This teacher's handbook for Hebrew instruction in secondary Schools, designed for use in public schools, is patterned after New York state Education Department handbooks for French, seanieho and German* Sections include:(1) teaching the four skills, (2) speaking,(3) audiolingual experiences,(4) suggested content and topics for audioLingual experiences, (15) patterns for drill,(6) the toxtbook in audiolingual presentation, (7) language laboratories, (0) reading and writing,(9) culture,(10) articulation, (11) vocabulary, (12) structures for four- and six-year sequences,(13) the Hebrew alphabet,(14) model lessons-- grades 10 and 11, and (15) student evaluation. A glossary, bibliography, and appendix illustrating Hebrew calligraphy are included. (m) HEBREW For Secondary Schools U DISPANTNENT Of NIA1.11N. wsurang EDUCATION OfFICE OF EDUCATION HOS DOCUNFOCI HAS SUN ExACTLy As mom MIA SKINSOOUCED onsouganoft ottroutkvotoYH PERsON op vim o OeusNONS STATEDsT mon or wows Nipasturfr Offs Cut.00 NOT NECES lumps+ Poo/no% OR PoucvOFFICE OF f DU The University of the State of New York THE STATE EDUCATION DEPARTMENT Bureau of Secondary Curriculum Development/Albany/1971 1 THE UNIVERSITY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK Regents of the University (with years when terms expire) 1984 Joseph W.
    [Show full text]
  • Plat..Kl SOCIALIST PARTY
    ’ i!Jational Constitution Plat..kl of the SOCIALIST PARTY 1917 National Office, Socialist Party 803 W. Madison Street CHICAGO, ILL. The Working Clti is only as strong as it makes itself by thorough political and economic organization. Labor’s strength lies in its or- ganized activity, with every- one doing his share. Every member of the Socialist Party should enlist in a con- tinuous campaign for new members. Let no opportunity go by to get new members. Qnly through organization can we grow strong and be- come free. Workers of allcountries unite; you have nothing to lose but your chains; you have a world to gain-Marx. ., CONSTITUTION ARTICLE 1. Name. Sec. 1. The name of this organization shall be the Socialist Party, except in such states where a different name has or may become a legal require- ment. i ARTICLE II. Membership. Sec. 1. Every person, resident of the United States of the age of eighteen years and upward, without discrimination as to sex, race, color or creed, who has severed his connection with all other political parties and political organizations, and subscribes to the principles of the Socialist Party, including political actlon and unrestricted political rights for both sexes, shall be eligible to membership in the party. Sec. 2. No erson holding an elective public office by gift o P any party or organization other than the Socialist Party shall be eligible to mem- bership in the Socialist Party without the consent of his state organization; nor shall any member of the party accept or hold any a pointive public office, honorary or remunerative ( t-.
    [Show full text]
  • Twentieth Century Radicalism in Minnesota Oral History Project
    Max Geldman and Shevi Geldman Narrators Steven Trimble Interviewer 1977? Los Angeles, California? [Note: There frequently is a loud machine running in the background in the first part of the interview that makes it hard to hear the speaker so an accurate transcription here is difficult to assure.] Minnesota ST: ...and stuff like that [unclear]... in MG: [Unclear] if my memory slips, you can kind of interject. SG: Okay. Society MG: Well I was born in Poland, there was a kind of a humorProject about it, [unclear] middle class put on, most people of Jewish origin that were born in Poland and who are either first generation always said that you were born in WarsawRadicalism or near Warsaw, that's kind of a status [unclear], cause if you're born in some godforsaken little town there's no status. So anyways, my, I was born on May 8th, 1905, which means this coming May 8thHistory I will be 72. We arrived here in 1914 in New York City. On my father's side of the family there were let'sHistorical see, one, there were four males, and I don't know how many females. ThreeCentury of the males migrated to the United States, America as they called it, the other one was an [unclear] whatOral happened to him I do not know. All I know right now is that the, my father's younger sister lived through the Nazi Holocaust, she was, she went from a small town near Lovling, Poland to Paris, she was either, how she did it I do not know except that [unclear] Christian people considered it their moral obligation to hide her out and she was hid out during the period of the Nazi occupationMinnesota of Paris.
    [Show full text]
  • The Left Wing Movement in the Socialist Party of America
    NeVIJ Yo f" 1< CSt ate) L e~I's re>.i~ V"e I J ill l~i ... c..cY'YIWlitiee iVlyerlr <a.t,~d se.d,'i'·bU-5a .a.c.t;,,:tl~S, REVOLUTIONARY RADICALISM ITS HISTORY, PURPOSE AND TACTICS WITH AN EXPOSITION AND DISCUSSION OF THE STEPS BEING TAKEN AND REQUIRED TO CURB IT ..t BEING THE REPORT OF THE JOINT LEGISLATIVE COMMITTEE INVESTIGATING SEDITIOUS ACTIVITIES, FILED APRIL 24, 1920, IN THE SENATE OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK PART I REVOLUTIONARY AND SUBVERSIVE MOVEMENTS ABROAD AND AT HOME VOLUME I "'\''of, ,' ',. '" \ ; \',.~' ., EVERY STRIKE IS A SMALL REVOLUTION AND A DRESS REHEARSAL FOR THE BIG ONE -The Labor Defender. (I. W. W.) Dec. 15. 1918_ ALBANY J. B. LYON COMPANY. PRINTERS 1920 THE LEFT WING MOVEMENT IN AMERICA 677 Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic, was connected with the paper after his arrival here in 1916. Many members of this CHAPTER IV federation had returned to Russia and taken part in the N ovem­ bel' revolution, or had gone to Russia after its success to partici­ The Left Wing Movement in the Socialist Party of America. pate in Soviet affairs. Evidence of a marked divergence of opinion in the ranks of When Santeri N uorteva accepted the appointment to represent tho Socialist Party began to be manifest after the declaration of the Finnish Socialist Republic in this country in 1918 and later war on Germany by the United States. These differences were undertook to represent the interests of the Russian Soviet regime greatly aggravated by the success of the Russian proletarian revo­ before the appointment of Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • Report of the Secretary to the General Committee of the Socialist Party of St
    Report of the Secretary to the General Committee of the Socialist Party of St. Louis [August 4, 1919] by W.M. Brandt Document in Socialist Party Papers, Missouri Historical Society, collection S0090, folder 3, microfilm reel 1. St. Louis, Mo., August 4, 1919. To the delegates of the General Committee. Comrades:— In our local Socialist Party movement we are facing a situation that requires decisive action, as I have intimated in my notice for this monthly meeting. Permit me to submit for your consideration and action some of the main facts, together with certain definite recom- mendations. Beginning June 21, 1919, and continuing for four days, there was held in New York City a convention of the so-called “Left Wing” elements in our Socialist Party. Before the Left Wing convention had concluded its “work,” it had split right in two, 31 of the delegates present, representing the Michigan state organization, a number of Foreign Language Federations, and a few others, bolted the conven- tion and proceeded to organize what they now call the “Communist Party.” The Minority “Left Wing” group of the Left Wing Movement. These Left Wing Bolters who left the Left Wing convention is- sued an official call for the formation of this “Communist Party” at a convention to be held in Chicago, beginning September 1st, 1919. 1 The call issued for this convention is signed by 7 members of their “National Organization Committee” and their National Secretary, with national headquarters at 1221 Blue Island Avenue, Chicago, Il- linois. This “Communist Party” of the Left Wing people created by the Left Wing Bolters of the New York Left Wing convention of last June, also proceeded to publish their own official paper, called The Communist, with publishing address in Chicago, in which names of their organization committee members, their secretary, organizer, and treasurer are given.
    [Show full text]
  • Membership Series by Federation for the (Old) Communist Party of America, July 1920 to Jan
    CPA Membership Series by Federation, July 1920-Jan. 1921 1 Membership Series by Federation for the (old) Communist Party of America, July 1920 to Jan. 1921. Based on a document in the Comintern Archive, f. 515, op. 1, d. 50, l. 79 “Dues Actually Paid” as Reported by CPA Executive Secretary Charles Dirba to the May 1921 Woodstock Unity Convention Month “Non Fed.” Jewish Latvian Lithuanian Polish Russian Ukrainian TOTAL 07/1920 ---- 115 411 2,380 166 474 1,122 4,668 0.0%2.5%8.8%51.0%3.6%10.2%24.0% 08/1920 56 176 1,169 744 233 2,432 1,534 6,344 0.9%2.8% 18.4%11.7%3.7% 38.3%24.2% 09/1920 211 132 313 5,054 80 3,030 1,745 10,565 2.0%1.2% 3.0% 47.8%0.8% 28.7%16.5% Q-III Ave. 89 141 631 2,726 160 1,979 1,467 7,192 1.2% 2.0% 8.8% 37.9% 2.2% 27.5% 20.4% 10/1920 289 75 731 3,890 57 2,191 1,227 8,460 3.4%0.9% 8.6% 46.0%0.7% 25.9%14.5% 11/1920 219 259 ---- 1,519 337 1,574 1,211 5,119 4.3%5.1%0.0%29.7%6.6%30.7%23.7% 12/1920 233 246 485 2,719 594 1,670 1,392 7,339 3.2%3.4%6.6%37.0%8.1%22.8%19.0% Q-IV Ave.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Introduction The Jewish-Socialist Nexus Tony Michels 1890: New York City’s knee-pants workers go on a general strike, forcing their bosses to sign union contracts for the first time. 1892: an anar- chist attempts to assassinate one of America’s leading industrialists. 1916: eight hundred workers assemble in a Philadelphia hall to hear a Yiddish lec- ture on “Revolutionary Motifs in World Literature.” 1919: an up-and-coming labor lawyer is elected to the New York State Assembly on the Socialist Party ticket, only to be expelled, along with four other Socialists, a year later. 1929: a Los Angeles judge sentences five women to San Quentin for flying the Soviet flag at a summer camp in the San Bernardino Mountains. 1947: the Com- munist Party USA calls for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. These disparate events provide glimpses into the long, complicated involve- ment of Jews in American socialism, a history in which class conflict, politi- cal repression, revolutionary fervor, and universalistic visions of humanity collided into and intermixed with faith in American democracy, striving for economic success, and commitment to Jewish group solidarity. Along the way, Jews redefined who they were, as both individuals and a community, as they joined with like-minded people of all backgrounds to remake American society. What produced this convergence between Jews and socialism? And what were its ramifications? The story begins in the late nineteenth century. As a distinct phenomenon in the United States, Jewish socialism came into existence in the 1880s with the birth of the Jewish labor movement.1 The movement arose from the masses of Yiddish-speaking Jews who immigrated to the United States from the Russian Empire, Austria-Hungary, and Roma- nia between the 1880s and 1920s.
    [Show full text]
  • By Rudolph Katz
    With De Leon Since ’89 By Rudolph Katz Published Online by Socialist Labor Party of America http://slp.org August 2007 WITH DE LEON SINCE ’89 By Rudolph Katz PRINTING HISTORY With De Leon Since ’89 was serialized in the New York WEEKLY PEOPLE from March 20, 1915, to January 29, 1916, and subsequently included in the volume, Daniel De Leon: The Man and His Work, published by the New York Labor News, as follows: FIRST PRINTING ......................................................................... June 1919 SECOND PRINTING ............................................................... August 1919 THIRD PRINTING ................................................................ October 1926 FOURTH PRINTING ................................................................. April 1934 FIFTH PRINTING ................................................................... January 1969 ONLINE EDITION ................................................................... August 2007 PRIOR TO 1889. Collapse of the Henry George Movement—Dissension in the Early Labor Movement—Ill-Starred Rosenberg-Busche Struggle for Sounder S.L.P. Political Policy N 1887 THE HENRY GEORGE MOVEMENT went to pieces. Only a year Ibefore, in 1886, Henry George, candidate for mayor of New York on the ticket of the United Labor Party, had loomed up a big figure in the political arena. Sixty-eight thousand (68,000) votes were cast for Henry George, not in modern Greater New York, but in old New York limited to a much smaller number of voters than are now eligible to vote in the Borough of Manhattan alone. The fact is also to be borne in mind that this happened in the days when ballot-box stuffing was quite freely indulged in, repeating being practiced by both Tammany Hall and the Republican Party. So general was this foul practice that men boasted openly of having voted early and often; and many, in fact, considered themselves good American citizens because they not only voted once on election day, but a number of times, each time in a different district.
    [Show full text]