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African Presses, Christian Rhetoric, and White Minority Rule in South Africa, 1899-1924
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2017 For the Good That We Can Do: African Presses, Christian Rhetoric, and White Minority Rule in South Africa, 1899-1924 Ian Marsh University of Central Florida Part of the African History Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Marsh, Ian, "For the Good That We Can Do: African Presses, Christian Rhetoric, and White Minority Rule in South Africa, 1899-1924" (2017). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 5539. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/5539 FOR THE GOOD THAT WE CAN DO: AFRICAN PRESSES, CHRISTIAN RHETORIC, AND WHITE MINORITY RULE IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1899-1924 by IAN MARSH B.A. University of Central Florida, 2013 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Humanities at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Summer Term 2017 Major Professor: Ezekiel Walker © 2017 Ian Marsh ii ABSTRACT This research examines Christian rhetoric as a source of resistance to white minority rule in South Africa within African newspapers in the first two decades of the twentieth-century. Many of the African editors and writers for these papers were educated by evangelical protestant missionaries that arrived in South Africa during the nineteenth century. -
Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United -
The Power of Heritage to the People
How history Make the ARTS your BUSINESS becomes heritage Milestones in the national heritage programme The power of heritage to the people New poetry by Keorapetse Kgositsile, Interview with Sonwabile Mancotywa Barbara Schreiner and Frank Meintjies The Work of Art in a Changing Light: focus on Pitika Ntuli Exclusive book excerpt from Robert Sobukwe, in a class of his own ARTivist Magazine by Thami ka Plaatjie Issue 1 Vol. 1 2013 ISSN 2307-6577 01 heritage edition 9 772307 657003 Vusithemba Ndima He lectured at UNISA and joined DACST in 1997. He soon rose to Chief Director of Heritage. He was appointed DDG of Heritage and Archives in 2013 at DAC (Department of editorial Arts and Culture). Adv. Sonwabile Mancotywa He studied Law at the University of Transkei elcome to the Artivist. An artivist according to and was a student activist, became the Wikipedia is a portmanteau word combining youngest MEC in Arts and Culture. He was “art” and “activist”. appointed the first CEO of the National W Heritage Council. In It’s Bigger Than Hip Hop by M.K. Asante. Jr Asante writes that the artivist “merges commitment to freedom and Thami Ka Plaatjie justice with the pen, the lens, the brush, the voice, the body He is a political activist and leader, an and the imagination. The artivist knows that to make an academic, a historian and a writer. He is a observation is to have an obligation.” former history lecturer and registrar at Vista University. He was deputy chairperson of the SABC Board. He heads the Pan African In the South African context this also means that we cannot Foundation. -
Annual Report for the YEAR ENDED 31 MARCH 2009 Acknowledgements
SOUTH AFRICAN HERITAGE RESOURCES AGENCY Annual Report FOR THE YEAR ENDED 31 MARCH 2009 Acknowledgements It would have been impossible for the South African Heritage Resources Agency (SAHRA) to achieve what has been reported in the proceeding pages without the cooperation of various State Departments, associations, organizations and many interested individuals. This continued support and guidelines are appreciated by the Council of SAHRA and its staff. Finally, the Council would like to thank its dedicated staff at the Head Office and Provincial offices for their enthusiasm and initiative during the year. Contents COUNCIL MEMBERSHIP 4 APPLICABLE ACTS & OTHER INFORMATION 4 LETTER FROM THE CHAIRPERSON 5 CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER’S MESSAGE 6 CORPORATE AFFAIRS 10 • Information and Auxilliary Services Unit 11 • Information Communication Technology Unit 14 • Human Resources Management 18 HERITAGE RESOURCES MANAGEMENT 26 HEAD OFFICE UNITS 26 • Archaeology, Palaeontology and Meteorite Unit 26 • Maritime Unit 34 • Architectural Heritage Landscape Unit 40 • Grading & Declarations Unit 42 • Heritage Objects Unit 46 • Burial Grounds & Graves Unit 54 PROVINCIAL OFFICES 60 • Eastern Cape 60 • Free State 66 • Gauteng 74 • KwaZulu Natal 78 • Limpopo 80 • Mpumalanga 84 • Northern Cape 88 • North West 96 • Western Cape 100 LEGAL UNIT 114 FINANCIAL STATEMENTS 118 Council Membership NAME STATUS 1. MR PHILL MASHABANE Chairperson 2. MS LAURA ROBINSON National 3. TBA National 4. DR AMANDA BETH ESTERHUYSEN National 5. MR EDGAR NELUVHALANI National 6. MR HENK SMITH National PHRAs 7. DR MTHOBELI PHILLIP GUMA Western Cape 8. ADV. JUSTICE BEKEBEKE Northern Cape 9. TBA Eastern Cape 10. TBA Free State 11. TBA KwaZulu-Natal 12. TBA Gauteng 13. -
The Legacy of Inkosi Albert John Luthuli's Christian-Centred Political
Faith and politics in the context of struggle: the legacy of Inkosi Albert John Luthuli’s Christian-centred political leadership Simangaliso Kumalo Ministry, Education & Governance Programme, School of Religion and Theology, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa Abstract Albert John Mvumbi Luthuli, a Zulu Inkosi and former President-General of the African National Congress (ANC) and a lay-preacher in the United Congregational Church of Southern Africa (UCCSA) is a significant figure as he represents the last generation of ANC presidents who were opposed to violence in their execution of the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. He attributed his opposition to violence to his Christian faith and theology. As a result he is remembered as a peace-maker, a reputation that earned him the honour of being the first African to win the Nobel Peace Prize. Also central to Luthuli’s leadership of the ANC and his people at Groutville was democratic values of leadership where the voices of people mattered including those of the youth and women and his teaching on non-violence, much of which is shaped by his Christian faith and theology. This article seeks to examine Luthuli’s legacy as a leader who used peaceful means not only to resist apartheid but also to execute his duties both in the party and the community. The study is a contribution to the struggle of maintaining peace in the political sphere in South Africa which is marked by inter and intra party violence. The aim is to examine Luthuli’s legacy for lessons that can be used in a democratic South Africa. -
John Dube Struggle for Freedom(S) in South Africa
SWINGING BETWEEN BILLIGERENCE AND SERVILITY: JOHN DUBE’S STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM(S) IN SOUTH AFRICA Simanga Kumalo Ministry Education and Governance Program, School of Religion and Theology, University of KwaZulu Natal, Scottsville, South Africa Abstract John Langalibalele Mafukuzela Dube left an indelible legacy in South Africa’s political, educational and religious spheres. He was a church leader, veteran politician, journalist, philanthropist and educationist. He was the first President of the African National Congress (ANC) when it was formed in Bloemfontein on January 8, 1912 as the South African National Native Congress (SANNC). Dube was also the founder of the first Zulu newspaper ILanga laseNatali through which he published the experiences of African people under white rule. As the first president of what was to become Africa’s most influential political and liberation movement, Dube served as an ordained minister of the Congregational Church. This important connection helped Dube define church-state relations in colonial South Africa, thus forging the role that African clergy would later need to play in the struggle for South Africa’s freedom and democracy. Although his work influenced various aspects of African people’s lives such as the social, political, educational and economic, he firmly located himself in the church as a pastor and Christian activist whose vocation was to struggle for all the freedoms that were denied to his people, including freedom of religion. This study offers a brief profile of John Dube as a political theologian and highlights his contribution to the struggle of African people for the freedom from colonial and white rule. -
When the ANC and the SACP Created Umkhonto We Sizwe In
When the ANC and the SACP created Umkhonto we SIzwe in 1961 to take up arms against the State for the attainment of basic political rights, few people could have imagIned that the predictions made by the British Priae Minister, Harold Macmillan, in Cape Town on 3 February 1960, would become a reality in less than thIrty years. What he told Parliament and the world at large on that day was that "the wind of change" was blowing throughout the African continent and "whether we like it or not this growth of national consciousness is a political fact. We must all accept it as a fact and our national policies must take account of It."(1) To the leaders of the South African government and to most White South Africans at the time Macmillan was not seen as a visionary but rather as a British politician interfering in South Africa's internal affairs. lor the government of Dr H.l. Verwoerd, with its strong belief in racial segregation and White domination, to accept the possibility of White Afrikaner nationalism capitulating to African nationalism was inconceivable. To Verwoerd, Black, but particularly African, political aspirations had no future in a South Africa under White rule. lor anyone to suggest otherwise or.to promote Black political rights, in a multi-racial democracy, particularly through extra-Parliamentary means, was to attack government policy and the right of Whites to rUle. Thus any demand by Blacks for equal political rights, with Whites, in a unItary state, whether peaceful or not, was outrightly re1ectd by the South African government, who banned both the PAC and the ANC in 1960 when, it thought, these organIzatIons had become too radical In their demands. -
Ffiffiffiffiffi Effi
K@ ffiffiffiffiffi effi ffi M 12, flow has,south Africa chosen to remember the past? After winning the 1994 election the ANC had a huge task of building a truly non-racial and democratic South Africa without forgetting its past. Anthony Sampson author of Mandela, The Authorised Biography, stated' that Mandela believed tl'we is no evilwhbh has been sq andemned by the wodd as Apaftheid' and there- fore had to find a way to forgive the perpetrators of the system of Apartheid without forgetting this crime against humanity. The ANC's solution to 'forgiving without forgetting' was the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in 1 996. 51.1 Reasons for the TRC t South Africa was a deeply divided soCiety with the majority of its people having been oppressed over a long period of time. During this period of oppression, Black,Sottth Africans vrcre killed and had their land taken : aWay from them. They were marginalised, dispossessed,,wod<ed for low wages under honendous conditions and lived in abject poverty. I . During the years of colotrial and,apartheid rule, thousan$.;g o{,aoJivists and freedqn fighters were kiHed, maimed and someeven disappeared without a trace. t Could all of these hurnan rights violations that were perpetrated by the while minority government and their agents just be forgot{eri? Ihis following is excerpt from Archbishop Desmond Tutu on the reasons for the TRC: ffi Now, let us focus on the role of the TRC in the process of nation building ffi@ With President Nelson Mandela being sworn in as the first democratically elected leader of South Africa, hg decided to find a tangible way to deal with the country's divided and oppressive past. -
Wahlen Und Parteien in Südafrika Von Christian Schmehl © 2015 Christian
I M P R E S S U M Wahlen und Parteien in Südafrika von Christian Schmehl © 2015 Christian Schmehl. Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Autor: Christian Schmehl Kontaktdaten Schildstr. 54 08525 Plauen [email protected] Dieses E-Book, einschließlich seiner Teile, ist urheberrechtlich geschützt und darf ohne Zustimmung des Autors nicht vervielfältigt, wieder verkauft oder weitergegeben werden. Hat Ihnen das E-Book gefallen, so empfehlen Sie Ihren Freunden den Download eines persönlichen Exemplars auf XinXii.com. Ein großes Dankeschön, dass Sie die Arbeit des Autors respektieren! Gliederung 1. Einleitung 2 2. Das Wahlsystem in Südafrika 3 3. Wahlen in Südafrika 3.1. Wahl zur Nationalversammlung 1994 5 3.2. Wahl zur Nationalversammlung 1999 6 3.3. Wahl zur Nationalversammlung 2004 7 3.4. Wahl zur Nationalversammlung 2009 8 3.5. Wahl zur Nationalversammlung 2014 9 4. Zusammenfassung und Ausblick 10 5. Parteien Südafrikas 5.1 In der Nationalversammlung 2014 vertretene Parteien 14 5.2 In früheren Nationalversammlungen vertretene Parteien 24 Literaturverzeichnis 29 Internetquellen 29 2 1. Einleitung Der Anfang der 1990er Jahre bedeutete nicht nur in Europa, sondern auch in Südafrika das Ende einer Epoche. Im Jubel um das Ende der Ost-West-Konfrontation trat der hiesige Wandel beinahe in den Hintergrund. Dennoch wurde in diesen wenigen Jahren der Grundstein für die Demokratisierung Südafrikas gelegt. Das System von Rassentrennung und Herrschaft der weißen Minderheit, die Apartheid, hatte jegliche innenpolitische Legitimität verloren und machte einem System der demokratischen Gleichberechtigung und Rassengleichheit Platz. Nach nunmehr zwanzig Jahren nach der ersten freien Wahl wurde 2014 die fünfte Wahl zur Nationalversammlung abgehalten. Dieses Jubiläum gibt Anlass, auf die Entwicklung von Wahl- und Parteiensystem Südafrikas zurückzublicken. -
Polokwane Conference
No. 87 January 2008 POLOKWANE CONFERENCE- Searchlight on Highlights 1. The Rowdiness at the Conference 2. “My Comrade, my brother….my Leader.” 3. Purge in the National Executive Committee 4./…. 1 4. Dr Dube and Zuma 5. “Umshini Wami” 6. Large number of Votes for the NEC does not always mean Power 7. Newly elected NEC gives Pride of Place to Fraudsters and Thieves 8. A Plague on both their Houses APDUSA VIEWS e.mail: [email protected] P.O. Box 8888 website: www.apdusaviews .co.za CUMBERWOOD 3235 2 1. The Rowdiness Toward Senior ANC members The rowdiness exhibited by a large section of the ANC conference towards Minister Lekota was a measure of the hostility the Zuma supporters showed towards the Mbeki faction symbolised by Lekota as its chief spokesman in the battle against the Zuma faction. According to Mbeki, the image that behaviour “conveyed to the country, the continent and the world was a bad image.”1 In his closing speech, Zuma described the behaviour as “a negative”. According to Mbeki: “The matter was addressed and delegates were told that their behaviour was unacceptable and indeed the behaviour improved.”2 Those of us viewing these “disturbing” scenes on television would have noticed that that behaviour was being exhibited in the very presence of Jacob Zuma. The question on everybody lips is: Why did Jacob Zuma not get up from his seated position and direct/instruct /request his supporters to stop behaving in that unacceptable manner? There appears to be only one answer: It was orchestrated rowdiness which had the full approval of Jacob Zuma! Postscript. -
South Africa's Amnesty Process: a Viable Route Toward Truth and Reconciliation
Michigan Journal of Race and Law Volume 3 1997 South Africa's Amnesty Process: A Viable Route Toward Truth and Reconciliation Emily H. McCarthy United States District Court for the District of Columbia Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, and the Rule of Law Commons Recommended Citation Emily H. McCarthy, South Africa's Amnesty Process: A Viable Route Toward Truth and Reconciliation, 3 MICH. J. RACE & L. 183 (1997). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl/vol3/iss1/4 This Symposium Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of Race and Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SOUTH AFRICA'S AMNESTY PROCESS: A VIABLE ROUTE TOWARD TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION? Emily H. McCarthy* The road to democracyfor South Africa was based on compromise. One of the most significant compromises made by the negotiators was the acceptance of an amnesty process culminating in the passage of the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act of 1995. The Act grants full indemnity from criminal and civil prosecution to anyone affiliated with a political organization who committed an "act associated with a political objective" and who fully discloses all relevant facts. The purpose of the Act is twofold: to establish the "truth" about the apartheid past and to promote "reconciliation" among South Africans. -
Segregation and Apartheid in Twentieth-Century South Africa
SEGREGATION AND APARTHEID IN TWENTIETH-CENTURY SOUTH AFRICA ‘This is an outstanding collection…gathering the harvest of twenty years of intense scholarly and political debate. Jim Campbell, Northwestern University, Illinois ‘Well-known to South Africanists as individual contributions, this collection of seminal essays deserves, and will now find, a wider and more multidisciplinary audience.’ C.R.D.Halisi, Indiana University Beinart and Dubow’s selection of some of the most important essays on racial segregation and apartheid in twentieth-century South Africa provides an unparalleled introduction to this contentious and absorbing subject. The volume includes: • a specially written introduction by the editors which contextualizes the historiographical controversy, taking into account the 1994 election and associated changes; • explanatory notes and article summaries to improve the accessibility of the material; • a glossary of unusual terms to facilitate understanding. William Beinart is Reader in History at the University of Bristol. Saul Dubow is Lecturer in History at the School of African and Asian Studies, University of Sussex. Rewriting Histories Rewriting Histories focuses on historical themes where standard conclusions are facing a major challenge. Each book presents 8 to 10 papers (edited and annotated where necessary) at the forefront of current research and interpretation, offering students an accessible way to engage with contemporary debates. Series editor Jack R.Censer is Professor of History at George Mason University REWRITING