DOCSLIB.ORG

D. Héjj, the Three Seas Initiative in the Foreign Affairs Policy of Hunga- Ry, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), Z

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
D. Héjj, the Three Seas Initiative in the Foreign Affairs Policy of Hunga- Ry, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), Z Vol. 17 (2019) Vol. Yearbook Yearbook Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej of the Institute of the Institute of East-Central Europe of East-Central Europe (Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe) Volume 17 (2019) Volume 17 (2019) Issue 3 Issue 3 of East-Central Europe of East-Central the Institute of Yearbook ISSN 1732-1395 The Three Seas Initiative (TSI) is a fl exible political platform, at Presidential level, launched in 2016 in Dubrovnik (Croatia). The Initiative includes the 12 EU Member States located between the Adriatic, the Baltic and the Black Seas: Austria, Bulgaria, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia Instrukcje dla autorów i Rocznik online: and Slovenia. Countries that have decided to join the Three Seas project have a common geographical, historical and political identity. The pillar of the TSI are countries belonging to the Visegrad Group. Presidents of TSI member countries meet at annual summits. The summits so far have taken place in Dubrovnik (2016) Warsaw (2017), Bu- 3 Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej https://ies.lublin.pl/rocznik charest (2018) and Ljubljana (2019). The next summit will be held in Tallinn. Rok 17 (2019), Zeszyt 3 Łukasz Lewkowicz, s. 7-8 Perspective the International in Initiative Seas Three The The origins of the TSI are to be found in the Polish geopolitical representations that emerged in the 1920s after The Three Seas Initiative the First World War, specifi cally, Josef Pilsudski’s Intermarium (Latin for the Polish Międzymorze). The ideas of this old project have resurfaced in the current geopolitical confi guration. in the International Perspective Pierre-Emmanuel Thomann, s. 36 The Three Seas Initiative, currently implemented by the Polish authorities, undoubtedly fi ts in with the political traditions of Polish activity in the region of Central and Eastern Europe. It can be treated as an attempt to increase The Three Seas Initiative in the Context the level of diversifi cation of Poland’s international relations. [...] Paradoxically, the establishment of the TSI may of International Challenges lead to a better understanding of the CEE in Germany. This is supported by the growing interest of world powers in the region, where not only the U.S. and Russia have vital interests but also increasingly China. The awareness The Three Seas Initiative: of the importance of the region both for the economic stability of Germany and in the context of guaranteeing Geopolitical Determinants and Polish Interests The Three Seas Initiative European security seems to be growing, not only in Berlin but also in Brussels. The Three Seas Initiative: a New Project at the Heart Martin Dahl, s. 75-76 of European and Global Geographical Rivalries in the Foreign Affairs Policy of Hungary One Belt, One Road Between Three Seas: Chinas's Soft-power Policy Towards 'New' EU Members Dominik Héjjab a Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego w Warszawie b Instytut Europy Środkowej Opublikowano online: grudzień 2019 Sposób cytowania: D. Héjj, The Three Seas Initiative in the Foreign Affairs Policy of Hunga- ry, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 3, s. 115-135, DOI: 10.36874/ RIESW.2019.3.7. „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” („Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe”) jest kwartalnikiem. Poszczególne teksty bądź całe zeszyty publikowane są w języku polskim lub angielskim. Na liście czasopism naukowych MNiSW z 31 lipca 2019 roku „Rocznik IEŚW” znajduje się z liczbą 70 punktów. Jest również uwzględniony w bazach ICI Journals Master List, Central and Eastern European Online Library, BazEkon oraz ERIH PLUS. D. Héjj, ‘The Three Seas Initiative in the Foreign Affairs Policy of Hungary’,Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, vol. 17 (2019), no. 3, pp. 116-135, DOI: 10.36874/RIESW.2019.3.7 Dominik Héjj* Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw and Institute of Central Europe (Poland) The Three Seas Initiative in the Foreign Affairs Policy of Hungary Summary: The Three Seas Initiative (TSI) constitutes a project involving the cooperation of twelve European countries. Poland and Croatia, the founders of the TSI, are especially active in this respect. Even though Hungary seems the closest political ally of Poland, the state rarely participates in TSI actions. In addition, when pursuing its politics, Hungary remains in contradiction to the principles of the TSI – chiefly regarding energy policies. The paper aims to offer answers to questions concerning the significance of the TSI in Hungary’s foreign affairs policies and the state's perception of such a form of coopera- tion in Europe. Keywords: Three Seas Initiative, foreign affairs, Hungary, Russia, Orbán Introduction The Three Seas Initiative (Hun. Három Tenger Kezdeményezés) consti- tutes a forum of international collaboration established in 2016 during a summit in Dubrovnik. Presidents Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović (Croa- tia) and Andrzej Duda (Poland) were the chief architects of the ini- tiative. The cooperation of twelve states highlights the development and consolidation of collaboration on the north-south axis, mainly in relation to the infrastructure and energy domains. According to the webpage of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs: ‘the most signifi- cant added value of the initiative is the provision of political support, originating at the highest level of national authorities, for investments * Dominik Héjj, PhD, is political scientist specializing in Hungary-related issues. Doctor in humani- ties in the field of political science. Assistant Professor at the Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw (Institute of Political Science and Public Administration). Senior Analyst, Department of the Visegrad Group in Institute of Central Europe. Editor-in-chief of www.kropka.hu, a website devoted to Hungarian politics. Author of expert’s reports, scientific papers and pieces of journal- ism pertaining to Hungary. Research interests: political and party systems, Hungarian political history and politics of memory. ORCID: 0000-0002-3159-8936. E-mail: [email protected]. 116 Dominik Héjj which have been neglected as far as the cooperation of Central Euro- pean countries is concerned’1. The objective of the present paper it to establish answers to ques- tions concerning the perception of the TSI in Hungary. Is Hungary interested in pursuing the TSI? Is the country an active player in the initiative? What is the place of the TSI in Hungarian foreign affairs? The main premise of the paper is the thesis that Hungary is not ac- tively engaged in the TSI, and that Hungarian diplomacy feigns cer- tain actions and is not open about its anxiety and reluctance. At the same time, the remaining TSI partners are blamed by Hungary for the lack of the country’s involvement in the cooperation, mainly in the energy sector. The paper exploits government documents as well as e.g. the ad- dresses of politicians representing the Fidesz-KNDP coalition. A lim- ited availability of studies discussing the TSI in Hungary constitutes an impediment in the current discussion of the issue. Two publications compiled in 2017 and 2018 by a government-es- tablished body, the Institute for Foreign Affairs and Trade (Hun. Kül- ügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, IFAT), are available. In 2017, the IFAT argued the TSI emerged directly from the Intermarium project of the first half of the 20th century, where Poland held a dominant position2. A year later, when commenting on the provisions of the Three Seas Initiative Bucharest Summit (September 2018), J. T. Barabás, an IFAT analyst, highlighted the necessity for a clear definition of the TSI’s ob- jectives by Poland. The definition was to clarify any doubts pertaining to the initiative’s connection with the Intermarium project. Moreover, the analyst observed that the Polish government had already undertak- en measures to that effect and indicated that, except being exclusively pragmatic, the TSI project has no geopolitical significance3. Howev- er, in both cases, the anti-Russian character of the initiative, at least on the Polish part, is stressed. In addition, mentions of the situation 1 MFA of Poland, ‘Trójmorze’, Obszary polityki zagranicznej, https://www.gov.pl/web/dyplomacja/ trojmorze [2019-09-10]. 2 B. Tölgyesi, ‘A Három tenger kezdeményezés és az Intermarium koncepció háttere és kilátásai, The Background and Perspectives of the Three Seas Initiative and the Intermarium Concept’, KKI-elemzések, E-2017/30. 3 J.T. Barabás, ‘A Három Tenger Kezdeményezés a 2018. szeptemberi bukaresti értekezlet után, The Three Seas Initiative After the Bucharest Summit of September 2018’, KKI-elemzések, E-2018/34. Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe • Volume 17 (2019) • Issue 3 The Three Seas Initiative in the Foreign Affairs Policy of Hungary 117 which occurred during the meeting of Putin with Kolinda Grabar- Kitarović, the President of Croatia, also surfaced. Madam President assured Russia’s leader that the TSI is not an ‘American Trojan horse’ and is not directed against Russia4. Determinants of the Hungarian foreign affairs doctrine 1. Before the role of the TSI in Hungarian foreign affairs is dis- cussed, the Hungarian foreign affairs doctrine ought to be defined. One of the most vital aspects of the Hungarian National Assembly election campaign, which occurred in the spring of 2010, was the repurchase of Hungarian companies which had been sold to Russian oligarchs. Politicians representing Fidesz accused the leftist liberal MSZP-SzDSz government coalition (Hun. Magyar Szociálista Párt/ Eng. Hungarian Socialist Party, and Hun. Szabad Demokraták Szövetsége – a Magyar Liberális Párt / Eng. The Alliance of Free Democrats – Hungarian Lib- eral Party) of selling national property and supporting Russian influ- ence in Hungary5. The main line of conflict pertained to two entities: Hungarian oil and gas operator, MOL (Hun, MOL Magyar Olaj- és Gázipari Nyrt./ Eng. The Hungarian Oil & Gas Company Plc), and Malév (Hun. Magyar Légiközlekedési Vállalat/ Eng. Malév Hungar- ian Airlines) , a flag flight carrier. One of the first decisions made by the new, victorious Fidesz-KNDP (Hun.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • China's Belt and Road Meets the Three Seas Initiative
    MAY 2020 MAY WARSAW China’s Belt and Road meets the Three Seas Initiative Chinese and US sticky power in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic ISBN 978-83-66306-74-5 and Poland’s strategic interests Warsaw, May 2020 Author: Grzegorz Lewicki Editing: Jakub Nowak, Małgorzata Wieteska Graphic design: Anna Olczak Graphic design cooperation: Liliana Gałązka, Tomasz Gałązka, Sebastian Grzybowski Polish Economic Institute Al. Jerozolimskie 87 02-001 Warsaw, Poland © Copyright by Polish Economic Institute ISBN 978-83-66306-74-5 Extended edition II 3 Table of contents Executive summary ...........................................4 Civilizations. The US, China and the Biblical logic of capitalism ...............7 Sticky power. China’s dream of a new Bretton Woods and the gravity of globalization...............................................12 Belt and Road. The dynamics of Confucian sticky power . 16 Three Seas. Where Belt and Road meets Bretton Woods ...................23 5G Internet. How digital geopolitics shapes the Three Seas' development...26 Poland. The Central Transport Hub and Three Sees Fund as gateways for the US and China .........................................29 The mighty sea of coronavirus. COVID-19 as a trigger of dappled globalisation ................33 A new perspective. Beyond the snipe and the clam ...............................36 Bibliography .................................................38 4 Executive Summary → The power of Western civilization seems political influence during the ongoing di- to be waning, in contrast to the power gital transformation of global economy. of Confucian civilization. After super- → Both China and the US effectively imposing civilizational identities in ac- use their sticky power; their ability to cordance with modern civilization theory shape the rules of globalization to their onto data from the In.Europa State Power benefit by projecting economic power Index, Confucian civilization (i.e.
    [Show full text]
  • Accessibility of the Baltic Sea Region Past and Future Dynamics Research Report
    Accessibility of the Baltic Sea Region Past and future dynamics Research report This report has been written by Spiekermann & Wegener Urban and Regional Research on the behalf of VASAB Secretariat at Latvian State Regional Development Agency Final Report, November 2018 Authors Tomasz Komornicki, Klaus Spiekermann Spiekermann & Wegener Urban and Regional Research Lindemannstraße 10 D-44137 Dortmund, Germany 2 Contents Page 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 3 2 Accessibility potential in the BSR 2006-2016 ........................................................................... 5 2.1 The context of past accessibility changes ........................................................................... 5 2.2 Accessibility potential by road ........................................................................................... 13 2.3 Accessibility potential by rail .............................................................................................. 17 2.4 Accessibility potential by air .............................................................................................. 21 2.5 Accessibility potential, multimodal ..................................................................................... 24 3. Accessibility to opportunities ................................................................................................... 28 3.1 Accessibility to regional centres .......................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • LUBLIN DECLARATION on Establishment of the Economic Network of the Three Seas Regions *
    LUBLIN DECLARATION on establishment of the Economic Network of the Three Seas Regions * Both Lublin and the Lubelskie Voivodeship have a unique place in the history of Europe. The Union of Lublin, signed in 1569, upon which the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was established, constitutes a positive example of the integration processes in European history. Having considered common the heritage, the history of the region and the concept of the THREE SEAS INITIATIVE, as well as the project of the Via Carpathia transit corridor, implemented under the INITIATIVE, we express our will to contribute to the joint building of the economic strength of Central and Eastern Europe, based on integrated and coordinated efforts aiming at the sustainable and responsible development of the individual regions within the European Union. Taking into account the implementation of the provisions already included in the Agreement for the construction of the Via Carpathia transit corridor, the signatories to this Declaration express their intention and will to act towards the establishment of a strong and permanent partnership for all the regions located in the area between the Baltic Sea, Adriatic Sea and Black Sea, covered by the Three Seas Initiative. The purpose of this agreement is to work together towards the development and reaping of the benefits by all societies of this area, and towards improvement of the regions' competitiveness at the European level. The establishment of the Economic Network of the Three Seas Regions, as a tool for the implementation of joint initiatives, will be an expression of enhanced interregional cooperation. Voivodeship represented by ………………………….. District represented by ………………………………….
    [Show full text]
  • XENOPHON PAPER “Blue Growth As a Driver for Regional Development”
    Matt eo Bocci, Frédérick Herpers, Thanos Smanis, Christophe Le Visage Thodoros E. Kampouris • Andrew Kennedy • Nataliia Korzhunova Emmanouil Nikolaidis • Natalia Zubchenko No16 XENOPHON PAPER “Blue Growth as a Driver for Regional Development” October 2018 2 XENOPHON PAPER no 16 The International Centre for Black Sea Studies (ICBSS) was founded in 1998 as a not-for-profit organisation. It has since fulfilled a dual function: on the one hand, it is an independent research and training institution focusing on the Black Sea region. On the other hand, it is a related body of the Organisation of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) and in this capacity serves as its acknowledged think-tank. Thus the ICBSS is a uniquely positioned independent expert on the Black Sea area and its regional cooperation dynamics. ___________________________________ The ICBSS launched the Xenophon Paper series in July 2006 with the aim to contribute a space for policy analysis and debate on topical issues concerning the Black Sea region. As part of the ICBSS’ independent activities, the Xenophon Papers are prepared either by members of its own research staff or by externally commissioned experts. While all contributions are peer-reviewed in order to assure consistent high quality, the views expressed therein exclusively represent the authors. The Xenophon Papers are available for download in electronic version from the ICBSS’ webpage under www.icbss.org. In its effort to stimulate open and engaged debate, the ICBSS also welcomes enquiries and contributions from its read- ers under [email protected]. XENOPHON PAPER no 16 3 Matt eo Bocci • Frédérick Herpers • Thanos Smanis • Christophe Le Visage Thodoros E.
    [Show full text]
  • Guidelines for Wildlife and Traffic in the Carpathians
    Wildlife and Traffic in the Carpathians Guidelines how to minimize the impact of transport infrastructure development on nature in the Carpathian countries Wildlife and Traffic in the Carpathians Guidelines how to minimize the impact of transport infrastructure development on nature in the Carpathian countries Part of Output 3.2 Planning Toolkit TRANSGREEN Project “Integrated Transport and Green Infrastructure Planning in the Danube-Carpathian Region for the Benefit of People and Nature” Danube Transnational Programme, DTP1-187-3.1 April 2019 Project co-funded by the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) www.interreg-danube.eu/transgreen Authors Václav Hlaváč (Nature Conservation Agency of the Czech Republic, Member of the Carpathian Convention Work- ing Group for Sustainable Transport, co-author of “COST 341 Habitat Fragmentation due to Trans- portation Infrastructure, Wildlife and Traffic, A European Handbook for Identifying Conflicts and Designing Solutions” and “On the permeability of roads for wildlife: a handbook, 2002”) Petr Anděl (Consultant, EVERNIA s.r.o. Liberec, Czech Republic, co-author of “On the permeability of roads for wildlife: a handbook, 2002”) Jitka Matoušová (Nature Conservation Agency of the Czech Republic) Ivo Dostál (Transport Research Centre, Czech Republic) Martin Strnad (Nature Conservation Agency of the Czech Republic, specialist in ecological connectivity) Contributors Andriy-Taras Bashta (Biologist, Institute of Ecology of the Carpathians, National Academy of Science in Ukraine) Katarína Gáliková (National
    [Show full text]
  • Information About the Meeting of the General Committee on Economic
    Information about the Meeting of the General Committee on Economic Affairs of the Central European Initiative Parliamentary Dimension held in Warsaw on 25 September 2018. On 25 September 2018, the Meeting of the General Committee on Economic Affairs of the Parliamentary Dimension of the Central European Initiative was held in Warsaw. Delegations from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Montenegro, Poland, Romania, Serbia, Ukraine and Hungary participated in the meeting. The Belarusian delegation was represented by a representative of this country's Embassy in Warsaw. The meeting was chaired by Bogdan Rzońca, MP - Head of the Polish Parliamentary Delegation to the CEI and Chairman of the General Committee on Economic Affairs. The main topic of the meeting was Infrastructure, road and energy, connections in the Central European Initiative region on the North – South axis, with special focus on Via Carpathia road construction project. The welcome address to the participants was given by Marek Kuchciński, Marshal of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland. The following persons participated in the meeting on behalf of the Polish government: Andrzej Adamczyk, Minister of Infrastructure, Krzysztof Tchórzewski, Minister of Energy, as well as representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Investment and Development. In the course of the debate, it was emphasized that the aim of regional cooperation in the scope of the development of infrastructure should be the creation of a cohesive transport system between the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea as well as the Balkans. One of the main projects in this scope is Via Carpatia. It is expected that its construction will facilitate and speed up further economic development of the countries of the region, enabling an increase in the quality of life and wealth of the residents.
    [Show full text]
  • The Three Seas Initiative: Configuration and Global Geopolitical Consequences
    Opinion Paper 48/2021 26/04/2021 Óscar Méndez Pérez* The Three Seas Initiative: Visit Web Receive Newsletter Configuration and Global Geopolitical Consequences The Three Seas Initiative: Configuration and Global Geopolitical Consequences Abstract: The Three Seas Initiative (3SI) is an alliance of Central and Eastern European countries located among the Baltic, Black and Adriatic Seas. Its objectives focus on achieving an interconnected region, with a north-south approach, in the fields of energy, infrastructure and telecommunications. At the same time, it has an eminent geopolitical component that not only can be felt in the region, but that also involves the four major world powers: the US, Russia, China and the European Union. Keywords: Three Seas Initiative, geopolitics, Central and Eastern Europe, energy, infrastructures, telecommunications. How to quote: MÉNDEZ PÉREZ, Óscar. The Three Seas Initiative: Configuration and Global Geopolitical Consequences. Opinion Paper. IEEE 48/2021. http://www.ieee.es/Galerias/fichero/docs_opinion/2021/DIEEEO48_2021_OSCMEN_Tresmares _ENG.pdf and/or link bie3 (accessed on the web day/month/year) *NOTE: The ideas contained in the Opinion Papers shall be responsibility of their authors, without necessarily reflecting the thinking of the IEEE or the Ministry of Defense. Opinion Paper 48/2021 1 The Three Seas Initiative: Configuration and Global Geopolitical Consequences Óscar Méndez Pérez Introduction The Three Seas Initiative (TSI) is a collaborative platform between Poland, Croatia, Austria, Bulgaria,
    [Show full text]
  • Economic Openness
    GLOBAL INDEX OF ECONOMIC OPENNESS Economic Openness Romania Case Study 2019 CREATING THE PATHWAYS FROM POVERTY TO PROSPERITY ABOUT THE LEGATUM INSTITUTE The Legatum Institute is a London-based think tank with a global vision: to see all people lifted out of poverty. Our mission is to create the pathways from poverty to prosperity, by fostering Open Economies, Inclusive Societies and Empowered People. We do this in three ways: Our Centre for Metrics which creates indexes and datasets to measure and explain how poverty and prosperity are changing. Our Research Programmes which analyse the many complex drivers of poverty and prosperity at the local, national and global level. Our Practical Programmes which identify the actions required to enable transformational change. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Dr. Stephen Brien is Director of Policy at the Legatum Institute. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The authors would like to thank Helen Slater, Bianca Swalem, Hugh Carveth, Daniel Herring, and Edward Wickstead for their contributions to this work. This report was prepared as briefing for the Aspen Europe Next conference, held in Bucharest. This publication was made possible through the support of a grant from Templeton World Charity Foundation, Inc. The opin- ions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Templeton World Charity Foundation, Inc. The Legatum Institute would like to thank the Legatum Foundation for their sponsorship. Learn more about the Legatum Foundation at www.legatum.org ©2019 The Legatum Institute Foundation. All rights reserved. The word ‘Legatum’ and the Legatum charioteer logo are the subjects of trade mark registrations of Legatum Limited is a registered trade mark of Legatum Foundation Limited.
    [Show full text]
  • Three Seas Initiative
    EURASIA EU Holds 3rd Annual “Three Seas Initiative” Summit in Bucharest OE Watch Commentary: The European Union’s (EU) annual “Three Seas Initiative” summit, held in Bucharest, Romania on 17-18 September, has drawn “Our goal is to build a gas supply system a wide range of political reaction from European press. The Initiative aims to that won’t enable blackmail against us.” unify presidential-level support to 12 EU countries between the Baltic, Adriatic and Black Seas for interconnection projects involving energy, transport, Source: Georgi Gotev and Alexandra Brzozowski, “The and digitalization. Poland led Croatia in launching the first two summits in Brief – Three Seas, Two Leaders,” Euractiv.com, 17 Dubrovnik (2016) and Warsaw (2017). September press statements about this September 2018. https://www.euractiv.com/section/politics/ year’s summit reflect three primary positions across Europe: 1) the Initiative news/the-brief-three-seas-two-leaders/ is principally an effort by Poland to become a more central, regional power; 2) “. Let’s not beat about the bush. The Three Seas Initiative the Initiative is divisive and can inherently weaken the EU; and 3) the projects (TSI) is a Poland-promoted anti-Russian and pro-US project. will strengthen political, economic, and geographic connections between And it kicks off today . TSI is quite similar to another eastern and western EU states, and decrease dependencies on Russia. Polish project, meant to build a Polish bloc in Central and The Initiative’s projects are largely infrastructure-focused, and will be Eastern Europe after World War I, a sort of power centre financed with a 100 billion Euro investment fund started by the Polish National between Germany and Russia.” Development Bank.
    [Show full text]
  • Towards a New North-South Axis: Poland's Cooperation with The
    BULLETIN No. 79 (412) August 23, 2012 © PISM Editors: Marcin Zaborowski (Editor-in-Chief), Katarzyna Staniewska (Executive Editor), Jarosław Ćwiek-Karpowicz, Beata Górka-Winter, Artur Gradziuk, Roderick Parkes, Beata Wojna Towards a New North-South Axis: Poland’s Cooperation with Czech Republic and Slovakia Dariusz Kałan At a political level, Poland’s relations with the Czech Republic and Slovakia are reasonably strong, and a range of common projects in energy, infrastructure and the economy points to their high potential. In the public debate, however, its neighbours to the east and west receive far more attention. Building contacts at all levels to its southern neighbours will be key if Poland wishes to supplement the usual East-West line of its foreign policy with a new North-South axis. Poland’s relations with the Czech Republic and Slovakia are not burdened by serious historical problems, nor by the sensitive issue of national minorities. Moreover, they have long lacked real geoeconomic and geopolitical significance. This certainly makes them less politically loaded than relations with Poland’s eastern and western neighbours—Ukraine, Belarus, Russia and Germany— but it also gives them at best a marginal place in public discourse. The recent emergence of a stronger North-South orientation in Poland’s foreign policy suggests that things are changing. Early in 2011, President Bronisław Komorowski paid a visit to Prague, followed five months later by Prime Minister Donald Tusk and five members of his government. In 2012, the presidents of Poland and Slovakia met each other three times. These meetings still lack a proactive rationale.
    [Show full text]
  • International Transport Corridors and Ukraine: Benefits of Cross-Border Cooperation with Romania
    European Integration - Realities and Perspectives. Proceedings 2018 International Transport Corridors and Ukraine: Benefits of Cross-Border Cooperation with Romania Vladlen Makoukh1 Abstract: One of the problems of modern Ukraine is the weak development of international transport corridors that would connect different regions of Ukraine with European countries. A separate issue is the lack of transport routes in the south of Ukraine (Odessa Region) that could become a connecting link for the development of trade, tourism and facilitate humanitarian contacts between the populations of the border regions. The main purpose of this work is to consider the potential of combining separate regions of Ukraine with the regions of European countries through highways and railroads, and to analyze the economic benefits of these transport connections. Particular attention is paid to the use of opportunities for cross-border cooperation for the implementation of promising projects in the transport sector. In particular, the paper considers international transport projects implemented over a decade (project of a transport ring around the Black Sea, the project of the Baltic Sea-Black Sea cooperation), as well as more recent projects that are worthy of attention (the project Via Carpathia). Also, the factors that may complicate the implementation of transport projects are taken into consideration. Keywords: international transport corridors; cross-border cooperation; Ukraine; European Union 1. Introduction An important aspect of the development of Ukraine’s regions of is the establishment of cross-border cooperation between the border regions. One of the forms of such cooperation is the Euroregion. The European Commission considers cooperation within the Euroregions as the best form of developing relations between the border areas.
    [Show full text]
  • Klaipėda Lng Terminal)
    Priority Interconnection Projects 2019 Status Report Table of contents 1 GAS INTERCONNECTOR REPUBLIC OF POLAND-REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA (GIPL) ......................................................................................................... 9 2 BRUA ...................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 15 3 EASTRING ................................................................................................................................................................................................................. 21 4 INTEGRATION AND SYNCHRONISATION OF THE BALTIC STATES’ ELECTRICITY SYSTEM WITH THE EUROPEAN NETWORKS ................................................. 24 5 ROMANIAN-HUNGARIAN-SLOVAK GAS TRANSMISSION CORRIDOR ................................................................................................................................. 27 6 DIVERSIFICATION OF GAS SUPPLY SOURCES AND INTEGRATION OF GAS INFRASTRUCTURE IN THE THREE SEAS REGION WITH THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE BALTIC PIPE PROJECT AND CROSS-BORDER INTERCONNECTIONS REPUBLIC OF POLAND-SLOVAK REPUBLIC AND REPUBLIC OF POLAND-UKRAINE ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 29 7 IONIC ADRIATIC PIPELINE –IAP ...............................................................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]