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African Presses, Christian Rhetoric, and White Minority Rule in South Africa, 1899-1924
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2017 For the Good That We Can Do: African Presses, Christian Rhetoric, and White Minority Rule in South Africa, 1899-1924 Ian Marsh University of Central Florida Part of the African History Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Marsh, Ian, "For the Good That We Can Do: African Presses, Christian Rhetoric, and White Minority Rule in South Africa, 1899-1924" (2017). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 5539. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/5539 FOR THE GOOD THAT WE CAN DO: AFRICAN PRESSES, CHRISTIAN RHETORIC, AND WHITE MINORITY RULE IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1899-1924 by IAN MARSH B.A. University of Central Florida, 2013 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Humanities at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Summer Term 2017 Major Professor: Ezekiel Walker © 2017 Ian Marsh ii ABSTRACT This research examines Christian rhetoric as a source of resistance to white minority rule in South Africa within African newspapers in the first two decades of the twentieth-century. Many of the African editors and writers for these papers were educated by evangelical protestant missionaries that arrived in South Africa during the nineteenth century. -
Cradock Four
Saif Pardawala 12/7/2012 TRC Cradock Four Amnesty Hearings Abstract: The Amnesty Hearing of the Truth and Reconciliation show the connection between the South African Apartheid state and the mysterious disappearances of four Cradock political activists. The testimonies of members of the security police highlight the lengths the apartheid state was willing to go to suppress opposition. The fall of Apartheid and the numerous examples of state mandated human rights abuses against its opponents raised a number of critical questions for South Africans at the time. Among the many issues to be addressed, was the need to create an institution for the restoration of the justice that had been denied to the many victims of apartheid’s crimes. Much like the numerous truth commissions established in Eastern Europe and Latin America after the formation of democracy in those regions, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was founded with the aims of establishing a restorative, rather than punitive justice. The goal of the TRC was not to prosecute and impose punishment on the perpetrators of the state’s suppression of its opposition, but rather to bring closure to the many victims and their families in the form of full disclosure of the truth. The amnesty hearings undertaken by the TRC represent these aims, by offering full amnesty to those who came forward and confessed their crimes. In the case of Johan van Zyl, Eric Taylor, Gerhardus Lotz, Nicholas van Rensburg, Harold Snyman and Hermanus du Plessis; the amnesty hearings offer more than just a testimony of their crimes. The amnesty hearings of the murderers of a group of anti-apartheid activists known as the Cradock Four show the extent of violence the apartheid state was willing to use on its own citizens to quiet any opposition and maintain its authority. -
Throughout the 1950S the Liberal Party of South Africa Suffered Severe Internal Conflict Over Basic Issues of Policy and Strategy
Throughout the 1950s the Liberal Party of South Africa suffered severe internal conflict over basic issues of policy and strategy. On one level this stemmed from the internal dynamics of a small party unequally divided between the Cape, Transvaal and Natal, in terms of membership, racial composftion and political traditon. This paper and the larger work from which it is taken , however, argue inter alia that the conflict stemmed to a greater degree from a more fundamental problem, namely differing interpretations of liberalism and thus of the role of South African liberals held by various elements within the Liberal Party (LP). This paper analyses the political creed of those parliamentary and other liberals who became the early leaders of the LP. Their standpoint developed in specific circumstances during the period 1947-1950, and reflected opposition to increasingly radical black political opinion and activity, and retreat before the unfolding of apartheid after 1948. This particular brand of liberalism was marked by a rejection of extra- parliamentary activity, by a complete rejection of the univensal franchise, and by anti-communism - the negative cgaracteristics of the early LP, but also the areas of most conflict within the party. The liberals under study - including the Ballingers, Donald Molteno, Leo Marquard, and others - were all prominent figures. All became early leaders of the Liberal Party in 1953, but had to be *Ihijackedffigto the LP by having their names published in advance of the party being launched. The strategic prejudices of a small group of parliamentarians, developed in the 1940s, were thus to a large degree grafted on to non-racial opposition politics in the 1950s through an alliance with a younger generation of anti-Nationalists in the LP. -
The Lion and the Springbok
The Lion and the Springbok The Lion and the Springbok presents a unique account of the dynamics and divergences of the ‘uneasy special relationship’ between Britain and South Africa. From the bruising experience of the South African War (1899–1902) to South Africa’s withdrawal from the Commonwealth in 1961, the authors chart this relationship in all its political, economic, cultural, and geostrategic aspects. All the major disputes are discussed, including the struggle for the High Commission Territories, the crisis over Seretse Khama’s marriage, and the transfer of the Simon’s Town naval base. These issues trace, for the most part, a continuing deterioration in relations, as Afrikaner nationalist identity hardened and South African politics slid into the extremes of apartheid. The perceptions each side had of the other after 1948 are examined through representations in the media, and an epilogue considers the reasons for the return of the ‘new South Africa’ to the Commonwealth in 1994. ronald hyam is Emeritus Reader in British Imperial History, University of Cambridge, and a Fellow and former President of Magdalene College. peter henshaw is a Research Professor in History at the University of Western Ontario. Nelson Mandela after admission to an Honorary Fellowship at Magdalene College, Cambridge, 2 May 2001. Left to right: security officer, Dr Mandela, Cheryl Carolus (South African high commissioner), Professor W. R. Cornish (President), Professor Sir John Gurdon (Master), Thabo Makupula (Mandela Magdalene Scholar). Source: Magdalene -
John Dube Struggle for Freedom(S) in South Africa
SWINGING BETWEEN BILLIGERENCE AND SERVILITY: JOHN DUBE’S STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM(S) IN SOUTH AFRICA Simanga Kumalo Ministry Education and Governance Program, School of Religion and Theology, University of KwaZulu Natal, Scottsville, South Africa Abstract John Langalibalele Mafukuzela Dube left an indelible legacy in South Africa’s political, educational and religious spheres. He was a church leader, veteran politician, journalist, philanthropist and educationist. He was the first President of the African National Congress (ANC) when it was formed in Bloemfontein on January 8, 1912 as the South African National Native Congress (SANNC). Dube was also the founder of the first Zulu newspaper ILanga laseNatali through which he published the experiences of African people under white rule. As the first president of what was to become Africa’s most influential political and liberation movement, Dube served as an ordained minister of the Congregational Church. This important connection helped Dube define church-state relations in colonial South Africa, thus forging the role that African clergy would later need to play in the struggle for South Africa’s freedom and democracy. Although his work influenced various aspects of African people’s lives such as the social, political, educational and economic, he firmly located himself in the church as a pastor and Christian activist whose vocation was to struggle for all the freedoms that were denied to his people, including freedom of religion. This study offers a brief profile of John Dube as a political theologian and highlights his contribution to the struggle of African people for the freedom from colonial and white rule. -
AB Xuma and the Politics of Racial Accommodation Versus Equal Citizenship and Its Implications for Nation Building and Power Sharing in South Africa
AB Xuma and the politics of racial accommodation versus equal citizenship and its implications for nation building and power sharing in South Africa Simangaliso Kumalo Ministry, Education & Governance Programme, School of Religion and Theology, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa Introduction Having presented an eloquent and moving address at a public meeting of the Bantu Studies Club of the University of the Witwatersrand on 30 May 1932, Alfred Bitini Xuma closed with the following words, quoted from the writings of Booker T. Washington, which summarised his dream for race relations in South Africa: The slave’s chain and the master’s alike broken; The one curse of the race held both in tether; They are rising, all are rising — The black and the white together (in Xuma 1932:23). It is from statements such as this that the vision of Alfred Bitini Xuma who, eight years later, would be elected president of the African National Congress (ANC), was distilled. In this article I intend to make a contextual analysis of the work of this great leader in his crusade to overcome racism and the deprivation of black people of their basic rights to live as equal citizens of South Africa. Embodied in the poetic words above is a passion for a better South Africa, which at the time seemed unattainable, and the hope that a time would come when white people would no longer be prisoners of a false sense of superiority and black people would no longer experience oppression and the perception that they are inferior to their white counterparts. -
Full Speech.Pdf
LECTURE BY THE PATRON OF THE TMF, THABO MBEKI, ON THE OCCASION OF THE CELEBRATION OF THE CENTENARY OF THE BIRTH OF OLIVER REGINALD TAMBO: JOHANNESBURG, 27 OCTOBER, 2017. Members and representatives of the Oliver and Adelaide Tambo Foundation, our hosts this evening; Dear Members of the Tambo family; Fellow South Africans; Comrades, friends, ladies and gentlemen: Had OR Tambo been alive, today we would have gathered in happy gatherings throughout our country to wish him a very happy centenary birthday! However as we meet today, to mark this centenary, we still wish to convey a heartfelt happy birthday message to Oliver Tambo, our beloved OR and esteemed leader, certain that he will hear our message wherever he is. Accordingly, today, October 27, 2017 our people, joined by the peoples of the rest of Africa and the world, stand up and say in unison – happy birthday our dear and respected Oliver Tambo, our beloved OR! However, at the same time as we celebrate a hundredth birthday, we have gathered here today at a time of great stress for OR’s movement, the ANC, and his country, South Africa. The comments we will make about Oliver Tambo as we celebrate the centenary of his birth will emphasise two matters. One of these is that periodically the ANC has had to confront and respond to threats which challenged its very existence. Another is that these threats and the ANC responses have also been related to the development of our country. PRIVATE BAG X444, HO UGHTON, 2041 REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AF RICA Tel +27 11 486 1560 Fax +27 11 486 0723 [email protected] WWW.MBEKI.ORG This describes what has been somewhat of an umbilical cord between the development of the ANC and the evolution of South Africa. -
Segregation and Apartheid in Twentieth-Century South Africa
SEGREGATION AND APARTHEID IN TWENTIETH-CENTURY SOUTH AFRICA ‘This is an outstanding collection…gathering the harvest of twenty years of intense scholarly and political debate. Jim Campbell, Northwestern University, Illinois ‘Well-known to South Africanists as individual contributions, this collection of seminal essays deserves, and will now find, a wider and more multidisciplinary audience.’ C.R.D.Halisi, Indiana University Beinart and Dubow’s selection of some of the most important essays on racial segregation and apartheid in twentieth-century South Africa provides an unparalleled introduction to this contentious and absorbing subject. The volume includes: • a specially written introduction by the editors which contextualizes the historiographical controversy, taking into account the 1994 election and associated changes; • explanatory notes and article summaries to improve the accessibility of the material; • a glossary of unusual terms to facilitate understanding. William Beinart is Reader in History at the University of Bristol. Saul Dubow is Lecturer in History at the School of African and Asian Studies, University of Sussex. Rewriting Histories Rewriting Histories focuses on historical themes where standard conclusions are facing a major challenge. Each book presents 8 to 10 papers (edited and annotated where necessary) at the forefront of current research and interpretation, offering students an accessible way to engage with contemporary debates. Series editor Jack R.Censer is Professor of History at George Mason University REWRITING -
Boycotts and Sanctions Against South Africa: an International History, 1946-1970
Boycotts and Sanctions against South Africa: An International History, 1946-1970 Simon Stevens Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2016 © 2016 Simon Stevens All rights reserved ABSTRACT Boycotts and Sanctions against South Africa: An International History, 1946-1970 Simon Stevens This dissertation analyzes the role of various kinds of boycotts and sanctions in the strategies and tactics of those active in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. What was unprecedented about the efforts of members of the global anti-apartheid movement was that they experimented with so many ways of severing so many forms of interaction with South Africa, and that boycotts ultimately came to be seen as such a central element of their struggle. But it was not inevitable that international boycotts would become indelibly associated with the struggle against apartheid. Calling for boycotts and sanctions was a political choice. In the years before 1959, most leading opponents of apartheid both inside and outside South Africa showed little interest in the idea of international boycotts of South Africa. This dissertation identifies the conjuncture of circumstances that caused this to change, and explains the subsequent shifts in the kinds of boycotts that opponents of apartheid prioritized. It shows that the various advocates of boycotts and sanctions expected them to contribute to ending apartheid by a range of different mechanisms, from bringing about an evolutionary change in white attitudes through promoting the desegregation of sport, to weakening the state’s ability to resist the efforts of the liberation movements to seize power through guerrilla warfare. -
25 Years of Freedom
HIGHLIGHTS OF THE 25 YEARS OF FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY Historical context olonialism was a brutal system of Apartheid colonialism used patriarchy to reinforce dispossession through wars, reinforced the subjugation of women, with such laws as the by policies, practices and laws such as Native Administrative Act of 1927 that relegated successive hut and poll taxes that forced African women – until the dawn of democracy in black people of the land, to become cheap labour 1994 – to legal minors, unable to inherit, contract Con white farms and in the mines. or represent themselves without a male guardian. Even white women only got the vote in 1930. The Union of South Africa of 1910 consolidated the system of white minority rule, paving the way First Democratic Elections – 1994 for further legalised discrimination based on race, Following a long negotiation process, South ethnicity and gender. Africa’s first democratic election was held in April 1994 under an interim Constitution. The whites-only Parliament passed laws that entrenched white and patriarchal privileges, and South Africa held its first democratic elections on facilitated the structural under-development of the 27 April 1994. Nearly 20-million South Africans black majority and women. queued outside voting stations to cast their ballots. Political apartheid began long before the National For the first time in history, all South Africans over Party (NP) came into power in 1948 shown by the age of 18 – irrespective of race, colour or the Land Acts of 1913 and 1926 respectively; creed – had the right to vote. Freedom Day, 27 Representation of Natives Act of 1936 that removed April, is now a national holiday. -
Protect and Promote Our Heritage
HERITAGE and drawers of water. To achieve this subjection, institutions like Lesseyton Protect and Promote had to be dealt with harshly. Institutions like Lovedale and © Shutterstock.com Lesseyton, though this was never encouraged by the missionaries, our Heritage were in many ways cockpits of black radicalism. Students found it necessary to rise above the notion of being black English gentlemen and ladies. For example class boycotts and other forms of resistance at missionary institutions certainly worried the regime. Such activities had to be nipped in the bud before they could spill over to the world outside where the struggle against apartheid by the ANC and other left leaning organisations was growing in intensity. There has always been a close relationship between religious and socio-political matters. If we go back further in time, we can recall how the Smuts government used force to suppress Enoch Mgijima’s sect, the Israelites. 163 of Mgijima’s followers were mowed down in Bulhoek on At SOMAFCO, the ANC school in Tanzania, a May 24, 1921 for refusing to vacate microcosm of liberated South Africa, students the land they occupied in Ntabelanga, in Queenstown. Indeed, land remains were encouraged to partake in cultural activities a burning issue in South Africa and its reform and transformation can no so as to know and understand themselves and longer be avoided. By destroying institutions like their history. Healdtown, the regime took with it our history, heritage, culture, identity and dignity. In exile, under the leadership By Thabang Makwetla of Oliver Tambo, we began to restore these important pillars of our lives, in preparation for a liberated South Africa. -
Religion, the Struggle, and the Future of Our Democracy by Allan A. Boesak
Christian EthicsA Journal of Christian Ethics Volume 28, NumberT 4 Aggregateoday Issue 114 Fall 2019 2 “No Nation Can Win a Struggle Without Faith”…Religion, the Struggle, and the Future of Our Democracy By Allan A. Boesak 10 “In the Shadow of a Steeple”: Time for a Post-National church? by Ken Sehested 13 Why Brexit Matters…Because an economic/political union that has protected Europe for 75 years from centuries of terrible bloodshed is coming apart. By Ronald J. Sider 14 Religious Beliefs Don’t Give Us Freedom to Discriminate By David R. Currie 16 Race, Trauma, and Climate Change By Elizabeth Allison 19 “A Voice Crying in the Wilderness”: Joseph Martin Dawson’s Quest for Social Justice By Bill Pitts 21 The Radical Theology that Could Make Religious Freedom a Thing of the Past: Even Devout Christians Should Fear These Influential Leaders’ Refusal to Separate Church and State. By David R. Brockman 24 A Psychiatrist and a Theologian Discuss Christian Ethics By Arthur Freeman and Fisher Humphreys 28 Left Behind: How End Times Heresies Undermine Evangelical Action on Climate By Don Golden 30 FROM OUR BOOKSHELVES…Recommended Reading 30 Revolutionary Love: A Political Manifesto to Heal and Transform the World by Rabbi Michael Lerner, University of California Press, Berkeley, 2019 Reviewed by J. Alfred Smith, Sr. 30 Building Good Life for All: Transforming Income Inequality in our Communities by L. Shannon Jung Westminster John Knox Press, 2017 Reviewed by Janet Speer “No Nation Can Win a Struggle Without Faith”… Religion, the Struggle, and the Future of Our Democracy By Allan A.