Recent Scholarship on the Lincoln Assassination
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RECENT SCHOLARSHIP ON THE LINCOLN ASSASSINATION WILLIAM G. EIDSON Soon after the assassination of Abraham Lincoln the public was torn between two explanations. One view was that the as- sassination resulted from a simple conspiracy of John Wilkes Booth and his close associates. The other view was that the assassination was part of a grand conspiracy of Confederate leaders in Richmond and Canada. Booth, according to this theory, was merely the agent. Both viewpoints were popular, although apparently the public was more inclined to believe in a grand conspiracy. The govern- ment seemed to agree because on 2 May 1865 President Andrew Johnson issued a proclamation stating that the assassination was apparently "incited, concerted and procured" by Jefferson Davis and at least five Confederate agents in Canada.1 During the trial which followed, the prosecution produced witness after witness to "prove" the existence of a grand conspiracy. Within less than a year, however, problems with this view- point emerged. Further investigation proved that much of the evidence presented both at the trial and in later depositions had been falsified. Sanford Conover, a key government witness and a self-appointed correspondent for the New York Tribune, was arrested in the fall of 1866 and tried for perjury. Convicted and sentenced to ten years in prison, Conover admitted he had coached witnesses to lie about Confederate involvement in the assassination in order to take revenge against Jefferson Davis who, Conover claimed, had insulted his wife and caused him to be imprisoned for six months during the war. This confession and additional information discredited the grand conspiracy theory for all but a few diehards.2 WILLIAM G. EIDSON, PH.D., teaches history at Ball State University in Muneie, Indiana. 1 New York Herald, 4 May 1866. 2 William Hanchett, The Lincoln Murder Conspiraciee (Urbana: Univer- 220 The Fimson Club History Quarterly Vol. 62, No. 2, April, 1988 1988] The Lincoln Assassination 221 As a result, the public came to believe, if only by default, that the assassination was a simple conspiracy. Most also ac- cepted the idea that the conspiracy trial had been adequate and that the penalties imposed on the conspirators had been just except, perhaps, for the sentences given to Mary E. Surratt and Dr. Samuel A. Mudd. Thus the simple conspiracy viewpoint be- came dominant within a few years of the assassination and re- mained virtually unchallenged until the 1890s. The ten-volume biography of Abraham Lincoln published in 1890 by John G. Nicolay and John Hay discusses the assassination in these terms.3 The fii-st important book on the assassination, The Judicial Murder of Mary E. Surratt (1895) by lawyer and Democratic politician David M. DeWitt, deviated sharply from the predom- inant viewpoint. DeWitt was highly critical of using a military tribunal to try the eight accused civilians. The nine men chosen to sit in judgment had been in the war. They were asked to view impartially evidence against Southern sympathizers accused of killing the president. Under such conditions, DeWitt believes that a fair trial was impossible; the accused were doomed before the trial began.4 DeWitt was particularly critical of the three men he held most responsible for the trial: Secretary of State Edwin Stanton, Judge Advocate General Joseph Holt, and Special Judge Advo- cate John Bingham. He depicted Stanton as a man obsessed with the idea of a grand conspiracy even in the absence of evidence. Holt and Bingham were charged with persuading the soldiers to impose the death penalty On Mrs. Surratt. They argued that such "sity of Illinois Press, 1983), 81; The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the OHicial Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Ser. ]I; 8 vols.; Washington: Government Printing Office, 1894-1899), VIII, 974; Seymour J. Frank, "The Conspiracy to Implicate the Confederate Leaders in Lincoln's Assassination," The Mississippi Valley Historical Review 40 (1954l : 629-56. 3 See Hanchett, Lincoln Murder Conspiracies, chapter 4. 4 David Miller DeWitt, The Judicial Murder of Mary E. Sarratt (Balti- more, 1895), 24-26, 33. 222 The Filson Club History Quarterly [April a decision was necessary to flush out her son John Surratt. Furthermore, Holt and Bingham assured the tribunal that Presi- dent Johnson would never allow her to be hanged. Only by such deception, DeWitt argued, could they get the death penalty. Dewitt believed that the execution of Mary Surratt was the foulest act in the history of the United States.5 Although De- Witt's •vork suffered from basic methodological weaknesses and was obviously biased against the military trial, it had profound impact on the public,e Doubts were publicly expressed about some points in the prevailing theory. People questioned the use of the military trial and Stanton's role in it. DeWitt's influence has been so significant that it is generally agreed that only one writer on the assassination, the Austrian- born Otto Eisenschiml, has had a comparable impact. In 1937 Otto Eisenschiml's Why Was Lincoln Murdered? appeared. Like Nicolay, Hay, DeWitt, and all other writers on the assassination, Eisenschiml was not a historian. He was a chemist who claimed to apply scientific techniques to the study of the assassination. His conclusion was that the assassination was not a simple con- spiracy planned and executed by Booth and his associates. In- stead, Eisenschiml implied that key Northern leaders were the masterminds behind the assassination. Eisenschiml's technique was to raise provocative questions, a list of which fills more than a page. Why did Grant not go to Ford's Theater with Lincoln? Why was police guard John F. Parker not punished? Why was the telegraph inter- rupted? Why was Booth buried so quickly? By raising these questions, Eisenschiml created unwarranted doubts even though in many cases he eventually admitted that the traditional an- swers were still correct. The questions Eisenschiml raised and the doubts he created 5 Ibid., 5-6, 26-27, 109-10, 257-58. 6 For an examination of DeWitt's methodological weaknesses see Thomas Reed Turner, Beware the People Weeping: Public Opinion and th8 Assas- sination of Abraham Lincoln (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1982), 1-2. 1988] The Lincoln Assassination 223 have had great influence on those who have since written on the subject and have attempted to answer the questions he raised. In some cases the results have bordered on the ridiculous. But ridiculous or not, some of these Eisenschiml-influenced works have significantly shaped popular opinion. This article will examine the major works written on the as- sassination daring the last few decades beginning in 1959. Amazingly, at least two-dozen works focusing entirely or ex- tensively on the subject have been published during this period. Some trends have become apparent. For one thing, it is primarily non-professional historians who write about the assassination. That was true in the past and has continued to be true until the 1980s. Professional historians have generally avoided the subject except to criticize the findings of the non-professionals. Prior to 1959 authors of the most notable books on the assassination were journalists, lawyers, editors, museum directors, and actors. That trend continued for the next two decades. In the 1960s and 1970s the major assassin- ation books were written by novelists, journalists, and editors with an occasional work by a businessman, physician, or film- maker. A Second trend is that Otto Eisenschiml, his techniques, and his assumptions continue to have a profound influence on the Lincoln literature. This was true at least through 1977. One book obviously influenced by Eisenschiml is Theodore Roscoe's The Web of Conspiracy: The Complete Story of the Men Who Murdered Abraham Lincoln (1959). A novelist and writer of books about the United States Navy, Roscoe claims that the criminals responsible for Lincoln's murder escaped unpunished.7 Roscoe, like Eisenschiml, believes that Northern leaders were involved in the assassination and that Secretary of War Edwin Stanton was the chief villain, arguing that only his involvement 7 Theodore Roscoe, The Web of Conspiracy: The Complete Story of the Men Who Murdered Abraham Lincoln (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1959), vii. 224 The Filson Club History Quarterly [April can explain his actions. Stanton knew of Booth's abduction plans as early as January 1865 and yet the government took no action to stop him or even to watch the Surratt house. Stanton re- fused Lincoln's request that Major Thomas Eckert, Stanton's assistant, accompany him to Ford's Theater. Stanton's failure to block Booth's escape route and his decision to delay naming him as the assassin for several hours are "inexplicable" unless the secretary was guilty of complicity,s "If the fantasia which permitted Booth's escape was unintentional," Roscoe contends, "one must attribute to War Secretary Stanton a head of almost solid bone, a plethora of unadulterated stupidity." The author does not, however, believe he was stupid.• For the most part The Web of Conspiracy follows the Eisen- schiml thesis and recounts in elaborate detail most of the same mysterious circumstances and unexplained incidents. There are some points, however, on which the novelist deviates from his predecessor. For instance Roscoe believes that Dr. Samuel Mudd was not as innocent as Eisenschiml and others would have us believe. That Booth was trying to disguise who he was when he first reached Mudd's residence is possible, but Roscoe finds it highly implausible that Booth would have continued such a mas- querade once safely upstairs in Mudd's home. Dr. Mudd must have recognized the fugitive. Indeed, Mudd's whole account of what happened is seen as "a confusing and garbled story." Roscoe concludes that Dr.