ANTONIO FEDERIGHI - ARCHITETTO
Mirella Cirfi Walton
A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy Graduate Department of History of Art in the University of Toronto
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Antonio Federighi (1420-1483) was at the forefront of the Sienese Renaissance. He went to Rome to study antiquities first hand and brought back to Siena a rich repertory of classical motifs, He enjoyed the patronage of Popes and was given the prestigious appointment of capomaestro of the Opera del Duomo at Siena and Orvieto. He built palaces, churches, and was also supervisor of the Bottini of Siena. His architecture is also evident at
Sarteano. Why is it then, that a man who at the time rivalled Donatello, and who was preferred over Vecchietta by Pope Pius II, has been given such little attention? Considerable research has already been done on his sculpture, but little on his architecture. This research paper introduces Antonio Federighi's architectural oeuvre through careful study of archiva1 and secondary material. iii
It is impossible to produce a project of this nature in complete isolation. 1 wish to extend by gratitude to al1 those who have helped see this paper to its completion, with special thanks to the following individuals and institutions. The idea of researching the architecture of Antonio Federighi came from my supervisor, Prof. Hans-Karl Lücke at the Univerisity of Toronto. Bis enthusiasm, and great affinity for Siena convinced me that it was a topic worth investigating. 1 wish to thank him for his encouragement and for believing in me when 1 most needed it. 1 would also like to thank Dr. Susan Lücke for her valuable assistance when we were at the Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz. Prof. W. McAllister Johnson, my second reader, whose comments and suggestions during these past few months have been invaluable to me. 1 particularly appreciate his kindness and his continued guidance. My travel to Siena in 1993 was aided through the generous support of the Kinghorn Travel Scholarship. The support and timely assistance of my friends who were there throughout the various stages of my paper, Kathryn Jackson, Dawn Cain, and Dr. Patricia O'Grady. 1 am indebted to Santina Cirfi, Caroline Betsch, Prof. Jaye Wood, Prof. Rocco Capozzi and Sheila Carey; al1 of whom clarified some of those allusive foreign passages. Many thanks Athylyn Fitz-James for suggesting where to stay and with whom to speak whilst doing my research in Siena. Special thanks to Erin O'Neill who took time from her busy schedule to take photographs for me. My work progressed smoothly thanks to many institutions and staff. Of these especially: o the Robarts Librasy, University of Toronto. In particular, the Inter Library Loan Dept, who never fail to amaze me, no matter how obscure the request.
0 The staff of the Biblioteca Comunale degli fntronati, Siena, especially Dr. Cinzia Marianelli for her guidance and Dr. Renzo Pepi who continues to answer my many questions via post and the Internet and whose photographic ski11 can be seen at the end of this paper .
O Dr. Carla Zarrilli, Director of the Archivio di Stato di Siena, to whom 1 am deeply indebted, and to her staff. She is soley responsible for the compilation of Appendixes "A" and "Bu which display the full transcription of documents pertaining to the Coronamento della Cappella di Piazza and the Logge del Papa, the majority of which will be published here for the first time.
O Dr. Bruno Santi, Soprintendente per i Beni Artistici e Storici delle Province di Siena e Grossetto and his efficient staff.
0 Dr. Paula Rosa and Dr. Maura Masini who allowed me to be part of their restoration of Federighi's pancale at the Loggia della Mercanzia and who gave me great insights into the art of restoration. They also introduced me to Dr, Marco Giamello, of the Istituto di Mineralogia e Petrografia, Universita di Siena. Dr. Giamello and the director of that department, Prof. G. Sabatini gave me access to their technical data on the inaccessible Logge del Papa. It was irom this department that I obtained photographs of the pancale at the losqia. o Prof. Stefano Moscadelli at the Archivo delllOpera del Duomo who gave me access to the various documents. I particularly enjoyed my conversations about Federighi with him and Prof. Alessandro Angelini.
O Dr. Salvatore Pisani of the Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz who has continued to be of help over the months.
0 Antonella Garfi at the Universita di Siena, who answered many of my queries both in person and via the Internet.
O Special thanks for Dr. Aiardi at the Biblioteca Comunale in Pistoia and Prof. Fabio Mazzieri at the Istituto Statale d1Arte < O Dr. Carlo Bologni, scholar and archivist in Sarteano. Dr. Bologni opened up his private archives to me and gave me copies of important documents written by Dr. Domenico Bandini. 1 am deeply indebted to this kind gentleman. O Another very important acknowledgment must go to Dr. Fiamma Crestini and her colleagues Prof. Carlo Alessandrini and Mauro Losi who took time from their busy schedules in order to shoot and develop some photographs of Sant'Ansano for me. 1 especially want to thank Dr. Crestini who gave me her time and opened up her home to me in Siena and Pienza. She also drove me to Sarteano and helped me with my research. The Internet has become an important working tool for me. It has allowed me to stay in touch with many of my colleagues in Italy. It is also due to the Internet that I made my connection with Prof. Nicholas Adams from Vassar College. Over the months he has answered my queries and given me insight into some of the aspects of Siena in the Quattrocento. Last, but by no means least, 1 owe a great deal to my supportive husband Michael and my wonderful parents who have always been there over the years and whom 1 love very much. TO MICHAEL Who has shared in this in so many ways. TABLE OF CONTENTS Title Page ...... S. i Acknowledgments ...... iii Dedication ...... vi Table of Contents ...... vii List of Illustrations...... viii List of Abbreviations ...... xiv Chapter 1 - Introduction ...... Chapter 2 - Documented Works - Part l...... 17 * Cappella in Piazza del Campo * Logge del Papa Chapter 3 - Churches of Siena ...... 36 Chapter 4 - Palazzi of Siena ...... 74 Chapter 5 - Engineering Works ...... 108 * Bottini * Torre del Mangia Chapter 6 - Documented Works - Part 2...... 129 * Plans for the Camposanto * Palazzo Arcivescovile Chapter 7 O Sarteano - 1467-1474 ...... 137 Chapter 8 - Conclusion...... 155 Bibliography ...... 155 Appendix "A" ...... ,...... 162 Appendix "B" ...... O*...... t 171 Appendix "Cu...... ,...e.,....,...... 180 Appendix "D"...... 184 illustrations ...... *...,...... LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figures Page 1 Sermon of San Bernardino in Piazza del Campo, Sano di Piero, 1430. (postcard: Scala, Antella, Firenze) ...185 2. Coronamento della Cappella di Piazza, Antonio Federighi, 1460-1470. Siena ...... l 86 3. Loggia del Biagallo, Alberto Arnoldi (?), 1352-61. Florence. (from John White, Art and Architecture in Italy 1250-1400, p. 504.) ...... l87 SanttAnsanotLoggia della Mercanzia, Antonio Federighi, 1458-1459. Siena ...... J88 Pancale, Loggia della Mercanzia, Antonio Federighi, 1464. (Photo taken by: Dr. Fiamma Crestini) ...... 189 Cappella di Piazza, North Side, Siena...... 190 Cappella di Piazza, Front Façade. Siena...... 191 Cappella di Piazza, South Side. Siena ...... A92 Close-up of Coronamento, North Side. Siena ...... 193 Close-up of Coronamento. Front Façade. Siena ...... 193 Close-up of Coronamento, South Side. Siena ...... 194 Detail of Pancale, Loggia della Mercanzia. Siena ...... 195 Close-up of Niche of Coronamento, Right Pier. Front Façade of Cappella di Piazza. Siena ...... 196 14. Logge del Papa, Antonio Federighi, 1460. Siena. (Photo by Lensini, Siena) ...... mm.~.m...... 197 15. Close-up of Piccolomini Coat-of Arms and Capital, Logge del Papa, Antonio Federighi and Urbano da Cortona, 1460. Siena. (Photo by Lensini, Siena) ...... 198 16. Wreath #5 on Pancale, Logge del Papa, Antonio Federighi, 1460. Siena. (Photo taken by: Dr. Marco Gimello) ...... 199 17. Detail of Snake and Mouse, Top Left. Wreath #5, Logge del Papa. Siena. (Photo taken by: Dr. Marco Giamello) ...... 200 18. Sant'Ansano in Castelvecchio, Façade. Siena. (Photo taken by: Erin O'Neill) ...... 201 19. Diagram of Sant'Ansano Façade ...... 202 20. Detail of Window "A1', Sant'Ansano, Antonio Federighi (?), 1443. (Photo taken by: Dr. Fiamma Crestini) ...... 203 21. Detail of Pancale, Loggia della Mercanzia. Siena,...... 204 22. Detail of Window "Bw, Sant'Ansano, Antonio Federighi (?), 1443. (Photo taken by: Dr. Fiamma Crestini) ...... =...... 205 23. Detail of Window "O", SanttAnsano, Antonio Federighi (?), 1443. (from: Bruno Mantura, "Contribuito ad Antonio Federighi", p. 100.) ...... 206 24. Detail of Window "C", SanttAnsano, Antonio Federighi (?), 1443. (Photo taken by: Dr. Fiamma Crestini) ...... 207 25. Detail of Window "D", Sant'Ansano, Antonio Federighi (?), 1443. (Photo taken by: Dr. Fiamma Crestini) ...... 208 26. SanttAnsano in Castelvecchio. (from: Piero Torriti, Tutta Siena, p. 215.) ...... ,.209 27. Detail of Window "En, SantlAnsano, Antonio Federighi (?), 1443...... m...... 210 28. View of Cappella dei Diavoli and Palazzo dei Diavoli, Antonio Federighi (?), 1460. Siens., ...... 211 29. Cappella dei Diavoli, Front Façade. Siena ...... 212 30. Detail of Pediment, Front Façade, Cappella dei Diavoli. Siena ...... -.....*...... -...... 2l3 31. Detail of East Façade, Cappella dei Diavoli. Siena .....214 32. Cappella dei Diavoli, East Façade. Siena ...... -215 33. Santa Caterina in Fontebranda, detail of Front Façade. Francesco di Duccio del Guasta, (design) 1464, erected by Antonio Federighi, 1464-1474, Siena. (Photo taken by: Erin O'Neill)...... w...-.216 34. Allesoria delle oriqini dell'ospedale di Siena, Lorenzo di Pietro (Vecchietta), 1441. Fresco, Santa Maria della Scala, Siena. (from: Francesco di Giorgio, Exhibition Catalogue, 1993, p. 46) ...... 217 35. Wreath #3 on Pancale, Logge del Papa, Antonio Federighi, 1460. Siena. (Photo taken by: Dr. Marco Giamello) ...... 218 36. Santa Maria delle Nevi, Antonio Federighi (?), 1470. Siena. (Photo taken by: Dr. Renzo Pepi) ...... 219 37. Detail of Façade, Top Right Capital. Santa Maria delle Nevi. Siena. (Photo taken by: Dr. Renzo Pepi) ...220 38. Detail of Right Façade showing missing Arco dei Malavolti. Santa Maria delle Nevi. Siena. (Photo taken by: Dr. Renzo Pepi) ...... 221 39. Detail of Pediment, Santa Maria delle Nevi. Siena ...... 222 40. Detail of Bishop Cinughi's Family Csest, Façade, Santa Maria delle Nevi. Siena. (Photo taken by: Dr. Renzo Pepi) ...... -222 41. Contrada del Drago Emblem ...... 223 42. Baptismal Font, Antonio Federighi (?), c. 1460. Cappella di San Giovanni, Duomo di Siena. Siena...... 223 43. Pedestal in front of Cappella di San Giovanni, Front Panel, Antonio Federighi (?), 1480. Right Pedestal, Duomo di Siena. Siens...... 224 44. Pedestal in front of Cappella di San Giovanni, Front Panel, Giovanni di Stefano (?), 1480. Left Pedestal, Duomo di Siena. Siena ...... m...... m...... 22S 45. Detail of Right Pedestal, Right Side Panel, Antonio Federighi (?), 1480. Siena .....m...... -226 46. Detail of Right Pedestal, Left Side Panel, Antonio Federighi (?), 1480. Siena ...... -227 47. Roman Funerary Altar. Claudian Period. (from: Paul Zanker, The Power of Imaqes in the Ase of Ausustus, p. 280) ...... 22 8 48. Dolphin Intarsia, Antonio Federighi, c.1475. Outside Pavement, Duomo di Siena. Siena...... 229 49. Seven Acres of Man, Antonio Federighi, c.1474. Intarsia, Duorno di Siena. Siena. (from: G. Cecchini,Il Pavimento del Duomo di Siena, Figure 22) ...... 230 50. Detail of Dolphin and Stag Border, Seven Ases of Man, Intarsia, Duomo di Siena. Siena. (from: Piero Sanpaolesi, "Aspetti dell'architettura del Quattrocento...", Figure 30) ...... 231 51. Erythrean Sibvl, Antonio Federighi, 1482. Intarsia, Duomo di Siena ...... *...... 23l 52. Detail of Federighi's Signature, Erythrean Sibvl, 2482 ...... 232 53. Palazzo Buonsignori (Pinacoteca Nazionale), 1450s. Siena ...... 233 54. Palazzo delle Papesse, Bernardo Rossellino (design), erected by Antonio Federighi, 1460. Siena ...... 234 55. Palazzo delle Papesse, Siena ...... 235 56. Palazzo delle Papesse, Siens...... 236 57. Interior Courtyard, Palazzo delle Papesse. Siens...... 237 58. Well in Courtyard, Palazzo delle Papesse. Siena...... 238 59. Palazzo dei Diavoli, enlarged by Antonio Federighi, 1460. Siena ...... ~~*~*omm~m~~~m~m239 60. Detail of Façade, Palazzo dei Diavoli. Siena ...... 240 61. View of Wreaths of Façade and Tower, Palazzo dei Diavoli. Siena ...... -240 62. Back View, Palazzo dei Diavoli. Siena ...... ,,. 241 63. Detail of Wreath, Palazzo dei Diavoli. Siena ...... 242 xii 64. Palazzo Sallustio Bandini, Antonio Federighi (?), c.1464. Siena ...... 243 65. Detail of Windows, Piano Nobile, Palazzo Sallustio Bandini. Siena ..,...... ,.243 66. Detail of Pediment over Main Door, Palazzo Sallustio Bandini. Siena ...... 244 67. Palazzo Calusi Giannini, Antonio Federighi (?), 1460s. Siena ...... ,...... a...... -...... a. ..244 68. Detail of Piano Nobile and Top Storey, Palazzo Calusi Giannini. Siena ...... *...... e...... 245 69. Detail of filasters of Ground Floor and Piano Nobile, Palazzo Calusi Gisnnini. Siena ...... ,...... e.....246 70. Palazzo Costantini, Follower of Antonio Federighi (?). Siena ...a...œ...... *...... 247 71. Detail of Main Portal, Palazzo Costantini- Siena...... 248 72, Portico and Entrance to Courtyard, Follower of Antonio Federighi. Pontignano ...... 249 73. Close-up of Portico. Pontignano ...... 250 74. Albergo Tre Donzelle (Palazzo Federighi), Antonio Federighi (?), 1461. Siena ...... 25l 75. Detail of Quoins, Palazzo Federighi. Siena ...... 252 76. Detail of Windows, Side Façade. Palazzo Federighi. Siena ...... 253 77. Detail of Façade, Palazzo Federighi. Siena...... 254 78. Detail of Garland Frieze with Vegetable and Domestic Animals, Palazzo Federighi. Siena ...... 255 79. Plan of Oriqinal Palazzo Arcivescovile adjacent to the Duorno di Siena, Benedetto Giovannelli, mid seventeenth century. Roma: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Chig. P. VIL1 1, cc. 38v.-39r. (from: Gioia Romagnoli, "Nuovi Documenti sulla Construzione della Cappella del Vota...", Figure 51) ...... 256 xiii 80. Veduta della piazza del Duomo di Siena primadelle demolizioni, Francesco Periccioli (?), mid seventeenth century. Roma: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Chig. P. VIL1 1, cc. 50v.-51r. (from: Gioia Romagnoli, "Nuovi Documenti sulla Construzione della Cappella del Voto ...", Figure 52) ...... *257 81. Pianta del Duomo di Siena, Benedetto Giovannelli, mid seventeenth century. Roma: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Chig. P. VIL1 1, cc. 38v.039~(from: Gioia Romagnoli, "Nuovi Documenti sulla Construzione della Cappella del Voto ...", Figure 54) ...... 258 82. Plan of Sarteano ...... 259 83. Castel10 Fanelli, Sarteano ...... 260 84. Façade of the Church of San Francesco, Antonio Federighi (?), c.1467-1474. Sarteano ...... 261 85. Detail of Dolphin Capital, Façade of Duomo di Pienza, Antonio Federighi (?), c.1458-1462. Pienza ...... 262 86. Detail of Door, Duomo di Pienza, Antonio Federighi (?). Pienza ...... -263 87. Well in Giardino Pensile, Palazzo Piccolomini, Antonio Federighi (?), c.1458-1462, Pienza...... 263 88. Detail of Façade, Duomo di Pienza. Pienza...... 264 89. Detail of Façade, Church of San Francesco. Sarteano ....264 90. Detail of Door, Church of San Francesco. Sarteano ...... 265 91. Detail of Left Door, Duomo di Pienza. Pienza...,...... 266 92. Detail of Door, Santa Maria delle Nevi. Siena, (Photo taken by: Dr. Renzo Pepi) .....*...... -...... O267 xiv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AOMS - Archivio del Opera Metropolitana di Siena ASS - Archivio di Stato di Siena BCI - Biblioteca Cornunale degli Intronati di Siena CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION HISTORIOGRAPHY Antonio Federighi is mainly regarded as a Sienese sculptor who had a successful career in the latter half of the fifteenth century. His activity as a sculptor has been thoroughly researched and discussed since the late nineteenth century. Elinor Richter, in 1984, produced an exemplary dissertation on Federighi's sculpture, wbich for the first time introduces al1 extant material on his life. While her thesis concentrated on the sculptural aspect of Federighi's career, she also included a catalosue raisonne that took into account some of his documented architectural works. From her careful study it is possible to determine who the important historians have been and what they had to Say about this enigmatic man. The intent of thîs researcn paper is to continue the study already begun by Ettore Romagnoli in the 1830s, Gaetano Milanesi in 1850s, John Paoletti in 1970s and Elinor Richter in the 1980s. The current objective is to introduce archival documents and secondary material in order to give a fuller understanding of Federighi's architectural activity within Tuscany. It has nevertheless been necessary to limit this paper to Federighi's activity in Siena and vicinity during the years 1443 to 1483. Also beyond the scope of this paper is a detailed stylistic analysis of the monuments themselves. A future study will focus on ground plans, interior elevations, and additional in-depth archiva1 work, While Federighi was surrounded by quite impressive sculptors such as Donatello and Vecchietta, both of whom competed with him on the important sculptural commissions in Siena, Federighî remained relatively unchallenged as an architect. Being capomaestro of the Opera del Duomo (OPA) of Siena for over thirty years and having Pope Pius II as a patron, guaranteed him certain privîleges over the other artists. The study of fifteenth-century architecture can be frustrating at times as it is almost impossible to determine who designed and built a particular building. It was then common practice to attribute the design and construction of a given building to the patron, Scholars have since had to depend on archives and cornmentaries in hopes of revealing the nane of the architect concerned, Sometimes, as in the case of Federighi's Logge del Papa and the Coronamento della Cappella in Piazza, we find receipts and payments made to the architect responsible for that site. If these receipts do not exist, then careful stylistic analysis is required to 3 assign certain buildings to an artist's oeuvre. The use of contemporary chronicles or biographies provide useful insights concerning some of these attribution problems.' Unfortunately, two of Federighi's works, the Logge and the Cappella in Piazza, although well-documented, have at times, been considered the works of others. Most nineteenth-century biographers classify Federighi both as an architect and sculpter. Ettore Romagnoli was proud in being the first to recognize Federighi's importance in the history of Sienese art and "reintroduce" him to us Dy writing a biography in 1835. In his preface he claims that "Antonio Federighi è uno di coloro il cui merito non decanto l. Allegretto Allegretti, "Diario Sanese d'Allegretto Allegretti delle cose seguite a suo tempo cioe da1 1450 fino all' anno 1496," in 1 Storie di Siena Di diversi Scrittori Estratte da vari manoscritti antichi, (KI, Siena. Ms. A. VIII. 42). fo. 19 (28): Tommaso Fecini, "Cronaca Senese di Tommaso Fecini (1431-1479)," in Rerum Italicarum Scriptores XV, ed. Alessandro Lisini e Fabio Iacometti (BCI, Siena. Ms. A. VI. 9, c. 136v; published, Bologna: 1931-1939, 2nd Edition), II, pp.837-874; Le Vite Di Pio II di Giovanni Antonio Campano e Bartolomeo Platina, ed. Giulio C. Zimolo (Bologna: Zanchelli, 1964); Sigismondo Tizio, Historiarum Senensium ab initio urbis Senarum usque ad annum MDXXVIII (1528) (BCI, Siena. Ms. B. III 6-15); Orlando Malavolti, Dell'Historia di Siena (BCf, Siena. Ms. LII, E. 52; published, Venice: MDXCIX (1599); Alfonso Landi, Racconti di pitture, di statue e d'altre oPere eccelenti che si ritrovanno ne' Templi e nesli altri luoshi pubblici della citta di Siena (1655), (BCI, Siena. Ms. L. IV. 14); Giovvacchino Faluschi, Breve relazione delle cose notabile della citta di Siena. Ampliata e Corretta (Siena: Nella Stamperia Mucci, 2nd edizione, MDCCCXV). corne dovea la f ama. "' It is often suggested that Federighi's architectural career was overshadowed by the illustrious careers of fellow Sienese, namely Francesco di Giorgio and, later, Baldassarre Peruzzi. Romagnoli also is the first to divulge that Federighi "era ingegnere del cornune." While this statement refers to some work Federighi did in installing the bronze bel1 in the bel1 tower of the Palazzo Pubblico in 1468, it also highlights Federighi's tenure as the operaio, (supervisor) of the bottini of Siena in 1480. This latter rôle, which was considered a very important civic appointment, has been largely ignored by modern Italian scholarship. While Romagnoli's account on Federighi's life and oeuvre is informative, it is by no means without errors. Rornagnoli claims that in 1485 Federighi was put in charge of restorations of buildings.' It has been established by several scholars that Federighi had already died on January 15, 1483. Therefore, it is unlikely that it is "our" Federighi of whom Romagnoli speaks, but perhaps one of his sons. Aurelio or Ortenzio may have gone into business with 2. Ettore Romagnoli, Biocrrafia Cronoloc~icadelBellartisti Senesi, 1200-1800 (1835 original manuscript; Firenze: Edizioni S.P.E.S., 1976), IV, p. XI. 3. Romagnoli, p. 602. "Ne1 1485: Antonio di Federigo Lapicida fü dal'magistrato di Biccherna deputato ai restauri delle fabbriche con Vincenzo di Mo Senesino, e con Pietro di Mo Guidoccio. " thei r father .' In 1878, Eugène Müntz makes reference tu Federighils close relationship with Pope Pius II. Müntz states that in addition to the famous Logge del Papa, Federighi also participated in some of the renovations at the Basilica di San Francesco and in the Archbishopls Palace? In the same year as Müntz, Gaetano Milanesi published his edition of Giorgio Vasari's Vite. Milanesi, in the Lives of Frznc~scodi Giorgio and Lorenzo Vecchietta, carefully "corrects1'Vasari, who does not include Federighi in his Vite. Milanesi is one of the first historians who makes reference to Antonio Federighi's important status as the preferred architect of Pope Pius II."n Milanesi's Docurnenti dell'Arte Senese, Federighi is referred to as both 4. Romagnoli and Richter recount that he had three sons Aurelio, Ortenzio, and Federigo and a daughter Julia. Concerning Federigo, Romagnoli claims that "non segui la professione paterna ..." which implies that Aurelio and Ortenzio may have followed their father's profession. (Romagnoli, p. 559; Elinor Richter, "The Sculpture of Antonio Federighi" [Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 19841, pp. 26-27.) 5. Eugène Müntz, Les Arts a la Cour des Papes pendant le XVe et le XVIe Siècle (Paris: Ernest Thorin, 1878), p. 306. 6. Vasari combines Francesco di Giorgio and Lorenzo Vecchiettals Vite. While he attempts to define both these artists' works, he definitely embellishes their oeuvres. Milanesi carefully points out which works belong to these men and which works should be credited to others. (Giorgio Vasari, Le vite de' ~iueccelenti ~ittori,scultori e architettori, ed. G. Milanesi (Firenze: G.C. Sansoni, 187801885), III, pp. 73, 76.) an architect and a sculptor. Within these pages, Milanesi attempts to reconstitute many of Federighi's monuments.' August Schmarsow, in 1889, presents the most knowledgable presentation of Federighi's oeuvre. In his article, he introduces Federighi's works and attempts to define them within the milieu of contemporary Sienese art. To Schmarsow, Federighi's style is totally uncommon and purely idiosyncratic. Relying heavily on Milanesi's earlier scholarship and persona1 archival research, Schmarsow establishes a solid foundation of data which later scholars will augment. German scholars in the last couple of decades of the nineteenth century include summaries on Federighi.' These sources agree that Federighi was the author of Cappella dei Diavoli, the Logge del Papa, and the marble bench (pancale) at the Loggia della Mercanzia. Jansen, who devotes several pages to Federighi, emphasizes Federighi's important position in Siena, as an architect and Operaio of the 7. Gaetano Milanesi, Documenti per la storia dell'arte Senese (Siena: Onorato Porri, 1856; reprint, Holland: DAVACO Publishers, 1969), III, p. 367. 8. A. Seubert, "Federighi, Antonio," Allsemeines Künstler- Lexicon oder Leben un Werke der Berühmsteten Bildenden Künstler (Stuttgart: Verlag von Ebner & Seubert, 1878), pp. 488-499; Albert Jansen, "Antonio. Antonio Federighi oder Antonio di Federico," Allsemeines Künstler-Lexicon. Unter Mitwirkuncr der Namhaftesten Fachcrelehrten des in und Auslandes, ed. Julius Meyer (Leipzig: Verlag von Wilhelm Engelmann, 1878), 11, pp. 138-140; H. A. Müller 6 H. W. Singer, "Federighi de'Tolomei, Antonio," Allqemeines Künstler-Lexicon: Leben und Werke der Berühmsteten Bildenden Künstler (Frankfurt: Rütten 6 Leoning, 1894), 1, p. 428. bottini. To Federighi's growing list of monuments, he adds the Palazzo delle Papesse and the Coronamento della Cappella in Piazza. In 1907, De Nicola's article adds little new information to the prevîous scholarship. He does, however, mention the baptismal font in the Cappella di San Giovanni at the Duomo of Siena, attributing it, as a late work, to Federighi. The Loggia di San Caterina in Fontebranda may also be considered a work of Federighi. Italian scholars have, since the early decades of this century, contributed considerable knowledge to the study of Federighi's oeuvre. The 1904 Sienese exhibition, "Il Palazzo Pubblico di Siena e la Mostra dtAntica Arte Senese", highlighted the various architectural segments of the Palazzo Pubblico. Riccî discussed the historical significance of each of these building segments. He was the first to see the incredible similarities between Federighi's frieze for the Coronamento della Cappella and the frieze at the Temple of Divi Antonius and Faustina in the Forum Romanum . Venturi, in 1923, attempted to correlate the different buildings of Siena and assign architects to them. Sanpaolesi, who wrote in the 1940s, praises Venturi's 9. Corrado Ricci, Il Palazzo Pubblico di Siena e la Mostra dlAntica Arte Senese (Bergamo: Istituto Italiano d'Arti Grafiche, 1904), p. 14. groundbreaking work. However, he finds fault with Venturi's methodology, describing it as "aesthetic". Despite this assessment, Venturi's contribution to our understanding of Federighi as an architect is important. The long list of monuments which Venturi introduces is significant, as it is the first of its kind with respect to Federighi. Sanpaolesi is, moreover, correct in his evaluation of Venturi's methodology. Venturi discusses the works on a persona1 level and not a philological one. Pelèo Bacci, from Pistoia, renowned for his contribution to the field of art history, wrote what would have been the first monograph on Antonio Federighi. This long-awaited monograph was to be published sometime in the late 1930s. Unfortunately, this work was never published. It seems that Bacci's correspondence and papers from 1910 to his death on 10 February 1950, have disappeared. The manuscript concerning Federighi may be with those missing documents. 'O 10. The advertisement of the proposed monograph appeared on the frontispiece of the 1936 edition of Bacci's Francesco di Val dambrino. In 1993, I made an attempt to locate the unpublished manuscript and examined the files of his fondo in Pistoia, the Istituto Statale d'Arte in Siena (formerly lfAccademia dtArte), and the State archives where Bacci was Soprintendente all'Arte Mediovale e Moderna di Siena until his death in 1950. I wish to thank Prof. Aiardi, at the Biblioteca Fonteguerriana in Pistoia, who made available al1 of Bacci's papers from the 1880s to 1910. Special thanks also to Dr. Fabbio Mazzieri of the Istituto Statale dlArte, who gave me 9 Sanpaolesi, on the other hand, was able to correct and improve Venturi's list. Sanpaolesi places Federighi within the artistic milieu of the mid-fifteenth century. Since his article ernphasizes the great contributions of Francesco di Giorgio, it is not surprising that his assessment of Federighi's work is unenthusiastic. Despite the archival material that is available confirming Federighi's authorship of the Coronamento della Cappella, Sanpaolesi insists that the griffin frieze shows "too sreat" an understanding of ancient Rome and therefore could not be Federighi's work. Federighi's journey to Rome was obviously not known to Sanpaolesi when he wrote his article in 1949. It is Sanpaolesi's insistence that Federighi never travelled beyond the Sienese border, that forms his bias. According to Sanpaolesi, Federighi had no true understanding of classical architecture. If he had, he would not have designed buildings combining classical elements with Gothic ones, or mixed up the Orders. Sanpaolesi's own understanding of the Renaissance seems to be that of the later Quattrocento. Federighi was perhaps closer to the eclectism of Leon Battista Alberti, who borrowed classical Roman motifs and adapted them to a Tuscan environment.'' Federighi's access to al1 of Baccits papers from the 1930s to 1950. 11. For a discourse on Alberti's eclectism, see Christine Smith, 'Nom Versus Innovation: The Problem of the Middle Ages," in Architecture in the Culture of Early Humanisrn, idiosyncratic style is readily seen in his sculpture whese he blends disparate figures to form such classically-charged pieces as his acquasantieri (holy water basins) in the Duomo at Orvieto and Siena. For Federighi it was not important to replicate the images of Rome precisely as he had experienced them. It was enough to introduce Roman elements into an already established Sienese tradition. This local tradition was predominately Gothic. This, as we wiïl soon see, did not pose any problem for Federighi. What he would do if a building already existed, as in the Cappella in Campo, was "modernize' it by adding rounded arches and ancient f riezes, or classcal detailing such as dentil moulding. These "modern" elements successfully incorporated into the local tradition personified Federighi's eclecticism. It is his innovative design that sets Federighi apart from other Sienese architects of his generation. Enzo Carli, in his book on Pienza in 1966, asserts that a Sienese designer must have headed the sculptural workshop at Pienza. He believes that Antonio Federighi was responsible for the sculptural programme on the façade of the Duomo, and the architectural relief-work at Palazzo Piccolomini, including the well in the Giardino Pensile.12 Mantura, who carefully studied Federighi's sculpture, Ethics, Esthetics, and Eloquence, 1400-1470 (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1992), pp. 57-79. 12. Enzo Carli, Pienza: La Citta di Pio II (Roma: Casa Editrice Editalia, 1966). pp. 99-100. found a correlation between the sculpted pilasters on the Pancale at the Loggia della Mercanzia, and the framed Renaissance windows of the ancient church of Sant'Ansano in Castelvecchio. He also found archiva1 material that showed payments made to Federighi in 1443 when the church of Sant' Ansano was renovated. This is an important attribution sînce it places Federighi at the forefront of the Sienese Renaissance. This establishes him as a ploneer of the "new" style al1 'anticaL3. Two of the most important works dedicated to Federighi's oeuvre have been written by Paoletti in 1974, and Richter in 1984". These two scholars have made major strides in our understanding of Antonio Federighi. Their collective work incorporates al1 extant documentation of Federighi's activities from as early as 1433 to 1505. No major work has appeared since Richter's monumental undertaking in 1984. It is apparent, from an examination of this bibliography, that the majority of the scholarship has, with the exception of Venturi and Sanpaolesi, been devoted to Federighi's sculpture. It is the intent of this paper to add to the existing body of research, and to re-establish 13 See Bruno Mantura, '"Contribuito ad Antonio Federighi," Commentari: Revista di Critica e Storia dellfArte,XXIX (1968), pp. 98-110. 14. John Paoletti, "Antonio Federighi: A Documentary Re- Evaluation and New Attribution," Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen (1974), pp. 87-145; Richter, "The Sculpture of Antonio Federighi" (1984). 12 Antonio Federighi as one of the first Renaissance architects in Siena. ANTONIO FEDERIGHI, 1420-1483 Antonio Federighi's birth place and date are uncertain. Richter has established that he may have been born in Siena around 1420.'5 He was a pupil of Jacopo della Quercia and undoubtedly learned his classicisizing style from him. He was employed by the Opera del Duomo (-A) workshop as early as 1438 and progressed through its apprentîceship programme until he reached the level of Maestro in 1445.'" It has been suggested that Federighi obtained the important position of capomaestro of the Duomo of Orvieto through the recommendation of Pietro di Minella, with whom he had worked earlier. Also in the 1440~~Mantura has already shown that Federighi played a crucial rôle in the restoration of Sant'Ansano in Castelvecchio. Federighi's first documented trip to Rome took place in 1448. He was called to Pope Nicholas V's court, where he undoubtedly would have met Alberti and Bernardo Rossellino who were also working for the Pope. The reason for his summons has not been established. Richter believes that he rnay have made another trip to Rome in the Jubilee year of - -- 15. Richter, p. 10. 16. John Paolettî, "Quercia and Federighi, " The Art Bulletin (September 1968), L, 3, p. 281; cf. Richter, p. 10. 1450. A third and final trip in 1480 has been alluded to by Peleo Bacci. 17 These trips to Rome are crucial to our understanding of Federighi's architectural development. Without this direct exposure to the antiquities of Rome it is doubtful that Federighi's work would have shown such a keen awareness of the classical style. The possible meeting with Alberti and Rossellino in Rome would also have influenced Federighi, thus securing his position as an innovative desigcer. Federighi may have met Alberti as early as the spring and summer of 1443, when Alberti was in Siena." It is no surprise that Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini, who as Pius II would become one of the greatest Humanist popes in 1458, would have already become well versed in the Humanist architecture of Cosimo the Elder. Piccolomini may have met Federighi in Rome during the Jubilee Year. It is certain that they would have met later in the year, when Piccolomini was made Bishop of Siena on 23 September 1450. This early contact in 1450 is perhaps what secured Federighi as Pius's persona1 architect in 1458. Also in 1450, Federighi was elevated to the position of capomaestro of the Duomo of Siena, a position which he held 17. Pelèo Bacci, Francesco di Valdambrino: Emulo del Ghiberti e Collaboratore di Jacopo della Quercia (Siena: Istituto Cornunale dtArtee di Storia, MCMXXVI-XVO), p. 410. 18. Girolamo Mancini, Vita di Leon Battista Alberti (Roma: Bardi Editore, 1967), p. 255. Alberti was in Siena for seven months when he accompanied Pope Eugenius IV in 1443. until ousted in 1480. Bacci and Scbmarsow, along with Federighi's own personal account in 1481, suggest that he was let go by the QPA for political reasons, and that he no longer had the full support of the influential Piccolornini and Spannocchi families." This seems plausible, as the 1480s was the beginning of turbulent unrest in Siena's political historyZ0. It was also, in the latter part of 1480, that Aringhieri was appointed the new O~eraioof the OPA. Aringhieri, who had different plans for the Duomots xorkshop, made plain his dislike for Federighi. Aringhieri brought in younger artists, such as Giacomo Cozzarelli and Giovanni di Stefano, who would carry out his vast plans for the Duomo and who would prove to be dangererous adversaries of ~ederighi." The 1460s are rightly considered Federighi's most productive years as an architect. Re was given the commission for the Logge del Papa as early as January 1460. This obviously concerned the City Council, as they had wanted Vecchietta to win the contract. Pius If, who would not be deterred, refused to accept Vecchietta's proposed mode1 for the Logge. Federighi supervised simultaneous 19. Bacci, p. 410; Schmarsow, p. 280; Milanesi, II, Doc. NO310, p. 436. 20. For an account of this period see, Mario Ascheri, Renaissance Siena, (1355-1559) (Siena: Nuova Immagine Editrice, 1993). 21. Schmarsow, p. 280. 15 projects throughout the 1460s. This period also saw the magnificent Palazzo delle Papesse, Cappella and Palazzo dei Diavoli, Palazzo Federighi, the Coronamento della Cappella in Piazza, and renovations on the Palazzo Arcivescovile and the Basilica di San Francesco. He oversaw the completion of the façade of Santa Caterina di Fontebranda, using Francesco di Duccio del Guasta's 1464 design. Palazzo Sallustio Bandini was erected in 1464, followed by Palazzo Calusi Giannini later in the decade. Along with other prominent artists and architects, Federighi is active at the building of La Rocca in Sarteano between 1467-1474. During this time, he may have designed and built the façade for the fourteenth-century church of San Francesco. It is very likely that he worked on the fifteenth-century Palazzo Piccolomini in Sarteano, owned by Pius's sister, Laudornia. There are strong parallels between the church in Sarteano and the Duomo of Pienza. As already mentioned, it is possible that Federighi assisted Rossellino at this site sometime during between 1458-1462. In 1471 Bishop Giovanni Cinughi, who was the first bishop of Pienza, paid for a church dedicated to Santa Maria delle Nevi in Siena. Federighi's hand is evident at this building too. During the 1470s, the Cappella dedicated to San Giovanni and intended to house the relic of St. John the Baptist's arm, was being planned. Federighi was commissioned to do the intarsia work in the Duomo at this 16 time. The pedestals supporting the colossal columns at the entrance of the cappella done in 1482, have been considered works by Antonio Federighi and Giovanni di Stefano. A petition signed by Federighi in 1480, establishes him as the Operaio of the bottini. This esteemed office, which has had many important men at its helm, fails to recognize Federighi's contribution. The reason for omission in the chroni cles is not clear . Perhaps Federighi ' s f al 1ing f rom political grace around this time rnay explain the silence. Federighi's last work, signed 1482, was the Erythrean Sybil part of Aringhieri's monumental programme for the floor of the Duomo. lt is unthinkable that a man in the service of the OPA for forty-three years, and who had been its head for thirty- three, could fa11 into such obscurity. He was obviously important enough to attract the attention of the Papacy and attain commissions from powerful patrons. There is a strong possibility that when the Mante dei Riformagioni was ousted from power in 1480, taking along with it many of Federighi's patrons, this also signified his demise as well. DOCUMENTED WORKS - PART 1 CORONAMEKPO DELLA CAPPELLA IN PIAZZA AND THE: LOGGE DEL PAPA The 1460s was a productive period for Antonio Federighi. During this time there was a marked increase in public and civic works in Siena. The Opera del Duomo (OPAI was busy implementing some of these projects, whicb included the request to "finish" the Cappella in Piazza within one year. Federighi, as capomaestro of the OPA, was responsible for this work. Also, as Pope Pius II's persona1 architect, Federighi was chosen over Vecchietta to construct a lowia in honour of Pius II's family in "piazza Piccolominif'. These two important commissions confirmed Federighi's importance and ski11 as an architect. There is no doubt that with these two monuments, the Cappella in particular, Federighi promulgated his unique style to future Sienese artists. The Logge del Papa was a new structure which Federighi designed entirely in the Renaissance style, while the Coronamento della Cappella in Piazza was added to a pre- existing structure in the Gothic style. The end result was 18 a harmonious amalgamation of designs that successfully fused the Gothic with the Renaissance, 1460-1470: THE CORONAMENTO DELLA CAPPELLA DI PIAZZA The Cappella di Piazza was begun in the fourteenth century as an ex voto to the Virgin Mary after the great pestilence of 1348. In 1352 the Commune of Siena ordered an altar to be annexed to the Torre del Mangia. The piers were started in 1376 by the -A's capomaestro, Giovanni di Cecco. A simple covering, functioning as a roof in the interim, was placed over the foliated capitals of the piers as seen in Sano di Piero depiction of San Bernardino preaching in the Campo, (1430) (Fig. 1). The San Bernardino painting clearly shows where Giovanni di Cecco's piers stopped in 1376. The outdoor altar with such an ornate "canopy" seems unusual (Fig. 2). Judith Hook observes that the fourteenth- century chape1 had a Florentine quality to it.' The closest, contemporary lossia wbich might have been known to Giovanni di Cecco and Antonio Federighi, was Alberto Arnoldi's Loggia del Bigallo (1352-61) in Florence (Fig. 3). The Loggia del Bigallots rounded arches are supported by square piers. Quadrifoils decorate the face of the piers and the archivolt. White comments that the graceful wrought-iron work offsets the severity of the architectural 1 Judith Hook, Siena: A City and its History (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1979), p. 97. structure. It is interesting to note that the author of the original gates waç a Sienese, Francesco Petrucci (1358).' Three niches crowned with pointed arches have been inserted in the upper storey oves the front arch at the lossia in Florence. Within each aedicula, is the statue of a saint, These outdoor niches with saints, popular at Orsanmichele, would also become fashionable in Siena, e.g. on the piers of the Cappella in Piazza and also at the Loggia della Mercanzia (Fig. 4). The Sienese cappella stood incomplete until it was decreed on 4 March 1460 that the crowning, or coronamento, had to be one of the priorities of the OPA. To that end, it was the Opera's responsibility to give the chape1 a proper roof within a year. "...quod Opera maioris ecclesie nostre magnifice civitatis teneatur et obligata sit in tempus unius anni proximi venturi fulcire, facere et finire dictant capellam secundum designum ordinatum bene et honorabilem, de marrno bono et aliis necessariis omnibus suis expensis Antonio was to finish this cappella "within one year", although the task would eventually take ten. Drawings are not known for this coronamento, but it can be said tht the end result is a "harmonious and honourable design", using 2. John White, Art and Architecture in Italy 1250-1400 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Ltd., 1987), p. 504. 3. ASS, Consiglio qenerale 228, c. 21217. Unpublished. Also see Appendix "A" for archiva1 materfal on the Cappella, some of which is published for the first time. the best rnarble, probably from Carrara. Scaffolding was taken down on 3 August 1470, at which time the city paid for salad and fruit, signifying that the Cornonamento della Cappella was finally finished.' The Coronamento della Cappella in Piazza is considered, by some, to be in the "full Renaissance style". This paper will show that this commission coincided with many other projects with which Federighi was involved in the early 1460s. All these buildings had some, even entire, elements of the Renaissance style. Federighi's use of classical motifs did not adhere to any prescribed formula as would be the approach at the end of the fifteenth century. Federighi skilfully incorporated elements from ancient Rome which he had seen first hand, into a purely Gothic Sienese environment. This ability to adapt or reinvent classical motifs to fulfil hîs specific needs is one of his most misunderstood qualities. For Federighi there was no need to "copy" from Ancient Rome, for he "borrowed" elernents which could be applied to various projects. The outcome of this was on the whole successful, The Coronamento is probably regarded as his masterpiece, Some scholars who have accepted that Federighi designed the structure, but not some of the relief-work, have not 4. "E a di 3 (d'agosto 1470) S. 3 dati per insalata et frutta quando ebbero disarmata l'armadura della capella. 1. O S. 3." Seguono 3 pagamenti di d. 8 sino a11'8 agosto." (AOMS, 702 [Bastardello del fattore], c. 77~) understood his undeniable ski11 at invention. They need look only at the Cappella dei Diavoli or at the pancaliS at the Loggia della Mercanzia (Fig. 5), and the Logge del Papa or the holy water basins in the Duomo. Al1 these creations show an understanding of the classical and an aptitude for transferring this knowledge ont0 stone. Viewing the cappella from a distance (Fig. 2), shows that the piers, completed in 1376, would have formed a square structure when it had been given a plain roof, as can be seen in Fig. 1. The cappella is not free-standing and is attached to the left side of the Palazzo Pubblico's façade. Its three marble sides protrude from the Palazzo just to the left of the museum entrance. Federighi has extended the roof height to equal one half of the existing pier height. These additional four piers, surmounted on the existing piers, elongate the square into a rectangle. Within this new set of piers, Federighi has ample space to insert a rounded arch on al1 three sides. The structure is made even talles by the addition of a prominent entablature (Figs. 6- 8) .* Niches, made to complement the Gothic niches below, are imbedded in each pier front. Three pedestals, which support the niches, have been given a variety of foliated designs in 5. Pancali are the large marble benches which Federighi carved for the Loggia della Mercanzia, (which has recently been cleaned - 1993), and the marble bench at the Logge del Papa, which cannot be seen since the whole building has been covered by scaffolding for several years. the dadi. Two other dadi have figurative motifs: a pair of cornucopiae with a head of an ange1 surrounded by wings on one, and another pair of cornucopiae with an eagle with wide-spread wings on the other (Figs. 9-11). The dado closest to the wall on the south side is left unsculpted, as are its pilasters. This may have been intentional. On the pancale at the Loggia della Mercanzia, Federighi has deliberately left part of a handle missing, giving the imrression of the vase being broken (Fig. 12). Perhaps this vase, and the blank pedestal and pilasters at the cappella, are enigmatic references to Antiquity in that only part of them can be seen because so much is still buried, or because the missing pieces are forever lost and irretrievable? The viewer is left to imagine what may or could have been intended for that spot. According to Torriti, free-standing figures were to inhabit al1 the niches of the cappella, but, unfortunately, this did not take place. Of the twelve commissioned for the lower piers, only ten or eleven ever materialized. Over time the rest, due to Wear or damage, were taken dom. Today, only six statues remain/ All the pilasters, except for the ones closest to the wall on the south side, have been given fluting for approximately two-thirds of the surface. For the rest, 6. Piero Torriti, Tutta Siena: Contrada per Contrada (Firenze: Bonechi-Edizioni < of the front façade, depicts figures (Fig. 13). Playful putti, amongst curvilinear tendrils of vegetation, are flanked by two majestic griffins who look outward from the panel. Egg-and-dart moulding is used above the dentil moulding on al1 six ovoli. The spandrels on al1 three sides have a dramatic display of wreaths and ribbons swirling freely over the surface. City shields have been set within the wreaths, depicting the Sienese emblems Balzana, and the Rampant Lion. ' The central panel on the north and south spandrels each have a vase with pedestals, out of which emerge different types of fanciful leaves. The main façade, whose arch spans wider than the two side arches, has no room for a central vase-motif panel. The wide span of voussoirs leaves room only for two wreaths. The crown of the cappella, in the purest sense, is 7. For a description of these two emblems, please refer to Chapter 3, n. 4. perhaps the most classical of the whole monument. As will be discussed in the next chapter, Federighi first introduced this Roman motif in the frieze of the Cappella dei Diavoli in 1460.' It is believed that he may have seen the griffin and candelabra frieze on the Temple of Divi Antonius and Faustina (141 AD)' on a trip to Rome a decade earlier. As with the Cappella dei Diavoli frieze, sets of griffins look towards a vase. Where there are two griffins facing away from each other, Federighi has entwined their long tails. This motif will be seen again at the pedestal in the Duomo (Fig. 46). The entwined tails is not evident at the Cappella dei Diavoli, or at the Temple of Divi Antonius and Faustina in Rome. The griffin's hawk-like beak appears to be visible in al1 of Federighi's monuments as well as the one in Rome, The cornice is distinctly classical with the dentil moulding and an egg-and-tongue ovolo. Just above this is the corona, which has the identical decorative motif as the Temple at Rome. The pattern continues along the entire perimeter of the coronamento. On 11 August 1468 the vaulting was begudO The iron 8. Chapter 3, pp. 53-55, and Fig. 31. 9. Now the baroque church of San Lorenzo Miranda (1602). 10. Allegretto Allegretti, "Diario Sanese d'Allegretto Allegretti delle cose seguite a suo tempo cioè da1 1450 fino all' anno 1496," in I Storie di Siena di diversi Scrittori Estratte da vari manoscritti antichi (BCI, Siena. Ms. A. VIII. 42, fo. 26v (36v in lapis). Unpublished, roof was added in 1470, and with that, the Cappella in Piazza was at last completed. Fecini wrote in his diary, "1470..[lacuna] D'Agosto fu finita la capella di marmi e tetto di piombo a piei la torre del Canpo."" Some scholars, up to 1949, deny that the cappella, especially the frieze, can be part of Federighi's oeuvre. Sanpaolesi has attributed this monument as well as the Palazzo dei Diavoli, to Giuliano Turapilli because, at the time of his writing, there were no documents showing Federighi's travels to Rome. Since Paoletti and Richter's ground-breaking research in 1974 and 1984, it is now proven that Federighi had direct exposure to the antiquities of Rome. It is not difficult to place this amongst his many creations. 1460-c.1466: THE LOGGE DEL PAPA One of Pope Pius II's priorities upon his accession in 1458, was the beautification of Corsignano and Siena. He had already hired Bernardo Rossellino, in 1458, to transform his home town of Corsignano into the first planned urban "Volte alla Capp.a di Pia2.a [in left margin] Et in questo tempo [Il Agosto 14681 si scoperse le [...] il tetto della Cappella del Campo per far le volte sa' [...) more O' vero colonne di marmo che cui si son fatto. " 11. Tommaso Fecini, "Cronaca senese di Tommaso Fecini (1431-1479)," in Rerum Itaiicarum Scriptores XV, ed. A. Lisini and F. Iacometti (Bologna: 1931-39, 2 ed.), II, p. 871. site in the Renaissance. Pius's intention with the Logge del Papa was the same, but on a less grand a scale. The Logge, as they exist today, is a simple three- arched marble structure set back from an open piazza (Fig. 14). Oves the centuries, some scholars have complained about the incongruity of this building with the rest of the buildings that surround it, Can it be that the Logge was only part of a larger concept? Perhaps it was another venture by Pius to transform an urban site, this tinte in Siena, into a harmonious amalgamation of Renaissance buildings as he was doing in Corsignano? Why is the building called "Loggew,which signifies the plural and not "Loggia", since it is only a single structure? Could it have been part of some other losqia or loqse of another building that never materialized? Documents show that the Counsel of Siena voted on 27 August 1460 to grant Pope Pius permission to build in the piazza his loasia, plus an llornatissirnumedifitium" . li At 12. ASS, Concistoro 563, c. 31r. Unpublished. (27 agosto 1460) "...domino nostro pape Pio secundo intelligantum relassate et donate cabelle emptionis facte per eius sanctitatem quarundam apotecarum positarum super platea Piccolominum pro utraque parte, ubi facere intendit unam pulcram loggiam et ornatissimum edifitium, et similiter ornes alie cabelle emptionum apotecarum et domorum pro utraque parte qua8 facet in dicto loco pro dicta loggia et edifitio faciendo sint et esse intelligantum usque nunc sibi relassate et donate obtempto prius solenni derogatione statutorum per 27 first reading, this might seem to refer to the present Palazzo Piccolomini across the square from the Logge on Banchi di Sotto. However this building was owned by Nanni Tedeschini Piccolomini, Pius's brother-in-law. Construction began 12 September 1469, five years after the pope's death." It too could have been part of a larger scheme. But this building is across the way from the Logge and not "on the side" as the documents seem to infer. Campano, Pius II's contemporary biographer, concurs that plans for the loasia did include a building adjoining it.14 A few months later, it seems that Pius had already begun to buy the surrounding homes and shops in order to build his Logge and "casamento", and was seeking the consent of the Signoria to allow him to purchase the rest. He was offering to pay a fair and honest price for themos5 In lupinos CXL albos redditos pro sic, lupinis XVX nigris in contrarium non obstantibus." (My emphases.) Please see Appendix "B" where pertinent archiva1 material has been collected regarding the Logge del Papa. 13. Fecini, p. 872. 14. "1460 - D'après Campano le pape se proposait de joindre à la loge un palais; c 15. ASS, Consiqlio Generale 228, c. 290v. Unpublished. (18 ottobre 1460) modern italian, casamento means a block of flats, but in the fifteenth century, for example, casamento implied a large house capable of accommodating several families.'" According to Müntz's findings in the Secret Treasury at the Vatican, construction of the Logge began in 1460. He contends that "modern scholars" are incorrect in dating the Logge at 1462. He claims that the "ancient authors" such as Faluschi and Romagnoli were correct with the 1460 date." Müntz found that 2000 ducati being paid for the Logge on 30 December 1460, with another 500 ducati were paid out on 18 June 1461, and again on 14 October.'* Antonio Federighi first appears in this Secret Treasury ledger on 6 January 1462, on which date he was paid two "...Pontefice papa Pio II intende et vuole fare et edificare nela citta vostra uno nobile et bel10 casamento: avendo [compratoj le case, buttighe et plaça dove tale casamento fare intende da padroni et signori di quelle per prezi giusti et ragionevoli et che di tali compre cosi per li venditori corne per 10 compratore al cornuno vostro non si paghi alcuna cabella; né si paghi etiamdio cabella dele cose si mettessero nela città vostra per fare el detto casamento solamente et per la loggia, che la santita sua ha ordinato doversi fare ala piaça Picholhomini." (My emphases.) 16. "Casamento:...Casa piutosto grande, e da abitarvi più famiglie. Da1 lat. barb. casamentuma.." (Vocabolario desli Accademici della Crusca. Quinta Impressione [Firenze: Galileiana di M. Cellini E.C., 18661, II, p. 622.) Muntz , "Les registre de la Trésorerie secrète prouvent que les travaux furent effectivement commencees en 1460." ducati. Federighi is also named as architect of the Logge. "1462 (v.s. 1461). 6 janvier. Duc. 2 dati di comandamento di Sua Santita a m0 Antonio scultore [Antonio Federighi] che fa la logia a Siena ....T.S. [Tesoro Segreto] fol. 92"'" A letter dated 28 March 1460 from the Republic of Siena to Goro Loli Piccolomini encouraged the Pontiff to use the talents of Vecchietta, who had already made a wooden model of the proposed building. The Republic sent Vecchietta, with his model, directly to Rome to persuade Pius II to change his mind. What the response was to this letter is unknown. The fact remains that Federighi was Pius II's preference for this important commission. Other accounts at the Archivio bear Federighi's name. In April of 1462 his salary was discussed and the Operaio of the WA was given full authority for determining Federighi's 1463 salary." Work must have progressed smoothly up to this point. Milanesi however, includes a very puzzling account written in September of that year. Apparently the document describes a legal compromise which was reached between Pius II's representative and Federighi. Over the summer there seems to have been some dispute over the designated plan of Piazza Piccolornini, which included the 19. Ibid. 20. AOMS, 714 (libro di debitori e creditori da1 1461 al 1482 chiamato "Memoriale nuovo rosso "), c. 121 left; cf, Paoletti, Doc. No82, p. 124 and Richter, Doc. No97, p. 204. area in front of the church of San Martino." It appears that the space in front of San Martino had to be enlarged. Federighi was obligated to pay for a certain portion from his own purse, while the pope was to pay for the rest. The dispute must have been settled amicably as Federighi was still supervising the project in 1463 and it seems that the work was progressing rapidly. On 23 April 1463, Federighi was given fourteen soldi to purchase a large Crane for usa at the Logge." A final letter regarding the building of the locmia is dated 12 October 1465, and mentions the transport of columris and other marbles to the "loggia del papa"." No further documents pertaining to this site have corne to light. Therefore it seems rnost probable that the Logge del Papa was finished circa 1466. 21. The piazza in front of the present Logge del Papa, which includes the church of San Martino and the side of Palazzo Piccolomini, appears to be unnamed on current maps of the city. The Sienese make reference to it as the piazza in front of San Martino, or the "Piazza delle Logge". On the earliest documents regarding construction of this area, it was referred to as "platea Piccolominium" or "piaça Picholhomini". (See Appendix "Bu.) 22, "Maestro Antonio Federighi nostro capomaestro di butigha ... e die dare infino a di XXIII dfaprile 1463 1. quatordici S. O e qualî denari sonno per una antenna grossa ebe da 1'Uopara la quale voleva adoperare per la logia fece del Papa. 1. XII11 S. - d.-. " (AOMS, 714 [libro di debitori e creditori dal 1461 al 1482 chiamato "Mernoriale nuovo rosso "1, ce 121 left; Milanesi, II, Doc. No310, p.437; Paoletti, Doc. No81, pp, 123-4; Richter, Doc. No96, p. 203.) 23 "...e per chagione del trainare colonne e altri marmi per la loggia del Papa, ..." (Richter, Doc, N0127, p. 226,) 31 After Pius's legal dispute with Federighi in September 1462, there is no further mention of either casamento or palazzo. Since archiva1 material is scant, it is difficult to state with certainty as to where this building, next to the loqqia, was to be situated. Pius could not have built it to the right of the losgia as the space between it and San Martino is very narrow. It is extremely doubtful that Pius would have considered moving, or been given permission to move, the ancient church of San Martino, in order to build a private residence." Another possibility might be that the building was to be built behind the Logge. The preceding historical background henceforth place the Logge del Papa in its proper context. Critics of this monument are correct in stating that the building seems out of proportion, and does not seem to belong to its location. If Pius's original design had materialized, then it is probable that the lossia would have been integrated with a series of new buildings around the piazza, and would not have attracted so much individual attention. Pius's reputation as being a determined and involved patron is well known. It has been said that even Rossellino had to bow down ta the Pontifffs demands at Pienza and could 24. Müntz also comrnents that Pius paid for the renovation of San Martino, as well as San Francesco and San Pellegrino. (Müntz, p. 306; Milanesi, II, p. 311.) not proceed with the work as he had intended." Federighi would not have escaped Pius's directives either, as the arbitration of 1462 clearly proves. As it stands today, the Logge del Papa is an open loqqia of white marble situated on a higher incline in Piazza Piccolomini, directly opposite the side façade of Palazzo ~iccolomini.'" Its overall structure extends out into the small piazza."1 -, Had it been placed a few feet back and followed the same lines as the church of San Martino next to it, the effect would have been more congruous. Unfortunately the resulting effect is a large rectangular building whose overpowering arches break up the harmony of its environment. It is difficult to state the losqia's present state of preservation as the building has been covered with scaffolding for about ten years. The large, triple semicircular arches rest on four elegant free-standing columns. The 10- is one arch deep. The ta11 architrave, which is roughly one-quarter of the total height, is also made of white marble. It is plain Save for the large inscription, "PLUS II PONT MAX GENTILIBUS 25. "Il Rossellino stesso no fu lasciato libero nell'attuare le sue ideazione, e dovette accondiscendere alle vedute artistiche del suo cornmittente," (Le Vite Di Pio II di Giovanni Antonio Campano e Bartolomeo Platina, ed. Giulio C. Zimolo [Bologna: Zanchelli, 19641, p. 70.) 26. The Logge del Papa has been closed for renovations for about ten years. 27. As does the Loggia Ruccelai (1456) in Florence, which may have been known to Federighi. 33 SUIS PICOLOMINEIS" (Fig. 14). The four capitals are true to Federighi's idiosyncratic style. They are derivatives of the Corinthian style, with acanthus leaves decorating the surface. A close-up of one the capitals shows that Federighi has included another of his trademarks, tiny dolphins which drink out of miniscule flowers (Fig. 15). Two sets of angels hold up the Piccolornini arms which are located in the spandrels over the two central columns. It has been suggested that Francesco di Giorgio may have been the author of these two reliefs. Milanesi, and others, believe that it was probably the work of Federighi's friend, Urbano da Cortona, who collaborated on other works with Federighi. The traditional Piccolomini crests have been affixed to corners of the lossia. A magnificent rnarble bench, also by Federighi, sits in the open losqia to one side. Due to the building being closed, this writer has had to rely on photographs taken by Dr. Marco Giamello of the Istituto di Mineralogia e Petrografia, Università degli Studi di siens". Dr. Giamello's team advised the restorers about the degree of deterioration and damage to the locrsia. Photographs showing details of the pancale, reveal 28. 1 wish to thank Dr. Marco Giamello for allowing me access to al1 his findings on the current state of the Logge del Papa, and for giving me his photographs of the Logge for my paper. 34 Federighi's incredible ability to portray savoury fruit or fragrant flowers in the medium of hard stone (Fig. 16). He enjoys the creative process, and delights in including surprises in his work. As will be shown at his own residence in Chapter 4, the insertion of animals into the garlands and wreaths was not uncommon for Federighi. One of the wreaths on the pancale at the Logge shows, amongst the leaves and fruit, what first appears to be a ribbon (Fig. 16, top 1eft.j The ribbon is really a snake wbich lies in wait, ready to devour a frightened mouse which hides in the foliage (Fig. 17). These are the types of things that were novel to Siena and showed an outside influence. Had Caesar Augustus' Ara Pacis been excavated in the fifteenth century, even stronger parallels could have been made between the imagery of Imperia1 Rome, and the new exciting motifs that Federighî was introducing to Siena at this time. As it stands, he still was able to influence a generation of artists with these concentrated displays of antiquity. SUMMARY Great attention has been placed on the Coronamento and the Logge del Papa. It is perhaps their obvious innovative style that provoked much of the comments. Another reason for so much being written about them, is that many documents exist proving that they belong to Federighi, so they can be 35 discussed with a certain degree of confidence. It should be remembered, that more documents may still lie hidden in the archives. Once they are known however, we may then be able to re-construct Pius II's revolutionary intentions for the Piazza Piccolomini. Despite the incomplete state of the Logge or the eclectic conclusion of the Cappella in Piazza, Federighi, with these two monuments, proves his ability to work with incongruous styles and difficult patrons. Indeed, he seems to have succeeded in mastering both. CHAPTER 3 CHüRCHES IN SIENA INTRODUCTION Antonio Federighi's involvement with ecclesiastical architecture spans forty years. His first exposure to building came in 1443 when the group of maestri of which he was part, was commissioned to start the much needed repairs to the tiny church of SantfAnsano in Castelvecchio. When Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini became Pope Pius II in 1458 he relied heavily on Federighi's expertise to plan, design and accommodate his ever increasing needs for architecture. An early request came in the form of providing a summer residence for the pontiff and his irnmediate family in the confines of the Basilica di San Francesco. In 1460 Federighi designed what would later be considered the "jewel of the early Renaissance" -- the Cappella di Palazzo dei Diavoli/Turchi. This chapel, located outside the Porta di Camollia, possesses al1 of Federighi's trademarks as an architectural designer. This initial focus on Roman antiquity later appears in Federighi's other works and establishes him as one of the forefathers of the Sienese Renaissance. 37 The Oratory of Santa Caterina in Fontebranda (1464- 1474) has been considered another work of Federighi's. Despite the heavy restoration in the nineteenth century it is difficult to see Federighi's involvement with this façade. As capomaestro of the Opera del Duorno, one of his many responsibilities was the supervision of al1 church construction for Siena. It is not unreasonable, therefore, to Say that while he may not have been the designer of this church, Federighi would have seen to its proper completion. In contrast, Santa Maria delle Nevi of 1471 shows al1 of Federighi's characteristics. Another small church, it too promotes the classical use of detailing whose fine proportions remind us of the Cappella dei Diavoli eleven years earl ier . Finally in Federighi's last year of his life, albeit deprived of his title of capomaestro, he was still committed to major works within the Duomo. The Cappella di San Giovanni planned as early as 1464, finally took shape in the early 1480s under Alberto Aringhieri's ever-increasing supervision. The right pedestal at the entrance of this octagonal chape1 is a mature work of Antonio Federighi, one which shows his deep understanding of the antique Roman style. Also included in this chapter is a small reference to a "forgotten" section of intarsia work that was probably done in 1475. It is a dolphin frieze which, unfortunately, has been quite damaged over the years perhaps because of its exterior location. On the pavement outside the west wall of the Duomo, this delicate frieze bears all the signs of Federighi's handiwork. This chapter presents Federighi's ecclesiastical projects in a chronological order from 1443-1482. The focus is on his direct and indirect involvements with these commissions. 1443: SANT'ANSANO IN CASTELVECCHIO Federighi's architectural career started as early as 1443 when he worked at the small church of Sant'Ansano in Castelvecchio (Fig. 18). The germination of Federighi's classical style begins with the windows of Sant'Ansano. Documents show that on 3 December 1441, fifty florins were given to Urbano di Francesco del Bicchierario for the purchase of a small parce1 of land. This land was next to the thirteenth-century tower in Castelvecchio believed to be the site of Sant'Ansanotsincarceration and martyrdom around 304 A.D. The responsibility for the building of this modest dedicatory chape1 was given to the Opera del ûuorno by the Consiglio Generale della Campana who had made the purchase .' 1. A. Liberati, "Chiese Monasteri, Oratori, e Spedali Senesi," Bulletino Senese di Storia Patria (1940), XI, pp. 334-335. Federighi, along with some other maestri who had previously assisted Jacopo della Quercia, started at SanttAnsanoon 22 October 1443. Bacci confirms that the four windows and a door commissioned during this time belong to this same group of men. Mantura in his 1968 article attributes these early Renaissance windows to Federighi, and Torriti (1988) concurs with this attrib~tion.~Rans 2. Pèleo Bacci, Jacopo della Quercia. Nuovi Documenti e Commenti (Siena: Libreria Editrice Senese, 1929), p. 338. "Per poter collocare sopra la tavola di San Sebastiano, in Duorno, la lunetta col bassorilievo di Jacopo della Quercia, la medesima da cuspidata fu ridotta a quadrangolare e i tre < became capomaestro of the Opera del Duomo (OPA). He provides a date closer to 1470 instead of the one most Çienese scholars give as 1443.' Teubner presents a strong case for this date but it is equally feasible to date these windows as early as 1448/1449, that is, any time after Federighi's 1448 trip to Rome where he was exposed to the humanist court of Pope Nicholas V. It was at the latter that the antiquity of Rome was to play an important role in the development of the Federighi's style. Traces of the emerging Renaissance style are particularly evident in Federighi's five delicately sculpted windows at SanttAnsano. These are the two far left windows (A & B on Fig. 19) on the façade of the chape1 and, situated parallel to these, the two larger windows on the tower (C 6 D on Fig. 19). The fifth window ("Et' on Figs. 19 and 27), located on the north side of the tower, has never been mentioned or discussed by any scholar thus far. This window will be presented in this chapter, and attributed to Federighi for the first time. clear the unsightly and abandoned houses that had fallen into disrepair. In their place a piazza was to be made which led to the Chape1 and to the oratory. (Ibid,, Doc. No. 167, 4 Marzo 1444-5, p. 224-225.) 3- Hans Teubner in Die Kirchen von Siena, ed. Peter Anselm Riedl and Max Seidel (Munich: Verlag F. Bruckmann KG 19851, 1.1, p. 327. 41 The pointed, arched spandrel so typical of the window heads in medieval Siena have now been replaced with fully squared windows. These squared windows do away with the arched window head and, in its place, we find a simple architrave. Because of the church's present poor state-of- preservation, minimal relief-work is evident on these architraves. The sills remain undecorated. Due to the extensive alterations and remodelling over the centuries, it is difficult to determine if these windows were originally subdivided by stone transoms. In their present state the uppermost left window of the chapel, Window A (Fig. 20), seems to lend itself to a twentîeth- century type window with one wooden rnullion and two wooden transoms with six lights. The fifteenth-century sill is rnissing, perhaps owing to a later renovation. The pilasters, of pietra Serena, are still intact and the vegetal and floral motifs rise gracefully from the amphora at the base of the panel. The amphora on the left pilaster unfortunately has eroded and is no longer visible. The relief-work on the left pilaster, also vegetal with more stylized flowers, is different in design to its pendant. The capitals, surmounting each pilaster will later appear with similar handling, on the 1464 pancale which Federighi made for the Loggia della Mercanzia (See especially the pilaster next to the "Brutusn panel, (Fig. 21).) The overhang over the entablature casts a dark shadow making it difficult to see the relief-work. There appear to be three crests interconnected by two festoons. The far right crest is the Sienese balzana, the central crest bearing "LIBERTAS", while the crest at the far right is the rampant Sienese ion.' The window immediately underneath the top-left window, Window B, appears to be partially bricked-in (Fig. 22). In the lower left-hand corner within this bricked-in area, a tiny sash window as been inserted. This sinaller window takes up three-quarters of the bottom half of the original fifteenth-century pietra Serena frame. The outer shape of the original window is reminiscent of its fifteenth-century pedigree, without its original sill, however, thus creating a rectangular opening instead of an intended square opening as in Window D of 1968 (Fig. 23). From the badly-eroded amphora on the left, arises a stalk of leaves surmounted by 4. Judith Hook in her book, Siena: A City and its History, recounts some of the legends behind these three crests. The most popular legend pertains to the black and white balzana and its direct link with Remus' twin sons. Senius and Ascius founded Siena and gave the city the symbol of the she-wolf suckling her twins. When Senius offered sacrifice to the gods at the altars of Apollo and Diana, black smoke came rising from Apollo's altar and white smoke from Diana's. Also Senius rode a white horse and his brother a black one. The two other shields, again according to legend, were given to the commune by emperors, The blue shield with LIBERTAS in gold letters was given by Charlemagne and the red shield with the white rampant lion by Otto 1. (Judith Hook, Siena: A City and its Historv [London: Hamish Hamilton Ltd., 19791, p. 6.) These three shields symbolize the commune of Siena and have become interwoven in the very fibre of Sienese life. 43 a half-flower, reminiscent of the oleander plant (Nerium apocynaceae). The right-hand pilaster's amphora and part of the stalk of leaves have disappeared- The flower atop of this stalk is some sort of hybrid: a flowertype seen throughout Federighi's oeuvre, notably at the pancale at the Loggia della Mercanzia. Both capitals of Window B are Ionic. The echinus suggests an egg-and-tongue design consisting of a single egg motif at the centrepoint and a tongue on either side of it. Both pilasters of Window El rest on simple, yet much-decayed bases. The remaining si11 is wafer-thin and appears to have had years of neglect. The frieze area is unadorned due to the heavy decay. Below the remaining cyma reversa a tiny beaded astragal separates the two fascii. This whole arrangement rests on the two abaci. The original mullion, transom/s and lights of Window C, have received extensive "modernizationt'(Fig. 24). This is the worst preserved of the four windows. Much of the stone- work has eroded and it is difficult to reconstruct Federighi's intentions. There does appear however, the remnants of a singule crest at the frieze's midpoint. Sadly, the window has lost al1 its fifteenth-century character. The lower window on the tower -- Window D (Fig. 25) -- provides us with the best-preserved example of Federighi's early work as an architectural designer. Alterations seems to have been done to this window between 1968 and 1988, when Mantura first attributed these windows to Federighi and when Torriti had photographs made for his Tutta Siena guide book5 (Fig. 26). Nor does the si11 in the 1988 photograph appear to be as ta11 in Mantura1s photograph (Fig. 23). An additional stone "framing-device" circumscribes the outer edge of the original fifteenth-century window. This may have been part of the original plan, or perhaps a later re- enforcement since no other window bears this addition. Mantura's illustration shoxs the pilasters still partially fluted three-quarters of the way down with cable fluting on the lower portion. The column bases sit on the thinned sill. The capitals have remanents of large stylized leaves. The left capital is in slightly better preservation than i ts counterpart . The 1968 lights and mullion have been replaced by a wooden mullion and frame, and the window-panes also seem to be new. The framing device has done away with part of the sill. Each set of pilasters has been treated differently, as have the capitals. This will become Federighils trademark, as will seen in his palazzi and in bis other architectonic works of the '50s and '60s as well. The tiny Renaissance window, Window E, on the north side of the tower (Fig. 27), is analyzed here for the first tirne. This window inserted into the tower bears the same 5. Torriti, p. 215. 45 use of motifs and material as the other four windows."t is only one-quarter the size of Federighi's windows on the front façade. The architrave and si11 are no longer intact. The two pilasters of pietra Serena, at either side of the opening, still show a semblance of the original relief work. Like Federighi's other window (Fig. 25), the fluting stops part of the way down where cable fluting begins. A thin base is partially visible. The right pilaster is in better condition than its counterpart. A bit of the capital exists, indicating a floral motif or a palmette. The entire opening is now fully cemented over. The design and handling of tbis window places it at the same time the other windows were done. We do not know why this little window was ignored by previous scholars. It should, however, be placed back into Federighi's oeuvre. 1459-1460: BASILICA DI SAN FRANCESCO In 1460, Pope Pius II decided to spend the summer months in the quiet Company of the Franciscans at the Basilica of San Francesco in Siena before returning to the busy demands of his office at the vatican'. Federighi, 6. It is probably a "new" window, in 1443, as the stonework to the right and left of the pilasters seems to be repaired. If there was another window it might have been simply an opening and not necessarily a proper window. 7. R.J. Mitchell, The Laurels and the Tiara (London: Harvill Press Limited, l962), p. 168. having become the Pope's family architect in 1458/ was called upon to prepare a residence for his family and himself within the monastery walls. Unfortunately, while we have documentation for the payments made to Federighi and his associates for this work, we do not know exactly where within the basilica complex this residence was situated.' 8. Judith Hook in 1979 declared that by 1460 Pius II had elevated Federighi as his persona1 protégé and made him the officia1 architect of Siena. Elinor Richter in her dissertation on Federighi makes the same important statement. It is unfortunate that while both their research is well-documented, neither scholar states her sources on this pivota1 event in Federighi's career. Romagnoli however, gives us the precise date of 29 November 1455 when Federighi became capomaestro and architect of Siena. Unfortunately he too does not provide a source for this information. "Ne1 terminare dell'anno [1455] fu confermato Campo maestro, e architetto: ,, XXIX: Novemb..," (Hook, p. 160; Elinor M. Richter, "The Sculpture of Antonio Federighi" [Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 19851, pp. 15, 52; Ettore Romagnoli, Biosrafia Cronolosica detBellartisti Senesi - 1200-1800 [Firenze: Edizioni S.P.E.S., facsimile 19761, IV, p. 585.) 9. M. Eugène Müntz, Les Arts a la cour des Papes pendant le XVe et Le XVIe Siecle. PremiGre Partie: Martin V - Pie II 11417-1464) (Paris: Ernest Thorin, 1878), p. 306. "1460. 24 juillet. Antonio Federighi magistro operae majoris ecclesiae senen(sis) recipienti pro se et certis aliis ejus sociis qui pridie aptaverunt habitationes monasterii sancti Francisci senenisis) pro habitatione personae ipeius smi. dm n. papae et ejus familiae florenos 276 de camera ad rationem bol. 50 pro floreno quolibet, videlicet pro operibus, mantionibus, calce, ferramentis, lignaminibus et aliis ibidem necessaris, ut apparet per cedulam manu clerici subscriptam et die praesenti in camera apostolica exhibitam, quos, etc, Dat. Senis, etc., die 24 mensis Julii anno a nativitate, etc., ut supra, flor. 276. (en marge) pro magistro Antonio Federighi. -- M.1458-1460, fol, 171" (My emphases.) This refers to payment made to Federighi from the Vatican The Basilica of San Francesco kas undergone many changes since the fifteenth century and, where the garden originally stood is now the Faccoltà di Scienze Economiche e Bancarie and also the Faccolta di Giurisprudenza. Pope Pius 11 in his memoirs recounts how he had requested a fountain to be built in the shady part of the garden where he could enjoy his evening dinners. The reason why he makes a point of mentioning this fountain is that it was aestroyed by "young hooligans" shortly after it was built in 1460." Pius's private secretary, Giovanni Antonio Campano, also mentions the building and destruction of this same fountain in his biography of Pius II written between 1470-1477." Federighi may have been responsible for work done at San Francesco for the Pope and his family while Pope Pius resided there in 1460. 10. Eneo Silvio Piccolomini (Papa Pio II), I Commentarii, ed. Luigi Totaro (Milano: Adelphi Edizioni S.P.A., 1984), 1, p. 709. "11 Papa si era fatto costruire in un angolo ombroso del giardino una fontana, presso la quale cenava nei giorni caldi. Alcuni giovani facinorosi, che Siena nutre in gran numero, entrarono di notte ne1 giardino e abbatterono la fontana, al solo scopo di recar disturbo al papa. 1 Senesi si sentirono sdegnati per quell'offesa, ma non seppero vendicarla, benche avessero offerto premi ai delâtori e cornminato pene ai colpevoli." It is after this incident that Pius II ordered that the city walls near San Francesco be completed. "In ta1 modo il complesso francescano fu ben presto sicuro, racchiuso entro le nuove mura." (1473) (Torriti, p. 378.) 1. Le Vite di Pio If di Giovanni Antonio Campano e Bartolomeo Platina, ed. Giulio C. Zimolo (Bologna: Zanchelli, 1964), p. 61, n. 4. for the cseation of this fountain too. As a distinguished sculptor he could have designed and sculpted the fountain for Pius II. The payment of 276 florins from Pius's private treasury for the work at the Basilica, dated 24 July 1460, could reasonably have included the construction of the 1460: CAPPELLA DI PALAZZO DEI DIAVOLI/TURCHI The Cappella di Palazzo dei Diavoli or also called the Cappella di Palazzo dei Turchi, has also been attributed to Federighi." While we have no documentation linking Campano writes in his biography: "Struxit et Senae fontem in hortis prope pomeriwn aqua ductu subterraneo derivata, ubi diem saepe totum decernendis rebus exegit: quem cm noctu quidam disiecissent, adeo tulit moleste, ut discedere statim voluerit; questionem tame ultro offerentibus civibus interponi vet it, dicens satis magnam penam suam cuiqe stultitiam esse, Et Zimolo quotes from Piusts Commentaries pertaining to this incident in the footnote: "' Struxit et Senae.. .stultitiam esse,,: di questo incidente cosi si legge nei Commentarii (testo del cod. Reginense in CUGNONI, p. 516; nelle edizioni a stampa il passo è omesso: cf. LESCA, p. 246): "Fontem in horto et in umbroso loco Pontifex aedificaverat, ut per aestwn apud eum cenaret. Perniciosi iuvenes, quorum altrix ea civitas est, noctu ingressi, non ob ali& causam everterunt, nisi ut Pontif icem incommodarent. Senenses, facinus detestati, non ulti sunt, quamvis praemia delatoribus, supplicia delinquentibus consituerint,,. Il Tizio (in CUGNONI, p. 357) aggiunge che la fonte fu insozzata "fimo ac stercore immundisve rebus,,." 12. Müntz, p. 306. 13. H. Steinz-Kecks in Die Kirchen von Siena, ed. Peter Anselm Riedl and Max Seidel (Münich: F. Bruckmann KG, 1992), 11.1.1, pp. 91-92; Guida Artistica della Citta e Contorni di Siena, compilata Da Una Società dtAmici (Siena: Tipografia 49 Federighi to the design of this Renaissance church, scholars have based their attribution on stylistic analyses. This small chape1 has been considered one of the "jewels of the early Renaissance" since Sigismondo Tizio's tirne." With its pure lines and the careful rendition of classical detailing, it 1s not difficult to assign this to Federighi's architectural oeuvre (Fig. 28) as we shall later see in his palazzi and especially at the Cappella della Piazza del Campo. This lovely red-brick building was built for private use and was not intended for the general public, thus Sordo-Muti di L. Lazzeri, MDCCCLXXXII (1882); 2nd ed. Agosto 1883), p. 165; Anna Barbero, Grande Dizionario Enciciopedico (Torino: Unione Tipografico-Editrice Torinese, 1968), VI1 (EM-FIM), p. 656; August Schmarsow, "Antonio Federighi delTolomei: ein Sienesischer Bildhauer des Quattrocento," in Repertorium für Kunstwissenschaft (Berlin und Stuttgart: Verlag von W. Spemann, 1889), XII, p. 282; A. Seubert, Allqemeines Künstler-Lexicon oder Leben und Werke der Berümtesten Bildenden Künstler (Stutt art: Verlag Von Ebner & Seubert, 1878), 1, p. 488; A. Ventu i, Storia delltArte Italiana: L'architettura del '4-00 (Mi ano: Ulrico Hoepli, 1923; reprint,l967), VIIIi, p. 719. 14. Schmarsow, p. 282. "In ihrer schlichten Einfachheit und Reinheit der Verhaltnisse ist ein Musterbild erreicht, das die feinsten Kenner mit Recht als ein Juvel der Frührenaissance bezeichnen. " Sigismondo Tizio wrote a history of Siena in 1528. The original manuscript, Historiarum Senensium ab initio urbis Senarum usque ad annum MDXXVII, is now in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. One copy is in Florence and the second is in the Bibliotecta Communale degli Intronati in Siena. I wish to thank Athlyn Fitz-James for this information. explaining its diminutive size.I5 The cappella appears slightly larger in size to the Cappella in Campo and displays some of the same characteristics. One striking feature is that it too, is attached to another, older structure. The Cappella dei Diavoli/Turchi is adjoined to the left side of the pre-existing annex. This annex connects the new chapel with the older Palazzo dei Diavoli/T~rchi.~'The three equal sides form a rectangle which protrude from the annex wall. A simple pedimented roof is supported by an ornate classical entablature. The height of the cappella is equal to that of the annex. It is unknown when or if this cappella received any renovations. It is in an excellent state-of-preservation, with some areas needing minor repairs. The terracotta griffin frieze, still intact, needs to be cleaned and should also be checked for possible fractures. The façade is bare of the usual ornamentation which is characteristic of medieval Sienese churches. Here the emphasis on sculpture and ornamentation has been reduced to a minimum. Federighi uses strictly classical motifs to decorate the areas of the pediment, entablature, and 15. The chapel is still owned prlvately and cannot be entered without permission of the family. Therefore, this paper will concentrate only on the exterior. The interior elevations and ground plan will be discussed in a future paper . 16. The Palazzo, which Federighi renovated at the same time, will be discussed in Chapter 4. 51 capitals (Fig. 29). A delicate palmette moulding is used on the three sides of the corona. Fine dentil moulding covers the surface of the raking and horizontal cornices. A series of modillions are placed underneath the raking cornice and underneath the cornice on the pediment (Fig. 30). Federighi gives the surface of these modillions a shallow patterning of laure1 leaves. Between each modillion in these two areas, a single rosette appears. The ovolo of egg-and-tongue moulding which is directly underneath the pediment extends around the three sides of the chapel." Contrasted against the red-brick colour, a white marble heraldic crest is placed in the centre of the pediment. The terracotta frieze beneath the dentils is what convinces some scholars that this is an early Federighi design. As we have seen in the earlier chapter on Federighi's documented works, the Cappella del Campo, whose vaulting was begun only eight years later (1468) continues this use of the griffins and candelabra/vases (Fig. 31). Nowhere else in Siena before this time do we see this use of Roman motifs. It is here that we first see one of Federighi's distinctive trademarks. Federighi consistently used this motif throughout his oeuvre. The griffin with candelabra/vases/vegetation will be seen in his later ecclesiastical and civic works, right up until his death in 17. The effect here is not unlike the rich use of ornament on the cornice of the Temple of Concord at Rome. 1483. The introduction of Roman motifs into Federighi's repertoire at this time is seen as a direct and strong influence of the time that he had spent in Rome at the end of the 1440s. Federighi is known to have travelled to Rome on at least two occasions, 1448 and 1450 for the Jubilee, and there may have been a third trip. While in Rome in the court of Pope Nicholas V, Federighi would have seen the splendour of Rome and may have also become familiar with Albêrti's and Rossellino's exciting views on the new architecture, for they were both in Rome at this time. Having been exposed to this exciting stimuli, Federighi would surely have brought some ideas back with him to Siena. Also it would seem appropriate for Pius II's architect to be well versed in the new trends that had emerged in Cosimo il Vecchio's Florence of the 1440s. Pius's biographer Campano, mentions how fascinated Pius had been with Cosimo's grand rebuilding schemes in Florence." As a humanist Pope, Pius understood this new classical style and would later discuss his Renaissance vision with great architects, such as Alberti and Rossellino. He too would build in just as grand a manner as Cosimo had done with 18. Campano, p. 34, n. 5. "Templa quoque ab eo facta reliquaque aedifitia percupide invisit, in quis circiter sexcenta milia insumpta existimavit." Michelozzo in Florence.'" Ricci (1904) was the first scholar to recognize the similarity of the griffins and vases in the Cappella del Campo frieze to that of the frieze on the Temple of Divi Antonius and Faustina in Rome (141 A.D.)." In the fifteenth century the griffin and candelabra frieze would have still been clearly visible to Federighi. The Cappella dei Diavoli frieze depicts a large calyx krater between two facing griffins; then as in the Roman temple, there is a candelabrum surrounded by an outgrowth of sinewy vines and leaves. The motif of krater and griffins continues along the façade and at the two sides. At the 19. 1 Cornmentari, 1, p. 353. Pius II marvelled at Cosimo's ingenuity and ability to build on such a grand scale. "Si fece costruire in Firenze un palazzo degno di un re; alcune chiese le fece restaurare, altre erigere dalle fondamenta; fece costruire con mirabile fattura il monastero di San Marco, e in esso raccolse una biblioteca ricca di volumi greci e latini; fece decorare riccamente le sue ville. " Cf. Campano, p. 34, n. 5. 20. Corrado Ricci, Il Palazzo Pubblico di Siena e la Mostra dlAnticaArte Senese (Bergamo: Istituto Italiano d'Arti Grafiche, Exhibition Catalogue, 1904), p. 14; cf. Piero Sanpaolesi, "Aspetti dell'architettura del Quattrocento a Siena e Francesco di Giorgio," in Studi Artistici Urbinati (Urbino: Istituto dlArteper il libro, 1949). pp. 154-165. Sanpaolesi develops his stylistic argument of the use of the griffin frieze by suggesting various buildings in ltaly and finally discusses the use of the griffin and candelabrum at the Cappella dei Diavoli which he erroneously dates after 1500. 54 sides of the Cappella the pattern is interrupted at the centre-most point where Federighi has placed a roundel with a star-burst motif at its centre (Fig. 31). The roundel rests upon what appear to be two cornucopiae. The roundel on the left façade is in a better state-of-preservation than the one on the right façade. The main diversion from the Roman temple is the shape of the vases. Where Federighi uses calyx-krater vases in Siena, the Divi Antonius and Faustina temple frieze has a candelabrum set between the two facing griffins and another candelabrum in the acanthus-leaf motif. The cvma reversa dividing the frieze from the architrave is embellished with another variety of vegetal detailing. The upper fascia of the architrave is decorated with a repeated wave motif, sometimes referred to as the Vitruvian Scr~ll.~'This undulating pattern extends along the three sides. The bottom fascia is left smooth. The thin astragal separating these two parts of the architrave appears to have a delicate beading motif. The plain brick pilasters are adorned with capitals whose motifs are classically inspired. The abacus is subdivided into two parts the upper portion of which has an elaborate vegetal pattern similar to the upper-most cyma recta in the entablature. The bottom half of the abacus is 21, John Fleming et al., The Pensuin Dictionary of Architecture (London: Penguin Books, 1991), p. 375, Fig. 73. 55 In smooth red brick. The echinus has a classical egg-and- dart design. Below the beaded cavetto, Federighi has introduced in the neck of the capital, a single large fruit- filled bowl of a striggle pattern and the whole is supported by a short pedestal. The background is filled by stylized curling leaves on either side of the bowl. A scallop shell whose syrnrnetry lends itself to wrapping around the 900 corner is placed at the lower corners of the neck, thus Secoming the motif for the adjacent façade. Directly below this area, separating the capital from the shaft of the pilaster, is a very thin double astragal. Each pilaster sits on a base resting on a plinth. This whole arrangement is supported by a square column pedestal (Fig. 32). In the dado area, Federighi has carefully replicated the pattern of the blind window which is found in the centre of the upper storey.22 The façade, as the sides of the chapel, is composed of the same red brick as the adjoining Palazzo dei Diavoli. The structure is ta11 and narrow and only two colossal pilasters, also of red brick, are needed to support the 22, Sanpaolesi states that these windows and the lunettes of the side facades had "just" been filled in when he wrote his article in 1949. 1 find this difficult to trace as the type of building material in the windows and lunettes does not di£fer from the rest of the walls. There does appear to be a type of painted plaster "veneering" in the facade's blind window which has now scaled away (Fig. 30). This front façade window exposes the underlying brick. Sanpaolesi provides two elevations to illustrate these openings. See Sanpaolesi, p. 160, Figs. 38-39, 56 classical pediment. Subdivided into two distinct halves, by the string course, the upper section includes the Roman entablature and capitals of the pilasters. Within this area, centred between the two pilasters and on a plain bricked wall, a blind window cuts into the wall surface. The architrave is detached from the actual window frame, a curious deviation from an otherwise meticulous attention to the true rendering of classical details. We will see a variation of this type of detached architrave at the windows at the palazzo on Via delle Donzelle (Fig. 77). The Vitruvian Scroll on the string course is offset by a foliated cyma reversa above and a smooth cma reversa below. The lower portion of the façade is mainly occupied with a square portal which is contrasted with a large rounded arch that rests on imposts. Twenty-five rosettes have been applied to the intrado (underside) of the arch. The intrados of the two side arches have a double row of rosettes while the wall between the two imposts is recessed more deeply than the front portal, giving the illusion of the arch resting on piers instead of simple imposts. The tympanum forfeits any sculptural ornamentation. The main entranceway has been covered with ironwork of fine workmanship. (It is still unknow whether this is the original fifteenth-century design or if it is a later embellishment.) The slightly recessed wall behind the imposts give only a minimal allusion to piers supporting the arch. The pseudo-piers are projected upon very simple plinths which carry on the line from the plinths of the dados on either side of the façade. The three projecting sides of the Cappella dei Diavoli are identical, in regard to the width, height and placement of the architectural elements. The two sides are stylistically indistinguishable from the façade.'' The façade is unlike the patch-work appearance of the smaller SanttAnsanogf the 1440s. Here, bilateral symmetry is achieved by the thoughtful placement of the architectonic parts. In this tiny chape1 Federighi has been able to introduce the true style of the Renaissance to medieval Siena and determine the course of Sienese architecture. Doing away with excess decorative sculpture and statuary so common with medieval churches, Federighi draws the eye to the simple and bold lines inspired from Roman antiquity. Harmony and proportion, the new canons of the architecture as seen at Alberti's Tempio Malatestiano in Rimini (1450) and San Sebastiano in Mantua (1460), will be embraced by Federighi and incorporated in his future architectural commissions. 1464-1474: SANTA CATERINA IN FONTEBRANDA Santa Caterina in Fontebranda, begun around 1464 and 23. Refer to Sanpaolesi's elevations and plan. Sanpaolesi, pp. 160-1, Figs. 38-40. finished in 1474, is considered by some another work of Federighi's (Fig. 33). In 1835, Romagnoli comments that Federighi was responsible not only for the two steps in front of the altar, for which we have record of payment, but for the altar as well. Romagnoli adds that the altar was redone in 1676.'' Always a reliable scholar, Milanesi believes that Federighi completed the church according to Francesco di Duccio del Guasta's 1464 original designO2= Del Guasta's design in any event differs radically from Federighi's style. Federighi is not known to have adorned any of his buildings with such an abundance of ornament, and the façade of Santa Caterina seems too stylized a work for 24. Romagnoli, p. 594. "...Gia: Cigalini operajo del1 nuova Chiesa di S. Caterina in Fonte branda (Volume VIII: anno 1469:) leggesi che d'federigi ebbe un acconto di c:28. per l'altare che per fabbricava e per due scaloni di nanzi alattare di macique in deta chapela:, , questo altare fu rifatto ne1 1676." 25. Milanesi, II, Doc. No. 240, p. 341. Milanesi points out in his NOTA that while some insist that this is Francesco di Giorgio's work or at least his design, it must be remembered that Francesco di Giorgio did not do any architectural works in Siena prior 1477. His work at that time was dedicated to panel paintings and sculpture. Francesca's first architectural works were of a military nature and only after he left Siena to work for the Duke of Urbino. Perhaps the architect of the Oratory is Francesco di Duccio di Guasta. Milanesi gets this from the list of payments which he also includes in this NOTA." ... lire 161, sol:9 den:4 pagati a maestro Francesco del Guasta et maestro Marcho per parte di lire 195 sol: 14 monta la loro manifattura delle volte, spazo et muro fero in deta chapella." him. Federighi was not accustomed to designing such static pilasters and wreaths. The extensive renovations done to this façade in 1877 by architect Giuseppe Partini and sculptor Leopoldo Maccari, have resulted in its present sterile appearance .l" The church attached to the Oratory of Santa Caterina, is recessed from the street and is flush with the houses which open directly ont0 Via di Santa Caterina. The façade is coaprised of a square surmounted by an entablature and large pediment. The lines follow the same design as in the Cappella dei Diavoli. Santa Caterina is also considered a small church, being approximately the same size as the Cappella dei Diavoli. The main section consists of a square door, flanked on either side by fluted pilasters made from pietra serena. The tympanum is square and is further delineated by two small pilasters. Within these two pilasters is a semi- circular arch embellished with a bas-relief of the Madonna and two angels. The main building material is a red- coloured brick, with the architectural detailing done in pietra serena. As in the Cappella dei Diavoli two f3uted pilasters, one at either end of the façade, hold up the 26. Torriti, p. 239. "Purtroppo (probabilmente per le sue pessime condizioni) tutta la facciata esterna fu building was interested in symmetry and balance. Each architectural element complements the other. The eye is drawn to no incongruent detail. Each capital is identical, be it adorning the ta11 pilasters at the side or the small ones in the tympanum. The festoons in the entablature follow a monotonous rhythm, each identical to the one before it. The classical pediment is pierced through its centre by a large rose window. It is difficult to see Federighi's hand bere. While the architect of Santa Caterina may have been influenced by the results of the Cappella dei Diavoli, he did not capture the liveliness of Federighi's design. The resufts at Santa Caterina are static, something that Federighi's were not. Federighi's designs reveal a fresh, vibrant approach to his working material, each piece, each section is unique. He would not have intentionally designed something as predictable as this . Fehring insists that the design for Santa Caterina in Fontebranda was the work of Vecchietta. He makes this attribution by comparing the sculpted wreaths on the frieze with Vecchietta's fresco which he painted for the Ospedale di Santa Maria della Scala (Fig. 34)." The garlands and 27. Günter P. Fehring, "Studien über die Kirchenbauten des Francesca di Giorgio" (Ph.D. diss., Julius-Maximilians- Universitat, Würburg, l956), p. 60. ribbons in the frieze are in great contrast to the full and lush garlands easily visible at any of Federighi's palazzi, or pancali of the same period. The garland frieze at Santa Caterina lacks any of the organic qualities mastered by Federighi and seen in abundance in Rome." Local residents of the noble Contrada del Oca during the nineteenth century insisted that the Oratory is a design of Francesco di Giorgio. An account written at the time of the reconstruction of the new façade in 1877 puts this rnyth to rest. Lorenzo Mastacci points out that this could not be Francesca's work, for he was only thirteen years of age when this church was going up and therefore much too young to be responsible for its design." Francesco in fact was 28. For a comparison between the garlands on the façade of Santa Caterina and the those of Federighi, see Fig. 15 the pancale of the Loggia del Papa and also the lush festoons on the pedestal in front of the Cappella di San Giovanni in the Duomo, Figs. 43, 45-46. 29. Die Kirchen von Siena (1992), 11.1.2, p. 872 n. 72. "...>>Mernoriacc von Lorenzo Mastacci über den Neubau der Fassade des Oratorio dellfOca, 1877. (Arch. Oca, fol. Ricostruzione dell'antica facciata della chiesa di S. Caterina della nobile contrada de1lt0ca. Memoria. La facciata della chiesa di S. Caterina già botegga di tintoria di Giacomo Benincasa [...] e stata opinione fino a questo anno 1877, in cui viene ricostruita, che fosse disegnata dall'architetto senese Francesco di Giorgio Martini, ma presentamente si ritiene invece la disegnasse Francesco di Duccio del Guasta e la eseguisse Antonio Federighi nell'anno 1464, e questa opinione e confortata dallfavere verificato che ne1 detto anno 1464 Francesco di Giorgio era giovane e non contava più che tredici anni di twenty-five years old in 1464, but Milanesi reminds us that works by Francesco in Siena were solely paintings or sculpture until he left Siena for Urbino in 1477. 3 O Francesco di Giorgio's first architectural works were of a military nature and these were commissioned by the Duke of Urbino. Architectural works by Francesco di Giorgio did not appear until the 1480s. when Francesco made frequent stays in Siena. i 1 The Church of Santa Caterina in Fontebranda should not be considered part of Federighi's oeuvre. It is important however to see that there is a growing interest in classical architecture during the 1460s in Siena and that this small church is part of Siena's ernerging Renaissance. 1471: SANTA MARIA DELLE NEVI In 1471 another small church was built in the Renaissance style - Santa Maria delle Nevi (Fig. 36).Ii 30. Francesco di Giorgio Martini dates are (1439-1501/2). Also refer to n. 25. 31. In the latest scholarship on Francesco di Giorgio it is suggested that he did not build anything in Siena perhaps before 1476 with a possible attribution of the church of San Bernardino del1 '~sservanza. In September of 1482 he was in charge of raising of the new roof of the Basilica di San Francesca. (Francesca di Giorqio archi tetto, ed. Francesco Paolo Fiore and Manfredo Tafuri [Milano: Electa, 19931, Exhibition Catalogue, p. 412) 32. Santa Maria delle Nevi was deconsecrated several years ago and now is used for art exhibitions. I thank Dr. Remo Pepi from the Biblioteca Communale degli Intronati in Siena for this information. Scholars who look at the Santa Caterina in Fontebranda sornetimes conclude that the same artist is responsible for the design of Santa Maria delle Nevi. Since documentation is lacking to assist us with a conclusive attribution, we will have to arrive at the author of this work via careful stylistic analysis. Stein-Kecks comments on the similarity of Santa Maria delle Nevi with Santa Caterina in Fontebranda. He proposes that the structural elements of the façade are allke, as are the ground plans of these two small chapels." He insists that the façade of Santa Caterina was the point of departure for Santa Maria delle Nevi." Yet the Cappella dei Diavoli would be a much stronger and more direct link with Santa Maria, both in proportion and style. Santa Maria delle Nevi by its compact scale and with its concentration of classical forms reflects the current trend of church building begun at the Cappella dei Diavoli a decade earlier and which continued at various sites in Siena. Situated in a busy and constricted location on the 33. H. Stein-Kecks, "Santa Caterina in Fontebranda. Storia della costruzione," in L'Oratorio di Santa Caterina in Fontebranda. Le vicende costruttlve, sli affreschi, sli arsenti (Siena: n.p., 1990), p. 13. 1 would like to thank Prof. Salvatore Pisani from the Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz for sending me this information. 34. "La facciata di Santa Caterina resta tuttavia il punto di riferimento più importante per Santa Maria delle Nevi nell'ambito dellfarchitetturasenese del tempo." (Stein- Kecks, p. 13.) 64 Via dei Montanini and Vicolo Rustichetto, the Oratorio di Santa Maria delle Nevi eliminates decoration of the side façades of the church and concentrates exclusively on embellishing the main façade. As we have already seen at the Cappella dei Diavoli and at Santa Caterina, the use of a square surmounted by a pediment had become a popular church design. While the previous two churches were constricted to an existing space and were attached to another building, Santa Maria was not. Since it was designed as a new building for a location on a possio (hill-lock) away from the congestion of the city centre, it was privileged with being a free-standing building. As it stands today, it is still unencumbered by buildings, and one can still walk around it. The façade is quite plain. The main wall is made of red brick faced with a layer of travertine. The lunette over the portal and the pediment is left exposed with the red brick. Pietra serena is used to outline the architectonic elements of the façade and pediment. A row of red brick modillions extend around the sides of the church. Unlike the carefully crafted pediment of the Cappella dei Diavoli outside the Porta Camollia, Santa Maria has a smooth raking cornice and a similar horizontal cornice. The surface of the pediment has been left with the red-brick. A small oculus made of pietra serena pierces the central portion of the pediment. 65 The frieze section contains a delicate arrangement of fourteen palmettes with two half palmettes at the frieze terminus (Fig. 37). At the base of each palmette the lower leaves form into a curl. This curling effect is taken up by sets of stylized ribbons that are used to fashion garlands which in turn link up each palmette with the other. Unfortunately due to lack of restoration the frieze is now badly damaged, however the delicate intent of the design is not lost to us entirely. The architrave and the horizontal and raking cornices are also left undecorated. Two bold fluted pilasters of pietra Serena are positioned at either side of the façade, as we have already seen at the Cappella dei Diavoli and at the Oratorio di S. Caterina di Fontebranda. The right pilaster and capital are in much better preservation than their counterpart (Fig. 37). The capital of the right pilaster is intact and represents an arrangement of three acanthus leaves at the base and a palmette whose lowermost leaves curl and form the volutes. Similar depictions of this type of motif can be seen at Federighi's pancale (Fig. 21). Fluting runs three quarters of the way down the shaft, while the remaining quarter of the shaft has flat cable fluting. Only a small portion of the fluting remains on the left pilaster. It appears that the uppermost portion of the pilaster has been treated differently than the right pilaster. Where the fluting on the right side is deep and the fillets are wide and flat, the architect has reversed this pattern in the pilaster on the left. Here he has introduced roll rnoulding instead of deep fluting, and has replaced the wide fillets with narrow fluting. It is difficult to tell whether this unusual treatment ran al1 the way down the pilaster shaft as that part of the shaft has been heavily damaged. Cable flutes may have been applied to the last quarter of the shaft just above the base, as is seen in the right pilaster. When the church was being built in the 1471, the builders made certain not to disturb the large arch - Arco dei Malavolti -- which led the pedestrian byway of Via a1l1Arco dei Malavolti, to the present-day Piazza Matteotti. However in 1763, for no other reason other than wanting to "modernize" the area, the arch was destroyed, perhaps causing some severe damage to the left side of the church to which the arch was attached (Fig. 381.'~ Each pilaster sits on a low base. The height of the right plinth is proportionally taller than the left plinth. The adjustment takes into account the natural incline of Via Montanini. The plain-brick pedestals are of the same composition as the socle area which contrasts significantly 35. Torriti, p.302. The family crests of the Malavolti and Ragnoni Rozzi families were taken from the arch and imbedded in the wall of the house which is to the left of Santa Maria delle Nevi. from the use of pietra serena in the ornamentation and the travertine veneer of the façade. Two short steps lead up from the socle to the main entrance. Unlike the elaborate entranceway of Santa Caterina, Santa Maria's portal has an elegant outlining of pietra serena without need for sculpture (Fig. 92). A smooth architrave and jamb outline the door. Springing from tne cornice is a rounded arch also of pietra serena. A delicate row of beading is visible within this architrave and arch. The tympanum over the door is left unadorned, that is, it does not have the marble veneer nor relief-work seen in Santa Caterina. The red brick from the base wall has been allowed to remain exposed. Federighi had used this same technique at the Cappella dei Diavoli in 1460. Piercing the main façade wall is an oculus. The window panes are arranged in a simple grid pattern (Fig. 39). The circumference of this opening is also of pietra serena and takes the Eorm of a wreath. The leaves of the wreath are entwined with what appears to be a ribbon. On either sîde of the circular window are two identical white marble shields (Figs. 39-40)." 36. These two white marble shields represent the cornmissioner, the first Bishop of Pienza - Giovanni Cinughi, who in 1470 made a special petition to the Consiglio Generale della Repubblica to have this church built. Cf. Torriti, p. 302; Johann Wilhelm Gaye, Cartecrqio inedito dtArtisti dei Secoli XIV. XV. XVI: Tomo 1 - 1326-1500 (Firenze: Giuseppe Molini, MDCCCXXXIX; reprinted, Torino: Bottega d'Erasmo, 1961), 1, pp. 220-223; also see Appendix Santa Maria delle Nevi fits into Federighi's repertory of architectural design. This small church displays the Renaissance use of line and motif. Its simple façade decoration and careful detailing brings to mind a similar attention to detailing at Brunelleschi's 1429 Pazzi Chapel in Florence. At the Pazzi Chapel the dark pietra Serena stone contrasted significantly with the lighter-coloured plaster wall surface. This harmonious interior space creates a stunningly solemn atmosphere. 1482: CAPPELLA DI SAN GIOVANNI IN THE DUOMO OF SfENA A late work that has been attributed to Federighi is the right pedestal at the entrance of the Cappella di San Giovanni in the Duomo of Siena. The interior of the Cappella completed circa 1504," is from an earlier design of Giovanni di Stefano. This chape1 was commissioned in the "C" for the full transcription of this petition. Bishop Cinughi was made Bishop of Siena in April 1462 by Pope Pius II. He died in 1470 and never saw his church completed. (1 Commentarii, II, pp. 1771, 2604 n. 137) [The marble crest is similar with the Contrada del Drago's emblem, in which this church resides. The downward rays of the Cinughi arms are similar to those of the Drago's (Fig. 4111. 37. 1 suggest this date as we have documentation showing that Pinturicchio completed the St. John the Baptist fresco cycle on 14 August 1504 for which he received payments from 16 January 1503/4 - 3 September 1504. (Gai1 Schwarz Aronow, "A documentary history of the pavement decoration in Siena Cathedral, 1362 through 1506" [Ph.D. diss,, Columbia University, 19851, p. 352, 352 n. 16.) early 1480s by Alberto Aringhieri to house the arm of St. John the Baptist which Pope Pius II had given Siena in 1464.'Vhe chape1 had been planned as early as 1464, but was not actually begun until Aringhieri's monumental building campaign in the 1480s.lQ It has already been established that Federighi was responsible for the octagonal marble baptismal font (1460) which was set posthurnously within the cappella's interior in the late 1480s (Fig. 42) ."O 38. Allegretto Allegretti, "Diario Sanese d'Allegretto Allegretti delle cose seguite a suo tempo cioè da1 1450 fino all' anno 1496 ...." in 1 Storie di Siena di diversi Scrittori Estratte da vari manoscritti antichi (KI: Siena, Ms. A. VIII. 421, fo. 23r, (fo. 33r in graphite). "1462: Adi 18: di marzo 1462: Papa Pio dono' alla Signosia di Siena il Braccio di San Giovan Batista che luj haveva hacu..[havuto?] da1 .es polo[despoto?] di Morea insieme con la Testa di SanttAndreaApostolo laqua1 Testa dono' e rimase a' Roma la Signoria dono' al despoto pre de..[predetto] ducati mille d'oro in oro e fecesi una bella processione per la cittat di Siena et and.. in il Papa e cardenali e per.. il detto Bracio di San Giovan Batista." 39. Aronow, pp. 209, 293, n. 6; cf. Athlyn Fitz-James, "Fe1 et Mel: A new interpretation of the vases inlaid in the exterior marble pavement of Siena Cathedral" (M.Phi1 thesis, University of Toronto, 1991), pp.53-54. 40. As discussed with Prof. Alessandro Angelini in Siena, Oct. 1993; Toscana: Guida d'Italia del ~ourlnqClub Italiano (Milano: Aldo Garzanti Editore, S.p.A., 1974), -p. 507; Torriti, p. 110; Sanpaolesi, p. 156. 1 have accepted Torritils earlier dating of 1460 for the font in as much as Federighi's handling of the various panels is still a bit tentative at this earlier date. He fully assimiliates disparate parts by the mid 60s, as is seen at the pancali of the Logge del Papa and della Mercanzia and, the full culmination of his eclectic style is harmonized in the Coronamento of the Cappella di Piazza in 1468. Sanpaolesi suggests a later date of 1478, and the At the entrance of the Cappella di San Giovanni two colossal marble columns stand on majestic pedestals. These pedestals, in particular the right pedestal, need to be explored (Fig. 43). The left pedestal for reasons of style cannot be the work of Federighi. Careful examination of both pedestals reveals that two different artists were at work here. The right pedestal is more of the calibre and design of what is now considered Federighi's classicising style. The left pedestal has been attributed to Giovanni di Stefano, the designer of the Cappella di San Giovanni (Fig. 44 ) The free-standing ochre column has a white marble base whose toms is a delicately sculpted leaf and floral wreath. The plinth sits on a heavily classicised, or as Torriti and others state, Romanized pedestal. This engaged pedestal is sculpted on al1 three sides with images of griffins4' and Toscana, TC1 gives the impossible date of "dopo 1484" since this is a year after Federighi's death. Both Richter and Aronow withdraw this font from Federighi's oeuvre. (Cf. Richter, pp.119-34, p. 388; Aronow, p. 294. Richter claims that the font had to be planned around the eight-sided shape of the chape1 therefore it had to date after 1485. An eight-sided font is not an unusual shape for a baptismal font and Federighi is also known to have designed marble wells which in the fifteenth-century style are also eight- sided, e.g. the wells at the Palazzi Piccolomini at Siena and Pienza (Figs. 58 and 87). 41. Torriti, p. 109. 42. These griffins have feline faces which deviates from the more traditional beaked griffins. 1 have not been able at present to trace Federighi's source for this new interpretation of the griffin. rams' heads holding up either end of a festoon. Between each pair of rams' heads the artist has sculpted what appear to be at least two separate episodes from Labours of Hercules. They are: far right dado - Hercules and the Lion, (Fig. 45); front dado - a Triton holding a trident and a nude woman reclining on his back, (Fig. 43); the left dado has a scene of a caped man who upholds a club whilst on horseback and tramples a naked man. This last depiction could represent any scene from Hercules' many exploits (Fig. 46) ." ,The imagery on this pedestal is quite typical of the Roman altars and sarcophagi of the first and second centuries A.D. Federighi would have seen quite a selection of them while on his sojourn in Rome. One altar that is particularly close in type to the Sienese pedestal is a funerary altar from the Claudian period, 41-51 A.D. (Fig. 47). This pedestal clearly illustrates how developed Roman imagery had become in Siena. The emerging "new" style that showed itself tentatively in the early 1460s on the outside of Sienese churches was, in the 1480s. becoming part of its iconographic programme, 43. Due to the limited confines of this paper, it is unfortunate that more time could not be spent developing some of these iconographical themes. There is yet much work to be done on Federighi's iconography as it pertains to his architectonic imagery. c. 1475: DOLPHIN INTARSIA OUTSIDE THE DUOMO OF SIENA As a postscript, the outside pavement on the west side of the Duomo should be considered in this brief study on church decoration. Immediately exiting the nave from the passage south of the Piccolomini Library which leads to the Duomo gift shop, one is also able to find the door which leads outside. Imbedded in this exterior pavement is an intarsia border of paired dolphins with six-pronged tridents and acanthus leaves (Fig. 48). This identical design also borders Federighi's famous Seven Ases of Man pavement, (Figs. 49-50), which is in front of the Madonna del Voto chape1 in the Duomo. Very little is usually written about borders, thus focusing the main discussion to the larger scenes in question. The same applies here. While we definitely know that Federighi designed and executed the Seven Aqes of Man, we can also assume that he was responsible for the borders to this famous piece. Having said this, it can be deduced that the same hand was at work on the outside intarsia of the west pavement of the Duomo around 1475." 44. I was unable to find any reference to this badly damaged exterior pavement. From the photographs that 1 took of it in 1993, and with careful comparison with the interior Dolphin frieze, 1 can only suggest that Federighi was responsible for this design as well. The dolphin frieze circumscribing the Seven Ases of Man would have been the final border completed before work on the main story started. Therefore this border was finished prior to 1475. (This entire area was replaced with a copy in the 1870s, when the original was moved to the Museo dell' SUMMARY This short chapter dedicated to Federighi's ecclesiastical architecture in Siena briefly introduces the works with which he was involved from early in his career in 1443 up to a few months before his death in January 1483. Federighi's infusion of classical motifs into rnedieval Siena are first seen in church design. His unique ability to incorporate aspects of pagan Roman design into a predominately Gothic ecclesiastical environment, establishes Antonio Federighi as an astute architectural designer. This unique "blending" was soon to be transferred into his civic and public building campaigns. Opera del Duomo.) (Giovanni Cecchini, Il Pavimento della Cattedrale di Siena [Siena: n.p., 19571, p. 13: Fig. 22; Bruno Santi, The Marble Pavement of the Cathedra1 of Siena [Siena: Centrooffset, 19931, p. 40.) Cf. Aronow, pp. 202-206. Nowhere does Aronow discuss this obvious federiguesque motif. She concludes that since he was not paid for apdesign for the Seven Ases of Man and that Federighi had not signed his work as he would do in 1482 with his final work, that this must not be his work. In fact, the Er~threanSibvl (Fig. 51) was the ONLY piece he ever signed which indicates that Federighi had no reason to sign earlier works as it was not his nofm to do so. Aronow points out that Federighi was one of the first artists to inscribe his name in the pavement (Fig. 521. (Aronow, p. 246.) This shows that it was still quite an innovation to sign one's name to a piece of work at this time. CHAPTER 4 PALAZZI OF SIENA INTRODUCTION Siena, like Florence, experienced a building craze in the fifteenth century. During mid-century, the rise of single family dwellings was significant.' These dwellings, known as palazzi, would soon take over private shops and the homes of the less-privileged, in their quest to expand. Palazzi were the large urban homes of the noble families of Siena. It was not uncommon for rich patricians to petition the goverment of Siena to allow them to buy surrounding property thus, enabling them to increase their property. The Spannocchi and the Piccolomini were only two, among 1. Richard A. Goldthwaite, The Florentine Palace as Domestic Architecture," American Historical Review, 77 (3- 5), 1972, p. 977. Florence experienced an unbelievable increase in the construction of al1 types of buildings from 1450 to the early 1500s. Goldthwaite states that no other city in Europe, since the Middle Ages saw this type of growth. During the fifteenth century circa one hundred private palaces were built in Florence alone. Siena also had an increase in building during this period, but not at the phenomenal scale of Florence. the many noble families, to create lavish tom houses. The rise of the Renaissance palazzo in Siena, can be credited to one person specifically, that is, Pope Pius II. As discussed in the previous chaptsr, Pius had gleaned much from Cosimo II's Florence of the 1440s. When Pius became Pope in 1458, he lost little time in summoning to his court, architects like Bernardo Rossellino and Antonio Federighi. Under his explicit orders and in a few short years, Pius would direct his architects to transform the cities of Corsignano, Sarteano and Siena. Pius built many palazzi during his tenure as pope from 1458 to 1464. After adopting his sisters' families, and having them use the Piccolomini coqnomen, he provided them with palatial homes in Sarteano, Pienza and Siena. Müntz has published several of these accounts showing the vast sus of money that had been transferred from the Secret Papal Treasury to cover the construction expenses of these palazzi .' This chapter will discuss one Piccolomini palazzo in particular, Palazzo delle Papesse, designed by Bernardo Rossellino and built by Antonio Federighi. The other main Piccolomini palace in Siena is located on Banchi di Sotto and houses the offices of the Archivio di Stato di Siena. That building will not be discussed here, as it was not built by Federighi. - 2. Müntz, pp. 301 and 307. With the rise of the grand palazzo in the 1460s in Siena, there was also a marked increase in the number of "smaller" private dwellings being built. Several of these buildings will be presented at this time, most of which were designed by Federighi or influenced by him. This chapter will present, for the first tirne, Federighi's own private residence, which he built and where he lived until his death in 1483. What will be evident is the slow emergence of the Renaissance style in private construction. Siena did not succumb to this new style entirely, but rather, gracefully incorporated it within her established Gothic environment. Private homes, such as the Palazzi Buonsignori and Brigidi-Pannocchieschi,' were still being built in the International Style in the 1450s (Fig. 53). The new Renaissance buildings harmonized well within this milieu. 1460: PALAZZO DELLE PAPESSE' Palazzo delle Papesse, as it was called at the onset because the building was owned by Pope Pius's sister Caterina, is considered one of the first Renaissance 3. These two palazzi now house the Pinacoteca Nazionale di Siena. They were finally turned into the museum on 15 May 1930. 4. This building, designed for Caterina Piccolomini in 1460, is also known as Palazzo Piccolomini, Palazzo Nerucci, or most recently as the Banca d'Italia. The Bank still owns the building but, as of 20 September 1993, it ceased to be used as a bank, and the building is now closed to the general public. buildings in Siena in the Florentine style (Fig. 54). Its massive rectangular structure lies on Via di Città and Via del Castoro. The heavily rusticated ground floor with three rounded archways, supports the two upper storeys, which are pierced with fourteen bifora windows. The travertine, marble, and sandstone used on the façade do not extend around to the sides of the building. On Via del Castoro, the left side of the building is finished in the typical Sienese brick. The materials on the froct façade become quoins where they join the red brick, (Fig. 55). Caterina had petitioned the goverment to wave the gabelleS when the building materials were delivered to Si ena6 Authorship of the building is uncertain and it has been suggested that the designer was Bernardo Rossellino. A 5. A gabella was a trpe of surcharge or tax put on a wide range of commodities and business transactions. (Hook, p. 24.) 6. S. Borghesi and L. Banchi, Nuovi Documenti per la Storia dell'arte Senese. Alla raccolta dei documenti pubblicata da1 Corn. Gaetano Milanesi (Siena: Enrico Torrini, 1898), Doc. No. 24, p. 201. " Cl460 Ottobre] ...Supplica humilmente madonna Caterina delPiccolomini,sorella de la S.tà di papa Pio, a la S.V. che vi degniate per li vostri oportuni Consegli fare solennemente provedere che essa o altri per lei possa mettare in Siena marmi tibertini, macigni et qualunque altra generatione di pietre che a lei fussero necessarie per la casa da doversi per lei nuovamente edificare cosi per la faccia dinanzi, corne per qualunque altra parte d'essa casa sema alucno pagamento di cabella da pagarsi al Comune di Siena,..." document, dated October 1460, states that "madonna Caterina à fatta designare la detta casa da uno valentissimo maestro, da1 quale Lei ha avuto per consiglio.. .If' Milanesi states with certainty that Rossellino is the architect of this building and of the Duorno of Pienza after seeing some papers in the Archivio del Duomo di Firenze.' As with the Palazzo Ruccelai in Florence where Alberti is the known designer and Bernardo Rossellino supervised the actual construction, here too, at the Palazzo delle Papesse, we see a similar arrangement. It has been accepted that the "valentissimo maestro" is Rossellino who consulted with Caterina on her "casa". However it was Antonio Federighi who oversaw the actual construction of this building. On I June 1463 the Signoria wrote to Caterina, asking her to pay for construction of her home. The Signoria further ordered that Antonio Federighi was to be reimbursed immediately since he had been paying for some of the construction costs himself. "D. Caterine Papae sorori scriptum est, qualiter magister Antonius Federici de Ptholomeis asserit nobis expendidisse certas pecuniarum quantitates in rebus adductis pro constructione eius Palatii, ac etiam cum persona sua valde se exercuit ad 7. Borghesi & Banchi, Doc. No. 124, p. 201. 8. Milanesi, II, Doc. No. 226, p. 324. "...quant0 per certi documenti veduti da me nellfArchivio del Duomo di Firenze, [Rossellino] è con certezza l'architetto cosi del Duomo di Pienza, corne del Palazzo Piccolomini di questa città." dictam constructionem ..."' It would not be unusual for the chief architect to pay his labourers personally. An architect in the fifteenth century would be given a bulk sum from the patron via a representative of the bank. With these rnonies, he was to purchase materials and to pay the workers their pex diem wages and meals.1° It seems that Caterina was not providing Federighi sufficient funds for the task at hand. According to the accounts that Müntz published, Pius had been sending substantial amounts of money for this enterprise as early as 1460." Pius's contemporary biographers, Campano and Platina, both mention, in the 1470s, the building of this palace. Zimolo, who edited these biographies, adds an intriguing note. In Introitus et exitus, Zimolo found a payment of 200 ducati to Caterina, dated 5 April 1464. A larger amount, 565 ducati, was paid the day previous to the Sienese banker 9. Milanesi, II, Doc. No. 226, p. 323. 10. Spiro Kostof, The Architect (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977), p. 84; Richard A. Goldthwaite, The Building of Renaissance Florence, An Economic and Social Histor~(Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press, 1980; reprint, 1991), p. 293. 1. Müntz, p. 301. For example, 't1460 (sic pour 1461) ...4 février: 2000 duc. pour Corsignano et le palais de Sienne ..." Pietro Turamini for the palace." Were these payments in answer to Federighi's cornplaints the previous June? It seems that Caterina did not keep up consistent payments and a forma1 cornplaint was made by another maestro, Urbano da Cortona, who was also working at the Palazzo delle Papesse. In January 1472, Urbano made a final plea to the officials of the Loggia della ~ercanzia" who ruled on his case. It was decided that Caterina Piccolomini had to pay al1 overdue rnonies to Urbano within four years. If she so desired, she was allowed to make payments in grain, wine or any other type of suitable goods, in lieu of money. Urbano had to accept these terms." Torriti states that the palace was finished between 1490 and 1495," however Faluschi, in the nineteenth century, makes a curious statement suggesting that the palazzo was not finished until 1580! In fact, he doesn't use the term "finished" but rather that the palazzo was "built" by Conte Mario Nerucci. - - 12. Zimolo, p. 65 n. 6. "Da1 libro dei conti della cassa privata di Pio II,..si ricava che il papa fece dare alla sorella il 5 aprile duecento ducati, e 565 il giorno prima a Pietro Tununini [sic] e fratelli per il palazzo suddetto a pagamento di quelli che vi lavoravano." 13. This is the House of the Merchants Guild. It is where any labour disputes were heard. 14. Milanesi, II, Doc. No. 246, p. 348. 15. Torriti, Tutta Siena, p. 79. "Palazzo del Nob. Sig. Conte Mario Nerucci d. N. 711 quale fu fabbricato ne1 1580 a spese dell'Archivescovo di Siena Asciano Piccolomini con buon gusto, e disegno con facciata tutta di travertino, e con bozze di grosse pietre da1 primo finestrato f ino a terra. "'" Why would Faluschi make such a clairn, when in fact we know that the palazzo had been built more than a century earlier? Archival material üp until now has used terms such as "renovated" and "enlarged". To "build" implies that it is a new structure that is being erected. Lawrence Jenkens has found information stating that the Palazzo delle Papesse had burnt down in August 1523, destroying the building from the piano nobile to the roof. Jenkens points out that it is possible to see just where the original brick-work of fourteenth-century structure stops and the new building material for the Nerucci palazzo begins. These facts would then explain Faluschi's claim of Count Nerucci "building" anew this palace." There are many parallels between Rossellino's design for the Palazzo delle Papesse and the famous Florentine palazzi. In 1460 this massive building would have certainly stood out from the elegant private Sienese homes in the traditional Gothic style, such as Palazzo Buonsignori (Fig. 6 Giovacchino Faluschi, Breve Realzione delle Cose Notabile della Città di Siena. Ampliata e Corretta. 2nd ed. (Siena: Nella Stamperia Mucci, MDCCCXV), p. 58. 17. 1 wish to thank Professor Lawrence Jenkens from the University of New Orleans for sharing these important findings with me when we were at the Archivio di Stato di Siena. 82 53). Palazzo delle Papesse displays a heavily rusticated ground floor made from ashlar blocks. This roughly cut wall has been pierced with three rounded openings. Two of these openings seem to have been filled at a later date, leaving enough space for a rounded window. The central opening forms the main entrance. The entire façade of the Palazzo delle Papesse, including the piano nobile and the top floor, closely resembles the Palazzo Medici-Riccardi (1444). Both buildings have rows of bifora windows visible on the front and side façades with a dominant rusticated ground-floor. The other building with which the Palazzo delle Papesse has been compared, is the Palazzo Ruccelai (1446). Rossellino is known to have brought Alberti's design to fruition. He succeeded in building one of the most beautiful private homes of the fifteenth century. Rossellino has reintroduced his bifora windows from the Ruccelai at the Palazzo delle Papesse (Fig. 56). They are not as delicately articulated as those at the Florentine palace, lacking the engaged colonettes at the sides and the relief work in the spandrels. The single column at the Siena building, supports two slightly pointed arches. This too, is different from the Medici and Ruccelai palazzi, where the colonettes support a lintel. The head of the window is also slightly arched, giving this building a distinct Sienese flavour. The spandrel, as at the Ruccelai 83 palace, has been given a single oculus. This window type is evident both at the Palazzo Medici-Riccardi and at the Palazzo Ruccelai . However, at the Florentine palaces, the windows are entirely rounded. It has been suggested that the arched bifora window at the Palazzo delle Papesse in tact reflects the Sienese tradition which can easily be seen at Palazzo Tolomei, Palazzo Chigi and Palazzo Buonsignori. 18 Typically Florentine is the way the piano nobile and top storey have been handled. Travertine and marble, more costly material than the heavy sandstone used for the rustication, have been carefully measured and cut into rectangular blocks. The workmanship at the Florentine palaces indicates, however, a finer and more regulated placement of these hem blocks. The overall texture of the Palazzo delle Papesse does not show a sense of smoothness and rhythm, both quite evident at the Florentine palaces. The cornice at the Palazzo delle Papesse is less grand than at its Florentine counterparts. Here Rossellino has restricted the extent to which the modillions project. Also he has modified the extension of the roof-Une. He has used a classical egg-and-tongue rnoulding in the ovolo, leaving the cornice smooth. The central courtyard has been restored over the years. 18. I wish to thank Prof. Hans-Karl Lücke for drawing this to my attention. It is very small in comparison with the courtyards of Palazzo Piccolomini on Banchi di Sotto or the other Piccolomini residences in Pienza and Sarteano. Federighi has been given authorship of the courtyard by several scholars.:" It is uncertain how much is his actual design or how much was reworked after the fire, The arcuated loggia on the piano nobile, at one tirne probably open, has been glassed in and only extends along two sides of the courtyard (Fig. 57). The other two walls are solid red brick, and bear no design work. The architect has used octagonal brick columns surmounted by white marble capitals to support the arches. The lower loggia of the courtyard has been left open. The vaulted ceiling in this area, has been painted with a fresco of srotteschi which appears to be a sixteenth-century application. In the far left corner, an octagonal well still exists (Fig. 58). Xt is uncertain if Federighi designed this, as the wreath with ribbons that is sculpted on the front panel is now heavily worn. The rendering of this wreath does not bear Federighi's usual lush foliage and heavily sculpted fruit. The ribbons too, are static and do not have that Federighi quality of flowing naturally in the wind. The octagonal shape is reminiscent of bis wells at the Giardino 19. Venturi, Schmarsow, Milanesi, Torriti, and Adams. 85 Pensile at Pienza and the baptismal font at the Cappella di San Giovanni in the Siena Cathedral. Perhaps Federighi designed it and an apprentice carried out the actual work. The courtyard as it stands today is sterile and lacks a feeling of open space, it appears to have been an afterthought rather than part of the original design. Palazzo delle Papesse was the first truly Florentine- style building to appear in Siena. It would shortly be followed by the even grander Palazzo Piccolomini on Banchi di Sotto in 1469 and the Palazzo Spannocchi in 1473. These grand Renaissance palaces would not have been introduced were it not for the vision of Pius II. 1460 -PALAZZO DEI DIAVOLI/TURCHI The bizarre structure annexed to the charming Cappella dei Diavoli/Turchi has perplexed many scholars over the years (Fig. 28). The building, believed to have existed in the Middle Ages, was enlarged in the 1460s by Federighi.2 0 Local legends Vary on how the building complex got its name. Some claim to know that it was a house of il1 repute, while others state that the building was mysteriously constructed 20. "Al tempo dellfassedio del 1554, vi era al Palazzo dei Diavoli (O Turchi, poi Buonsignori, singolare edificio medievale in laterizio ingrandito da Antonio Federighi ne1 1460). . ." (Duccio Balestracci, Daniela Lamberini and Mauro Civai, ' Bottini Medievali di Siena [Siena: Edizioni Alsaba, n.d.(after 1989)], p. 145 n. 29.) overnight by some unknown force or beings. It was originally a castle, with the main entrance at the base of the tower. The complex has since been converted into nineteen apartrnents. The original open arcade, connecting the chapel to the palazzo, has been bricked-in (Fig. 28). This area was transformed from a hospital at some point after the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries and made into tsade shops. A machine shop and furniture repair and restoration shop now occupy this space. The palazzo is a ta11 rectangular building constructed of red brick, as is the adjoining chapel. Attached to its right side, is a ta11 circular tower, also of red brick, (Fig. 59). The Cappella was a new building designed to harmonize with the pre-existing site. It is difficult to tell what the original fifteenth-century modifications were, as the Palazzo dei Diavoli was heavily restored in the nineteenth century." The front façade is subdivided into three sections. Each storey is designated by a plain string- course (Fig. 60). Both string-courses do not extend al1 the way around the building but stop shortly after they turn the 21. "La Cappella, corne la torre col palazzo, detto volgarmente dei Diavoli furono murati con architettura di Antonio Federighi e restaurato ai nostri giorni da Giulio Rossi senese. . ." (Guida Artistica della Citta e Contorni di Siena, compilata Da Una Società d'Amici [Siena: Tipografia Sordo-Muti di L. Lazzeri, MDCCCLXXXiI, 2nd ed. Agosto 18831, p. 165.) 87 corner on the left and right of the side façades, (Fig. 61). The ground-floor has a simple rectangular door. Above the door is a delicately sculpted marble plaque bearing the words, "Palatii Turqui". It is unknown when this plaque was inserted. There is reason to believe that it was added when the other marble tablets were placed within the brick wall on the upper storey. The piano nobile has a single rectangular window which is of a contemporary design (Fig. 60). ft is placed in the same axis as the main door. Above the window is another marble crest bearing the Piccolomini arrns. A larger circular medallion, also of white rnarble, continues the vertical axis. There is a sun motif in the central portion. The top storey best illustrates Federighi's inventiveness. Another modernized rectangular window sits slightly above the string-course, but just below the cornice Federighi has introduced the most interesting part of the design. A window, which would later be used as a motif in the three blind windows in the Cappella, is located in the middle. Unlike the Cappella's windows, this window is functional. On either side of the window are two terracotta male busts projecting outwards from two roundels. These figures, at present unidentified, are quite striking. Who are they, and what do they represent? There is another roundel with a male bust, on the west façade, to the left of the tower. On the east façade, two 88 more terracotta figures appear. Perhaps these five men are a fourteenth-century Sienese version of the summi viri? But which great men might they bel and why would Federighi depict them in such a novel manner? This type of "Gallery of Worthies" had been part of Caesar Augustus's great political programme for the Forum Augustus in 2 B.C. Augustus designed two long, covered colonnades on either side of the Temple of Mars Ultor. Heze, he honoured the noblest men of his family. Under each statue, a tablet was inserted bearing the name of the person, along with a short description of his exemplary acts." It is more likely that Federighi had seen Ghiberti's self-portrait on the right stile of the left door of the Gates of Pa~radiseat the Florence Baptistry (1452)." The insertion of this tiny head into such an important public commission, was both innovative and provocative. Perhaps inspired by Ghiberti's bravado, Federighi introduced a new and exciting approach to representing known people. The "Gallery of Worthies" concept reappeared on a much grander scale at the end of the century in the Duomo. In the nave, just above the arches, there are one hundred and seventy-two terracotta busts of -- 22. Paul Zanker, The Power of Imases in the Aqe of Auqustus (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1990), pp. 210-211; p. 194, Fig. 149. 23. Charles Avery, Florentine Renaissance Sculpture (Frome and London: Butler & Tanner, 1970; reprint, 1987), p. 53, Fig. 33. Popes. Also in the spandrels beneath these heads, closer in concept to the Palazzo dei Diavoli, other heads appear. These heads represent various Emperors and are almost identical to the heads and roundels at the 1460 pala~zo.'~ The roundels encircling the five heads at the palazzo are adorned with the same lush wreaths as seen on the tympana of the Duomo of Pienza and San Francesco at Sarteano (Figs. 88-89). Each garland is outlined on either side with a thin row of beading. The plaque under the first roundel on the façade reads "THUR COR" , to the left of the window, "PALA TIVM". Clearly this is latin for "Palace of the Turks" or, as it is better known in Italian, Palazzo dei Turchi. These tablets are repeated on the other three roundels. A total of fourteen wreaths and roundels circumvent the top storey on three sides of the palazzo. They commence £rom the east façade, to the front, and then al1 along the west front, including the tower. The back of the palazzo shows evidence that three more wreaths may have been there at one time. The scraping on the wall indicates three 24. 1 wish to thank Prof. Lücke for bringing the Duomo busts to my attention. He also suggests looking at the heads beneath the cornice at Palazzo Spannocchi. 1 have been unable to locate a photograph of the Spannocchi palace. Contemporary chronicles state that the palace was begun on 15 March 1474 for Pius II's treasurer, Ambrogio Spannocchi. (Fecini, p. 870; Allegretti, fo. 8r.) Prof. Lücke also comments that representing heads on official buildings may be a new Sienese trend. This is worthy of further investigation. 90 altered sections on the brick-work (Fig. 62). Two wreaths, of a very similar style to the wreaths bearing the Piccolornini arms, have been seen on the façade of the central building which connects the cappella to the palazzo. Could these wreaths have been removed from back of the palazzo and re-inserted in this new location (Fig. 63)? This is a question worthy of future investigation. The nine remaining wreaths are larger in size than the summi viri roundels. Their foliage and fruit are much larger and more lush than the roundel wreaths. Federighi has placed the Piccolomini coat-of-arms in white marble, within the nine wreathes. The plaques under each of these al1 read the same, "VIVAT FELIX", "Long Live the Fortunate". Not an unusual motto for Pope Pius II, whose goal was to assure the perpetulty of his family name. Careful inspection of these marble inscriptions, reveals that each tablet was painted either in blue or in red pigment at some earlier time. The Palazzo dei Diavoli/Turchi is still an enigma today and requires careful study. No other building in Siena cornes close to its eclectic style. Federighi has succeeded in amalgamating disparate parts. He would repeat this feat a few years later at the Cappella del Campo. c. 1465: PALAZZO/CASA SALLUSTIO BANDINI This palazzetto is found on Via Sallustio Bandini, No 25, where the road meets with Via S. Vigilio (Fig. 64). The house was owned by Sallustio Bandini (1677-1760), a man of letters and an economist, thus giving the house its current name, The original patron is unknown, althougb .L there exists the possibility that it was Lorenzo Chini.'- The University of Siena took over the palazzo in this century. The building is now the "Università degli Studi Segreterie, Centro di Calcolo." Palazzo Bandini is constructed of red brick and highlighted with pietra Serena, as already seen at the Cappella and the Palazzo dei Diavoli/Turchi. This small building displays none of the grandeur of the Palazzo delle Papesse or the adroitness of the Palazzo dei Diavoli. Instead it is a careful display of harmony. The architect has subdivided a rectangle into two sections. The ground floor, now serving as the university's main entrance, has a large pedimented rectangular door, offset to the left. The pian terreno is much higher in cornparison to the upper storey. There are four smaller rectangular windows on either side of the door, One is placed to the left, and the other three to the right. Placed upon the delicately beaded 25. Mantura saw a villa in a veduta, dated 1465, which was published by Rornagnoli. The Villa di Pavone, which was later destroyed, apparently was similar to Palazzo Bandini. This villa was made for a Lorenzo, whose last name was illegible to Mantura. He suggests that it might be a Lorenzo Chini who comrnissioned the Villa in 1465. According to Mantura, 1465 is also a plausible date for the Palazzo Bandini. (Mantura, p. 101.) 92 string course, are five square windows of equal size which make up the upper storey. Minimal attention to design is exhibited in the roof-line (Fig. 65). The immediate impression one gets with this palazzo is that it is a work of simplicity. The wall surfaces are not textured, the two storeys are not treated differently. There only difference being the obvious wall heights between the lower and upper storeys. No detailing is given to the roof-line, this roof does not boast a pediment, nos a classical cornice. Two main building materials have been used, red brick for the entire façade, and pietra Serena as accent. The doorway has been given the most detailing. The large opening has a majestic pediment supported by two fluted pilasters. The details of the door have been beautifully preserved, showing little aging (Fig. 66). Analogous to Federighi's style, both capitals have different foliated designs. The entablature which they support, has a simple beaded pattern in the lower fascia. The frieze has drawn the most attention over the centuries. It is this frieze that convinces some scholars that the Palazzo Bandini as Federighi's work. Playful putti ride upon the backs of obliging dolphins. Sorne dolphins have had their tails tied by flowing ribbons. Other pairs of dolphins turn and face each other, as their mouths touch a type of palmette. The central motif shows two putti holding a ring surmounted by a cross. This dolphin frieze is comparable with the dolphins on the Cappella del Campo, with the baptismal font in San Giovanni and the dolphin intarsia inside and outside the Duomo (Figs. 48-50). The Piccolomini crest in the pediment is flanked by two urns. These urns are also on the pilasters of the Pancale della Loggia della Mercanzia. Two oculi trimmed with pietra Serena pierce the wall structure on either side of the pediment. The four small rectangular windows line up exactly under the Îirst, third, fourth and fifth windows of the piano nobile. The door is set to the left of the main axis in order to line up directly with the viewer who approaches the building from the piazzetta in front of the church of S. Vigilio. When walking towards the façade of Palazzo Bandini, it is difficult to see the far right of the building, thus giving the impression that there are only three windows to the top storey. From this vantage point, the viewer sees a perfectly symmetrical building. Only after one cornes closer does the rest of the building emerge. However, the two smaller windows of the ground floor have been carefully arranged to Iine up directly with the fourth and fifth windows on the floor above. The £ive pedimented windows of the piano nobile form, therefore, a perfect balance to the layout of the ground floor. Al1 the windows are identical. Each pediment has a 94 wreath with ribbons streaming gracefully from its sides. The wreaths are the same diameter as the oculi above the door. The pediments are simply outlined with the same beading as that of the string course. The intentional use of circle and triangle on the top storey unite and harmonize with the main door thus creating a delicate and balanced overall appearance. It seems possible that Federighi designed the Palazzo Bandini. As in the Cappella dei Diavoli, this project was planned as a new building conceived entirely in the classical style, There was no need to work around a pre- existing building or style. The unknown patron of Palazzo Bandini presented Siena with yet another Renaissance bui lding. 1460s: PALAZZO/CASA CALUSI GIANNINI Situated on Via Camollia, 4, this red brick building was probably erected in the 1460s. Venturi claims that this house was probably done by Federighi or one of his f 01 lowers .'" Great effort has been expended in making this private home resemble a grand palazzo. This small building, which is physically attached to buildings on either side, boasts a ground-floor (pian terreno), a piano nobile and a third floor. The entire façade is made of red brick. The detai 1 ing is carefully rendered in brickwork. 26. Venturi, p. 720. 95 Trying to imitate the sran palazzi, such as the Palazzo delle Papesse, this private residence also plays with a heavily rusticated ground floor, giving way to smooth walls at upper storeys which decrease in scale as we get closer to the roof. The ground floor is made to suggest rustication (Fig. 67). The architect ingeniously achieves this by placing rows of specially arranged bricks in a manner that gives the impression of three-dimensional rustication. Groupings of bricks stacked together, usually in sixes, create the illusion of hewn stone blocks. Each "block" is bevelled around the edges. The overall effect of the blocks, arranged in neat parallel rows, is one of plasticity. Al1 ttblockst'have been shaped to fit a specific area. For example, if around a door or a window, they are made srnaller or longer as requi red. One central door and two side windows constitute the openings in the ground floor. It is unknown if these two lower window openings have been modified in any way, but they do not look like any of the windows of the two upper storeys. The window frames have been carefully made to be identical to the ones on the second storey, in order to facilitate the upward movement of the eye. The door is also of the sanie width as the window above. Each of these frames is surmounted by a rounded arch (Fig. 68). A set of pilasters frames the lower storey. Composed 96 of red brick, they give the impression of a richer material. They have been given fluting. The bases rest on the same socle area as the windows. Red clay formed into foliage and volutes, forms the capitals that sit on the top of the pilasters (Fig. 69). There are three square windows on the second storey. At one time it appears that these would have had stone transoms and mullions, perhaps in the style of Guelf windows. Alterations over the years have filled in some of this space and inserted "modernized" windows with shutters. Three simple rounded arches enhance the windows. The brick- work on this storey is done in red brick, with little need for decoration. There is no aim to create a tactile surface. The bricks are laid in regular smooth rows, and obvious change from the tactile surface of the piano terreno. Another set of fluted pilasters flanks this storey as the one below. The eye is made to move upwards from the ground level as the fluting leads the observer to the next pair of pilasters. The capitals are foliated with graceful stylized acanthus leaves. The top storey, above the string course, is the least detailed of the three sections. Three rectangular windows are placed on the same axis as the windows and door below. The two side windows are functional, while the middle one is a blind window. This motif has been used before, especially at the Cappella and Palazzo dei Diavoli. The wall surface 97 of this storey has been handled just as the storey below. Unlike the first two storeys, however, there are no pilasters on this final floor. It is not known if this was deliberate or if the design was changed when construction reached this level. The cornice, just below the roof-line, is embellished with a classical dentil moulding. This elegant, yet simple decoration crowns the entire building. A novel use of man- made products, cleverly moulded to resernble other materials is the main accomplishment at this palazzo. Again, the patron remains unknom, but it seems possible that he had wanted a house in the "modern" style but probably could not afford the costlier materials of sandstone and travertine; or perhaps his social position didn't allow him to use these types of noble building products. The final result is a house that is novel and would have been much in vogue with the new trend of the 1460s. PALAZZO COSTANTINI This fifteenth-century building on Via dei Montanini, 72 has features similar to Federighi's style. Careful inspection indicates that this building may have been done in a later period since it lacks Federighi's plasticity. The main portal of the building (Fig. 70) displays features as the rounded doorway with large voussoirs. The archway is enclosed with a rectangular, very classical frame. Two 98 small wreaths with ribbons occupy the top corners within the frame. Al1 these features would suggest Federighi's hand, but careful examination of the moulding along the edge of the frame indicates otherwise (Fig, 71). Whoever designed this building was definitely influenced by Federighi's work or may have even apprenticed under him. Federighi who likes to use egg-and-dart moulding to frame windows and doorways, always does so with deeply incised precision. Whoever composed the design for Palazzo Costantini preferred a more delicate and refined affect. Federighi did not usually add so many designs and textures when composing a simple doorirame. He would leave this type of inventiveness for friezes, capitals and pilasters. Venturi is correct in stating that the architect responsible for Palazzo Costantini was a follower of Federighi and that the same workshop may have been responsible for the portico at Pontignano (Figs. 72-73]." These designs reveal a Florentine hand adept at incorporating pure classical motifs. Federighi, who was masterful in using these same motifs, never used them as pure designs in themselves. He was always reworking and reinventing forms. He was more interested in using the antique and trying to create something new and unique with them. - 27. Venturi, pp. 726-7. c. 1461: PALAZZO FEDERIGHI~' "..ana casa posta a capo a 10 chiasso de le donzelle assai estrema per mio abitare edificata per me tutta nuova... 1 q The casa to which this citation refers is Federighi's own home, which he built for his family on Via delle Donzelle (Fig. 74). It is possible that this undated Lira was written in 1461.'' Romagnoli does not give a date for his transcription of Federighi's Lira. When an atternpt was made to locate Romagnoli's reference in the Archivio di Stato, it was found that Tomo 41 was not in its inventory. Peleo Bacci in the 1930s states that Federighi died at his home on Via delle Donzelle in 1483.'' The exact location of Federighi's home is unknown to us. Perhaps Bacci may have answered this question in his 28. Palazzo Federighi is the name which I choose to cal1 this palazzo since its styling suggests that it could have been Federighi's persona1 residence. The palazzo is better known as Albergo Tre Donzelle. The palazzo has been converted into a pensione serving university students for most of the year. 29. Romagnoli, p. 607. 30. A Lira is a financial statement of private wealth submitted by each citizen for tax purposes. Once real estate and liquid wealth was determined, the city officiais would calculate the amount of taxes owed. The Lira worked very much on the same principles as the Florentine Castato which was introduced in 1427. (Goldthwaite, The Buildinq in Renaissance Florence (1991), p. 82.) 31. Pelèo Bacci, Francesco di Valdambrino: Emulo del Ghiberti e Collaboratore di Jacopo della Quercia (Siena: Istituto Comunale d'Arte e di Storia, MCMXXVI-XV*), p. 409. manuscript that is now lost. However, after careful inspection of this very short street, the only building that could have been Federighi's residence is the Albergo Tre Donzelle. Unlike the other structures on Via delle Donzelle, Albergo Tre Donzelle is a fifteenth century building conceived purely in the Renaissance style. Comparing the physical structure with the clues provided by archiva1 research, has lead the writer to conclude that this may be Federighi's house, refurbished by him, in the Renaissance style, in the early 1460s. Richter's thorough investigation of Federighi's documents reveal that Federighi already owned half of his house as early as 29 September 1448 while renting the other half from the Opera del Duomo for fourteen lire a year." Federighi was able to buy the other half on 23 January 1461, at which time he probably began to give it its present 32. Richter, Doc. No. 41, p. 161. "29 September 1448 - 30 April 1450 MCCCCXLVIII Maestro Antonio di Federigho. lavora di marmo chot 1 'Opera, s ' e alogata oggi questo di 29 di seteere da Misser Giovanni Borghesi, Operaio dela chiesa chathedrale, una mezza chasa per non diviso, posta ne1 trezo [sic = terzo] di [biank] i' luogho detto [blank], la quale fu de' Mastri di lengname e dela pietra. La quale meta à conprata esso Maestro Antonio dal1Arte del' lengname, l'altra meta è deltopera. Dela quale metà d'essa debba dare l'anno lire quatordici altOpera,per quel10 tenpo piaciara al detto Operaio ..." façade." Apparently, the house must have been completed by 1467, as Federighi states in that year's Lira that he lives in "una casa posta ne1 chiasso delle Donzelle, nelle quale abito io.. . "" There is no reference to the palazzo being new. In the 1478 Lira, Federighi alludes to his grand house, simply as a "casetta"." Why would he cal1 it a "tiny house"? Either he didn't consider it grand and was used to living there, or perhaps he wanted to diminish its grandeur to avoid probable tax increases." 31. Richter, Doc. No. 91, p. 200. "23 January 1460(=1461) Item die XXIII fanuarii [1461] Operarius, Consiliarii et Sapientes Opere ecclesie catedralis Senensis vendiderunt Magistro Antonio Federighi de Senis, sculptori marmorum, medietatem unius domus pro indiviso, site Senis i terzerio Kamollie et populo Sancti Cbristofori dale Conzelle sive drieto agl'ugurgieri, infra suos fines, pro pretio florenorum quinquaginta de libris 4 pro floreno f. L de libr. 4 pro fl." 32. Richter, Doc. No. 134, p. 235. 33. Richter, Doc. NO. 184, p. 274. Richter had found this document in the Archivio di Stato, Lira 182. At the time of Dr. Richter's research this Lira was not paginated. 1 found the document and was given permission by the Director of the Archivio to paginate the Lira for her. Richter's Doc. NO. 184 can now be found in Lira 182, carta 275. 34. Richter had already implied this when discussing Federighi's 1467 Lira. Apparently artists were known to try to diminish their true property holdings and usually stated The final Lira, undated, but probably of 1481 refers to his house as "una casa per suo abitare, loqualo è Posta ne1 terzo di Camollia e pop010 di Santo Cristofano, la dove al prexente abito . 'I'~ This concluding remark af f i rms that Federighi did spend his final years there, which corroborates Bacci's statement that Federighi died at his residence 15 January 1483. A short stroll along Banchi di Sotto, steps from the Logge del Papa, leads to the Via delle Donzelle. Via delle Donzelle is a typical Sienese street. Its buildings rise two or three storeys from the ground level. No protruding windows or balconies are evident. Due to the narrowness of the street, it is difficult to see if there are any interesting architectural features on these flat façades. One particular palazzo, which occupies the full corner of Via delle Donzelle and Vico10 del Viscione, does warrant further investigation. The building materials used for this that they were in bad health. Richter refers to Vecchietta's Lira of 1465 which shows his meagrely holdings and due to poor health he had to sel1 off some of his personal possessions. She states that the artist's living conditions at this tfme were not very good. 35. This undated Lira has been published by Milanesi, Paoletti and Richter. Milanesi had dated it 1490 and Paoletti according to Richter had re-dated it as 1481. Richter concurs with this new dating and she also provides us with the new Archivio di Stato reference for it - Lira 197 (14811, fol. 1. However when 1 tried confirming this document at the Archivio, 1 couldn't find Richter's reference in Lira 197. Federighi's- Lira for 1481 can be found in Lira 199, carta 103 edifice are quite different from the rest of the street. Its heavily quoined corner draws the eye to the rest of its massive structure (Fig. 75). There is no doubt that this was at one tirne a grand palazzo. The façade facing Via delle Donzelle has a rusticated ground floor, with the two upper storeys completed in a smooth finish. The pian terreno has a rounded door set off centre to the far right. To its left are two rectangular windows. Directly above these three openings, a series of six windows line up with the windows and door below. The palazzo is crowned with an ornate festooned cornice. The side of the house, on Viale del Viscione, carries on the same articulation as the front façade. The side is longer than the front by one window-width, as seen from the double rows of four windows. The rustication continues on the face of this side as well (Fig. 76). Two windows pierce the solid wall structure at the ground level. The rustication is very innovative and has been created especially for this building. The vermiculated blocks closest to the windows and door have been designed to project downwards from various angles (Fig. 77). These angled blocks form the voussoirs that outline the windows and door. Zn the socle area, a rectangular marble bench is situated next to the door (Fig. 74). The Florentine invention of adjoining a low marble bench to the socle area is present in this house. Adding benches to the socle areas of palazzi began at Palazzo Medici and Palazzo Ruccelai in the 1440s and was later introduced to the Palazzi Piccolornini, and Vescovile at Pienza by Pius 11.'" The Palazzo Piccolomini on Banchi di Sotto also has this idiosyncratic embellishment. The piano nobile and the top floos are treated identically. The six ta11 rectangular windows on the front façade are framed with plain fascias. A modillion on either slde is placed supports a cornice. A delicately sculpted acanthus leaf psojects downwards on each modillion. A slender scroll motif embellishes the external side of each modillion. Vermiculated quoins project ont0 the plaster surface of both storeys, stopping at the architrave. The design interplays with long and short quoins, alternating the lengths. This interchange creates a rhytfimic steady movement upwards (Fig. 77). The architrave is divided into two smooth fascias (Fig. 78). The middle astragal has been left plain, while the astragal next to the cma reversa is beaded. The most astounding feature of this entire building is the frieze. It is the frieze which establishes Federighi's authorship to 9. this building. It is not difficult to see his hand at play. The frieze at Palazzo Federighi is the epitome of classical design. Knowing that a building of this calibre 36. The Palazzo Ammannati across the street from Palazzo Piccolomini in Pienza also has the marble benches along the front of the building. 105 would require a certain amount of decoration, he decided to include a typically classical garland frieze. Or is it? If this were a nobleman's house, it would not be unusual to expect a decorative series of festoons along the perimeter of the roof-line? A deeply sculpted garland occupies the entire length of the frieze area of the palazzo. For such a typically classical theme, one would expect to see either playful putti or bucrania holding up the garland at intervals. Perhaps since this was not an "official" building, the architect may not have wanted to appear ostentatious. Or perhaps, seeing that this was a "domestic" building, he borrowed a classical theme and adapted it to a new envi ronment . Whatever his reason, the final result is as capricious as it is functional. The vegetables and fruit in the garland are similar to the ones he had designed dozens of times before. The bold step which he took was replacing the formulaic putti and bucrania with images of fish and fowl. These animals can be found in any Italian kitchen. It only made sense to include them on the façade of his home. Therefore, the garlands are held up by a suspended fish, the hooves of a stag, or the feet of a dead fowl. An exceptionally lyrical touch appears at the corner of the building where a duck in high relief initiates the garland on the front façade (Fig. 78). This type of imagery is unique; its display on a palazzo front, exceptional. There is no doubt that this building was renowned at its tirne and that the architectts inventive use of "official" classical irnagery was appreciated by the Sienese of his day. It is puzzling why this building has not been identified with Federighi before now. Documented proof shows that he built a home for himself on Via delle Donzelle. Federighi provided all the possible trademarks for xhich he was known: the massive use of stone, the rectangular windows, the classical motifs, and the richly embellished garland friezes. No other contemporary Sienese architect was as well-versed in classical imagery as Federighi, and not that many Renaissance buildings were erected by the time this building was completed. The clues are quite evident, and it will be satisfying to one day solve this mystery with certitude and finally restore the credit for the design of this magnificent building back to Antonio Federighi. SUMMARY This chapter has introduced several palazzi attributed to Antonio Federighi, while a couple of others have been allocated to his followers. There is no doubt, however, of the influence that Federighi had over future generations of Sienese architects. His reputation as an architect had been set with the whimsical Cappella and falazzo dei Diavoli. As 107 Pius II's persona1 architect, he was asked to supervise the construction of the Palazzo delle Papesse. Other patrons liking the "new" style, may have also commissioned Federighi to build their private residences. Finally, after acquiring a certain level of wealth and position, Antonio Federighi rewarded hirnself with a most wonderful example of Renaissance architecture, his private residence on Via delle Donzel f e - CHAPTER 5 ENGINEERING WORKS "At five in the morning a large thunderbolt greatly damaged the Torre del Mangia," so wrote Lodovico Petroni in his diary on 6 April 1460.' Three years later the administrators, treasurer and other elected officiais, whose joint responsibility was the rebuilding of a new tower, asked permission for qualified maestri or engineers to be sent to Siena from Rome or elsewhere. They had not been able to find any experienced engineer in Siena to oversee this important task.' They suggested that the Commune 1. "Questa notte passata dette la folgore nella torre del palazzo e fe' grandissimo danno e guasto quel10 Mangia che sonava l'ore. Fu a ore v di nocte." (S. Borghesi and L. Banchi, Nuovi Documenti per la Storia delltArte Senese: Alla Raccolta di Documenti Pubblicato da1 Corn. Gaetano Milanesi [Siena: Enrico Torrini, 18981, Doc. NO. 131, p. 219.) 2. "Li vostri servitori operai e camarlingo de la torre et altri cictadini provisionari, electi per autorità del Consiglio del pop010 sopra al fare provisioni sopra riparare la torre vecchia, con debita reverentia expongano, che volendo loro diligentemente intendere li mancamenti di decta spend whatever money was necessary to hire the best person to rebuild the treasured Torre. In September of that same year, another meeting was held to oversee the dismantling of the bells in the damaged tower. Further, the committee stipulated that the said repairs to the tower must be completed within six yeass or, at the most, eight. A "buono e perfecto" treasurer (camarlinso) would be appointed to administer the monies required to pay the workers and materials over this time period. ' The urgency and importance of erecting the Torre del Mangia was not simply due to it being the central focus to the Piazza del Campo, nor to the fact that it surmounted the Palazzo Pubblico. To the Sienese, the Tower represented Siena and the potent political power that she wielded in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. When the Torre del Mangia was constructed in 1325, it rose over and above the other familial towers that pierced the horizon. It could and still can be seen as an icon from miles around as one approaches Siena. Its prominence within the Campo and its formidable height established it as the tower and came to torre et del modo che quella si potesse riparare, non trovano alucno maestro O îngegnere che sia sufficienete a ta1 materia, si che cognoschano essere necessario di mandare a Roma O in qualche altro luogho per uno O due valenti ingegnieri da' quali maturamente si passa havevre parere." (Borghesi & Banchi, Doc. NO. 129, p. 214.) 3. Borghesi and Banchi, pp. 218-219. symbolize the unity and strength of the Sienese people. In a practical sense, the bells within the tower also sounded the alarm in times of emergency, they rounded up her citizens when they were needed, and finally, the chimes indicated the time of day.' Aldo Cairola, who had almost cornpleted a comprehensive book on the history of the Torre del Mangia before his untimely death in 1985, does not elaborate on the destruction of the tower in 1460. He barely mentions in his article that the tower was hit by lightening, and gives no indication of the extensive damage or the amount of work required for its repair throughout the 1460s. Archiva1 documents which shed light on some of the activity at this time have curiously not been part of any scholar's works. In his 1835 biography on Antonio Federighi, Ettore Romagnoli gave the first clue to the events surrounding the reconstruction of the dock tower. In one fascinating and short sentence when referring to payments made to Federighi in 1470, Rornagnoli introduces Federighi as being " il . . . ingegnere del Comune. "' No other document makes this assertion. Where and when did Federighi get this title, or was it part of his duties as capomaestro of the OPA? While we may 4. Aldo Cairola, "La Torre del Mangia," Bullettino Senese di Storia Patria (Siena: Accademia Senesi degli Intronati, l985), XCII, p. 393. 5. Romagnoli, IV, p. 593. not be able to arrive at an answer in this paper, we do know that Federighi was in charge of erecting the bells of the newly repaired Torre del Mangia in 1468 in his capacity as inseqnere del Comune. There is a definite void in documents from 1463 to 1468 and we have no idea if engineers had eventually been found in Rome or note Perhaps Federighi was given the entire responsibility of directing this engineering feat and that is why Romagnoli quite casually and perhaps logically, calls him the engineer of the commune. After all, Federighi was also working on the Coronamento della Cappella during this same period as we have discussed in Chapter 2. It may be helpful to give a short definition of what inqeqnere meant to fifteenth century Tuscany . according to the Vocabolario deqli Accademici della Crusca, explains the term in these ways: "1. Nome dato da prima all'inventore e costruttore d'ingegni, ossia macchine, e pi0 propriamente da guerra O idrauliche .... II. Comunemente intendesi Colui che professa ltartedel coetruire qualsivoglia sorta di edifiaj, formandone i dieegni e dirigendone llesecuzione,del far mappe, del cavare rilievi topografici, e simili lavori. E in senso più ristretto prendesi per Architetto .... III. Usasi con diversi aggiunti, corne Civile, Militare, Idraulico O Delle acque, Meccanico, Agronomo, Delle miniere, ec., denotanti quel ramo speciale di costruzioni, misurazioni, od operazioni congeneri , che un Ingegnere più particolarmente esercita e professa .... IV. Cosi pure Xngegnere del Comune, della Provincia, del Demanio (e un tempo della parte, ossia di Parte Guelfa), dicesi aglt1ngegneri addetti a tali ufficj O magistrati ....'1 For reasons which will soon becorne evident, we will understand inqeqnere, when applied directly to Antonio Federighi, to signify any works pertaining to military and building construction and to hydraulics. Federighi as capomaestro of the -A was also responsible for the supervision of construction in Siena. Sometimes this meant that he had to also be at building sites outside of Siena. An important contract came in 1468 when the fortress of Sarteano had to be properly fortified. This special assignment will be presented in the chapter on Sarteano. Romagnoli's account af the repairs made to the clock tower introduces, for the first time, Federighi's name with that project. Archival material which has recently corne to light, show that in 1468 Federighi and his associate Giovanni Cozzarelli repositioned the newly cast bel1 within the bell-chamber, thus suggesting the completion of repairs to the Torre del Mangia. Romagnoli cites that Federighi was paid sixty-seven lire to install the bel1 that Giovanni Cozzarelli had cast. "Dalla revisione del 1470: di Giovanni Benassai operajo della Campana si apprende ...che il federigi era ingegnere del Comune.,,La Campana del orologio gettata da Giovanni Cozzarelli Antonio Federighi la pose sù e n'ebbe per sue spese 6. "INGEGNEREW, Vocabolario decrli Accademici della Crusca (1882), pp. 778-779. (My emphases.) The precise date of 18 March 1468 for the bell's commemoration is provided by Tommaso Fecini in his Cronaca Senese." Another Sienese diary chranicles this same event. Allegretto Allegretti writes: " Campana per sonare l'ore [In Left Margin] Il 18: di marzo Anno antidetto 114681 si tiro' su' La Torre una campana che haveva fatta rifare Matteo di Pinocesio CO' aev Pinoecio dlEna dire, operaio della Camera per sonare l'ore del1 oriolo. "" An officia1 document from the Archivio di Stato di 7. Romagnoli, IV, p. 593; Ettore Romagnoli, "Guidoccio di Giovanni Battista di Nanni Cozzarelli," in Bioqrafia Cronolosica delBellartisti Senesei, 1200-1800 (Firenze: Edizioni S.P.E.S., 1976), V, p. 234. Guidoccio was Iacomo di Benedetto di Nanni Cozzarelli's cousin. He was most commonly called Giovanni and often worked with Federighi. Iacomo also had a son named Giovanni Andrea. Iacomo and his son both collaborated with Francesco di Giorgio from time to time. 8. Tommaso Fecini, "Cronaca Senese di Tommaso Fecini ( 1431- 1479)," in Rerum Italicarum Scriptores XV, ed. Alessandro Lisini e Fabio Iacornetti (BCI, Siena. Ms. A. VI, 9, published, Bologna: 1931-1939, 2nd Edition), II, p. 869. "1468. A di 18 di Marzo fu posta la nuova canpana dell'ore in sulla torre: furo operai Matteo Pinocio di Francesco e Augustino padellaio." 1 wish to thank Dr. Carla Zarrilli at the Archivio di Stato di Siena for referring me to this information, 9. Allegretto Allegretti, "Diario Sanese d'Allegretto Allegretti delle cose seguite a suo tempo cioe da1 1450 fino allt anno 1496," in I Storie di Siena di diversi Scrittori Estratte da vari manoscritti antichi (KI, Siena. Ms. A. VIII. 42), fo. 26v, (fo. 36v in graphite). Unpublished. Siena validates the daims of Romagnoli, Fecini and Allegretti. The foslio from the ledger carefully itemizes payments made for the work done on the "campana & l'oriolo". This document, as yet unpublished, indicates the various payments made on 15 June 1470 to the workmen involved in restoring the Torre del Mangia. Federighi and Cozzarelli's reappear this foslio: "Opera de la Campana & L'oriolo [In left margin] Item troviamo [...] anno apagare Esesantasette pl0 cioe a Meio di Nannj Pizicaiuolo p anti formi 2 [.]ergoni difero et altre cose comprate da lui E fare laUra campana et a Giovannj Cozarelli Q sua oEa et fadiga et a Mo Anto Federighi E sua fadiga et canapi et a Mariano di Mero di Nardo due tranj lifurno mede into ledete P67 fi10 corne apare aldro libro asso 5 et asso 6...... f67 f310"1° Clearly then, Cozzarelli was paid for casting "the other" bel1 and Maestro Antonio Federighi for his "efforts" and for the ropes used to haul the heavy bel1 up to its proper location within the Torre's bell-chamber. This type of work would require the experience of sorneone well versed in accurate measuring and the science of physics. Hence, Romagnoli refers to Federighi as "ingegnere del Comune" in hi s biography . In consideration of Federighils role as "ingegnere", we turn to the third definition as suggested by the Vocabolario della Crusca which is "Idraulico O Delle acque". Idraulico in Italian, as in English, pertains to "water or other 10. ASS, Reqolatori, 9, carta 222~. Unpublished. See Appendix "D" for a facsimile of this page* liquid conveyed through pipes and channels; operated by movement of liquid (hydraulic brakes, lift) ..."ll In 1480 a petition written by Federighi and reproduced in full in Milanesi's Documenti di Siena, establishes in his own hand what he planned to do as the "ingegnere e conduttore di acque", as the position was sometimes called, "...oparaio maestro Antonio Federici scultore, e mantenitore di detti buttini, cioè mantenuti netti e sgombri e murati tutti a sue espese: e obligasi per anni 20, perchè possa mantenere in buona forma e bene in ponto sempre mai, per modo che l'aqua possa venire abundantemente senza nisuno ritegnio. Abi l'anno per suo salario fior: 80 di lire e 4 per fiorino: intendendosi che '1 Comuno facci li primi aconci, corne di sopra si contiene, a sue espese ."12 What is being discussed here is the maintenance and repair of the complex underground aqueducts which traverse approximately twenty-five kilometres under the entire city of Siena. These are the famous Sienese bottini. Established in the thirteenth century, these aqueducts provide water to the many fountains in Siena. Water was not only vital for domestic use but also for the lucrative wool 11. "Hydraulic", The Concise Oxford Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), p. 488. 12. (My emphases.) G. Milanesi, Documenti per la storia dell'arte Senese (Siena: Onorato Porri, 1854-56; reprinted Holland: DAVACO Publishing, 19691, II, Doc. NO. 264, p. 375. This document is now in the Archivio di Stato di Siena under its modern manuscript title - Biccherna 1068. When 1 examined this foslio in October 1993, 1 found that Federighi provided no date on the upper right-hand corner. Milanesi added the date of 1480, perhaps because this foqlio was amongst other documents dated in that year. industry at that time. A series of catch basins was designed at the base of each fountain. These basins made certain that every precious drop of water was properly used and preserved. As Judith Hook demonstrates: "So much care and concern was lavished upon the fountains of the Sienese, whose attitude to water frequently bordered on the idolatrous, that they became, even in the middle ages, one of the city's most famed features. Each was carefully designed to include a series of basins to serve different functions. In the first, the water was collected, and this clean water was restricted to domestic use. The second basin was for the watering of animals; the third for washing clothes or for industrial purposes. In the more sophisticated fountains, the surplus water was then collected and channelled off, ' so that it is not lost but returns to the use of the community' . "13 These fountains not only delivered the water supply to the citizens of Siena but they had the dual purpose of serving as an essential part of Sienafs defense system. Hook recognizes that each of these strategic fountains was also a fortified strong-point or a "mini-fortressr'. Fountains which lay outside the city walls acted as antiports and the interna1 fountains served as "srnall communal fortresses"." 13. Judith Hook, Siena: A City and its History (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1979), p. 27. Cf. Duccio Balestracci, L Bottini Acsuedotti Medievali Senesi (Siena: Logge della Mercanzia, 10 luglio-10 agosto 1984), Exhibition Catalogue, p. 12. 14. Hook, p. 27; Nicholas Adams, "L'architettura militare di Francesco di Giorgio," in Francesco di Giorqio architetto (Milano: Electa, 1993), Exhibition Catalogue, p. 126, Adams emphasises that, "Dopo tutto, per Siena (corne per ogni The complicated mission of getting water to flow up into the Campo was finally achieved in 1343. The full responsibility of this task fell to the capomaestro of the OPR, Jacopo di Vanno dei Ugolini, in 1334.15 This is important as it shows that the commune relied heavily on the expertise of the capomaestro to head this type of project. Undoubtedly then, the duties of the capomaestro of the OSA also included the supervision of civic works. "LtOperaio era creazione cornunale e 10 troviamo ovunque si fa qualche lavoro di un certo conto, ovunque occorre vigilanza continua, direzione tecnica e responsabilita. 11 Cornune e i magistrati politici non potevano e non sapevano sopraintendere a costruzioni architettoniche O a lavori d'ingegneria e nominavano a rappresentarli, un uorno fidato e competente pur dipendente da essi amministrativamente e disciplinamente. Fin da quando si comincio la fabbrica della chiesa cattedrale, l'operaio del Duomo, scelto con oculatezza e ben pagato, acquisto un grado di superiorità su tutti gli altri ed ebbe per un certo tempo giurisdizione anche sui lavori delle acque ." '" Federighi would have easily taken on the role of keeper of the bottini, especially after his six-year experience in Sarteano where he assisted in the building of the fortress. città), l'acqua era l'elemento vitale: 10 sviluppo urbano e la sicurezza dipendevano da1 regolare approvvigionamento idrico. La consocenza dei "bottini" e dei loro percorsi era quindi un segreto militare: rivelare l'ubicazione di un ingresso agli acquedotti equivaleva a diffondere un segreto di stato." 15. Adams, p. 98. Cf. Fabio Bargagli Petrucci , Le Fonti di Siena e i loro acmedotti (Siena: Edizioni U. Periccioli, 16 Bargagli Petrucci, 1, p. 86. In his role as capomaestro of the OPA, the additional responsibility of supervising the bottini in 1480 would seem to continue the tradition already begun in 1334 with Vanno." Federighi felt quite confident to carry out these duties for the next twenty years, ("... e obligasi per anni 20 ..."), as his petition testifies. Much has been written on the bottini and an important 17. A point needs to be made here to clarify the definitions of operaio and capomaestro. In the thirteen and fourteenth centuries, the distinction between these two is quite blurred. An o~eraioat that time was expected to do manual labour as well as supervise his men. He was responsible for the ordering and payment of materials, and had to also pay the workers' per diem salaries. It would be quite feasible to suggest that one person acted in both these capacities. In the fifteenth century we tend to see a clearer definition between these responsibilities which eventually develop into two separate and distinct positions. The operaio became more of an administrative head, overseeing the job-sites, and was responsible for al1 monies. The capomaestro then, would be involved with the actual on-site supervision of the workers and would record al1 expenses incurred at the various job sites in his bastardello*. He would be technically experienced at al1 jobs which he directly supervised. He would be involved with physical labour. * A bastardello was a tiny notebook kept by al1 capomaestri in which they would record daily expenses from the different locations. These figures would later be copied into a forma1 ledger and given to the camarlinso who would prepare the accounts payable and receivable. (Cf. Spiro Kostof, The Architect (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977); Richard A, Goldwaithe, The Buildinq of Renaissance Florence (Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press, 1980); 1 wish to thank Profs. Alessandro Angelini and Stefano Moscadelli for clarifying some these issues for me. exhibition entitled, "1 Bottini: Acquedotti medievali senesi", was held at the Logge della Mercanzia, Siena in the summer of 1984. The definitive studies of Bargagli Petrucci in 1974 and Balestracci in 1984 do not mention Federighi's contributions to the 1480 repairs of the bottini. Hook, Paoletti and Richter, following Milanesi's lead in 1856, make reference to Federighi's 1480 petition. It is uncertain as to why twentieth-century Italian scholarship remains mute in Federighi's case. Perhaps a logical explanation would be that a greater and far more famous Sienese held the title of Operaio of the bottini from 1469 onwards . Francesco di Giorgio held this position intermittently until his death on 29 November 1501. Some scholars would have us believe that Francesco held this post throughout his long career. This is not exactly true. As the documents reveal, several other men, including Antonio Federighi, served as operaii of the bottini during these thirty-two years of Francesca's tenure as o~eraio.'~ It is correct that Francesco di Giorgio was given this 18. Francesco Paolo Fiore and Manfredo Tafuri, Francesco di Giorcrio architetto (Milano: Electa, 1993), Exhibition Catalogue, p. 412. "1469-1492 - Realizzazione e manutenzione dei bottini. In questo incarico pubblico, ricoperto insieme a Paolo d'Andrea, Francesco è sostituito ne1 1472 da Berto d'Antonio . Ma ne1 1492 è di nuovo alla guida dei lavori, coadiuvato dai figli di Berto. " important assignment in 1469. In fact it was his first official civic project, which is probably one of the reasons why the Duke of Urbino would later cal1 upon Francesco to help out with Urbino's grand building campaign in the late 70s.'" Along with Francesco, another operaio was assigned to share this office: Paolo d'Andrea. Their task was to find more water sources and to increase the water, by a third, in the fountain in the Piazza del Campo. Their contract was for three years and one month. The contract offered a handsome salary if these two men could meet the stipulations of the contract within the time period. This sizeable payment also underlined the immense importance and urgency of this undertaking.'' The joint responsibility of supervising the bottini was not unusual. In fact from the onset, the bottini were maintained by the Operaio of Fonte Branda and the Operaio of the Fonte del Campo. Both of these men supervised the labourers who dug the bottini, the keepers of the fountains 19. Allen Stuart Weller, Francesco di Giorqio. 1439-1501 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1943) p. 182; Francesco Paolo Fiore, "L'architettura civile di Francesco di Giorgio" in Francesco di Giorsio architetto (Milano: Electa, 1993), Exhibition Catalogue, p. 75; Adams, p. 126. Al1 three scholars maintain that Francesco di Giorgio was called to Urbino primarily as an engineer and military architect as a consequence of his involvement with the Sienese bottini. 20. Weller, p. 340; Fabio Bargagli Petrucci, "Francesco di Giorgio Martini. Operaio dei Bottini di Siena," Bullettino Senese di Storia Patria (Siena: Tip. e Lit Sordo - Muti di L. Lazzeri, lgOS), IX, Fasc. II, p. 229. and the viqilanti who, by day and by night, looked after the well-being of the city and of her water systems. Also reporting to the operaii, were several appointed advisors, equally represented from each of the Siena's Terzi." These men were not always enthusiastic about being selected to serve as advisors to the operaii. They knew of the importance, and dangers, involved with the maintenance and construction of the bottini and were reticent to accept the great responsibility that this entailed. As representatives appointed by the Commune, they were normally not allowed to decline their appointment. Should they insist to be relieved of this responsibility, they would still have to pay a hefty fine." By the mid-fifteenth century the water supply and the conditions of the bottini were in a deplorable state. Many factors over the years had contributed to this crisis. Whenever the government of Siena was unstable, little attention was given to the continua1 maintenance and repairs required for the underground aqueducts. Also as Bargagli Petrucci astutely suggests, the position of o~eraio,or of the consislieri (advisors), was initially only for one year. This soon increased to two years as the Commune saw that one year contracts didn't allow for the proper supervision of 21. Siena is subdivided into three main sections called terzi, which are: Terzo di Camollia, Terzo di Citta and Terzo di San Martino. 22. Bargagli Petrucci, Le Fonti di Siena ..., 1, p. 98. the aqueducts. Then in 1469, Francesco di Giorgio and Paolo D'Andrea's contract was signed for three years and one month to assure that the bottini would be repaired, cleaned and that more water would be found. Despite Francescofs eventual fame, it must be remembered that the 1469 contract was given to him before he became famous for his bastions for the Duke of Urbino. As a relatively inexperienced man of thirty, he was given the great responsibility of CO-supervising the aqueducts. He and d'Andrea were to be paid extravagantly for their work when the term ended on 30 June 1472. The fifteenth century was known for its operaii being impresarii (entrepreneurs), and thus paid according to the importance of the job." The greater the task, the greater the salary. The Commune also stipulated that if for any reason whatsoever al1 terrns of the contract were not honoured, the operaii would lose at least half of their salary . On 2 August 1474, a certain "igegnierus et ductor acquarum" from Modena writes to the Commune of Siena and applies for the position of operaio." There is no accompanying city document suggesting a response to Joannes Jacobus de Bindis. Why would he be offering his services to the Commune if Francesco di Giorgio was at the helm? In 23. p. 100. 24. S. Borghesi and L. Banchi, Doc. NO. 150, p. 247. fact, from 1472, to the time Francesco finds himself in Urbino in 1477, he was busy painting altarpieces in Siena and at the monastery at Monte Oliveto Maggiore. There is neither mention of Mm, nor further payments made to him, in an engineering or in an architectural capacity.25 Francesco di Giorgio and Paolo D'Andrea were to be paid an annual fee that would take the camarlincro of the bottini three years to earn, "...e' quali Francesco et Pavolo si offerano con quel10 medesmo salario che si dà in tre anni al camarlengo d'essi buctini, ... tl 26 The full expenses incurred by Francesco and d'Andrea were tabulated on 23 June 1473. There appears to have been discrepancies in the itemized list of accounts payable." For some obscure reason, it appears that the two operaii were not paid for their services once the contract ended." If this assertion is correct, why has it not been 25. Weller, pp. 6-7; Francesco Paolo Fiore and Manfredo Tafuri, p. 412. 26. Weller, p. 340. 27. See n. 31. 28. Balestracci maintains that Francesco di Giorgio and Paolo D'Andrea were paid half their salaries. It seems to me that the last line of the document suggests that they received no payment whatsoever. "...se ntabbi el danno et non ne sia fatto creditore a nissuno luogho ...". (See n. 31, for full text.) Cf. Duccio Balestracci, "Le acque e gli ingegneri," in L Bottini Medievali di Siena (Siena: Alsaba Edizione, n-d., after 1991), p. 71. 1 wish to thank Athlyn Fitz-James for recommending this emphasized in any of the scholarship thus far? Balestracci remarks on the events, but he too is mystified by the presentation of the facts in this document. His real surprise lies in the fact that the sum in question was too srna11 to warrant such a large penalty for the o~eraii. Surely Bargagli Petrucci should have said something about this grave situation in 1906, or at least Weller should have mentioned it in 1943. Adams postulates that the 1473 record does not provide enough information about the events leading up to this investigation for us to really know what happened. >' Al 1 these scholars have made reference to this same document, yet none has raised the question why this 1473 investigation was called in the first place. 3 O It appears that some "danno" (damage) had taken place which caused Francesco and d'Andrea to forfeit their three- year salary. The "damage" is not made clear. It could have been either accounting irregularities at the minimum, or in the worst case, some sort of structural damage to the work. Or perhaps quite simply, the two men had not found more book. 29. Adams, p. 126. 30. It has been difficult for scholars, like Weller, to piece together Francesco di Giorgio's activities between 1472 and 1477, as the archives have been stubbornly mute for these years. However, 1 believe that perhaps some scholars may be satisfied that the events following the 1473 investigation are not available. We may never know what really happened, and Francesco di Giorgio's fame will not be tarnished. water and did not increase the water supply to the Fonte del Campo as the original contract stipulated." Shortly thereafter another operaio's name appears in the documents. "Antonio di Berto" first appears in the documents in the 1470s. In the 1490s his sons' names are seen as having continued in the "family business".'' In 1472 Francesco di Giorgio returns to painting altarpieces until his departure for Urbino in 1477. After achieving his fame at the courts of Urbino, Rome and Naples, he returns to Siena as a prodigal son and is bestowed many titles, operaio of the bottini amongst them, by the people of Siena. 31. Weller, No. XIV, pp. 342-345. "...Et perche troviamo che il Conseglio li fece operai di detti buttini con questi patti che si obrigaro a dare a' detti buttini el terzo piu aqua che non evevano quando li presero, et in cas0 che non la crescessero, corne di sopra e detto, debano perdarsi el mezo del salario; et per tanto guidichiamo che le S.V. eleghino maestri intendenti di decta aqua e' quali habiano a vedere se l'anno cresciuta corne si obligavano; et in cas0 che Vaqua non fusse cresciuta chome sonno obligati, giudichiamo habino perduto el loro salario corne dice la riformagione; et perche troviamo quanta pih ltuscita che l'entrata libr. due, den. uno, giudichfamo se ntabbf el danno et non ne sia fatto creditore a nissuno luogho. (My emphases.) Anno Dornini MCCCCLXXIIJ, indictione XJ, die vero XXIIJ mensis junij, iecta fuit suprascripta ratio et approbata per dominos Regulatores." Balestracci was unable to find the outcome of this inquiry or if it was ever resolved. A new operaio - Francio D'Andrea - was called in to replace Francesco and D'Andrea shortly after the June 1473 inquiry. Cf. Balestracci, (after 1991), p. 72. 32. Bargagli Petrucci, "Francesco di Giorgio Martini" (1902), Doc. NO. VI1 and Na. VIII, pp. 234-235. By the time Federighi writes his petition in 1480, the water supply to Siena was alasmingly low. An unsigned document dated 16 June 1480, makes this plea to the General Counsel of the Campane: "...li buttini dell'acqua de la vostra fonte del Campo si sonno fatti più et più ricordi et previsioni et per anco non s'e presa conclusione alcuna et di continu0 li mancamenti crescono et non provedendo, ogni di crescie maggiore spesa, et atteso li mancamenti assai vi sonno a quelli è di necessità il provedervi et con prestesa, et, quando no si facci, essa vostra fonte et l'altre rimarranno asciutte senza acqua et quella poca vi intrarà sara torba et trista; et pertanto havendo hauti più examini sopra detti buttini et fonti, hanno trovato che per li tempi passati da anni XXX O più s'è fatte più allogagioni di sgombrare et murare, et tali allogagioni di sgombri et muraglie si sono Fatte a persone povere et non apti a tali lavorii si per poco intendere et si per la poverta loro, non hanno potuto conseghuire el bisogno d'essi vostri buttini ....if 33 Comparing the 1480 petition with this unsigned document, it is possible to suggest that both may have been prepared by Federighi." Both documents show an intimate knowledge of 33. (My emphases.) Bargagli Petrucci, Le fonti di Siena, II, p. 447. 34. The 1480 petition signed by Federighi which bears no date is curiously analogous details to this 16 June 1480 document published by Bargagli Petrucci in Le Fonti di Siena ... II, p. 447. I analyzed Federighi's signed petition at the Archivio di Stato and found a few mistakes in Milanesi's transcription of the fee structure. The Bargagli Petrucci transcription seems to be a fuller account of the necessary repairs to the neglected bottini. The June petition refers to work already being done by Antonio di Berto at Fonte Branda and the salary of 80 lire being given to him. In the Milanesi document, Federighi requests the same salary. Dr. Carla Zarrilli has confirmed that the writer of the Bargagli Petrucci transcription was in fact written by the the bottini and their current state of decline. Work to be done is presented in the exact order. The June document is however, a fuller account and more legal in appearance than the 1480 foslio. The June document also professes to know the condition of the bottini for the past thirty yeass. This suggests someone like Federighi who had been working with the Commune in various civic and religious capacities since the 1440s. A passage in the text cited above also implies particular annoyance with the workmanship of the previous operaii, calling them, "...persone povere et non apti a tali lavorii ...". Was this perhaps a covert slur against Francesco di Giorgio whose famous military career in Urbino had also started with his first contract supervising the Sienese bottini? While we may not be able to answer some of these intriguing questions here, we do know that Federighi was paid his 80 lire as operaio of the bottini for the work done in 1480.35 Federighi himself had expected to tend to them for the next twenty years. Unfortunately this was pre- empted by his death in 1483. Both commissions -- the erection of the new bel1 into the Torre del Mangia in 1470 and the supervision of the notary who prepared the register for the Biccherna. 35. Richter, p. 285; Hook, p. 104. 1 have been unable to see an actual document showing payment. Richter and Hook both mention this payment but unfortunately do not inchde a source . bottini -- are only two brief examples of Antonio Federighi's known engineering commissions. These important civic enterprises give us some insight to the breadth of his neglected abilities. It is thanks to Romagnoli, the only scholar to refer to Federighi as "ingegnere del Cornune," that we have been led to this present investigation. DOCUMENTED WORKS - PART II THE PALAZZO ARCIVESCOVILE AND THE CAMPOSANTO This chapter will deal with two documented commissions on which Antonio Federighi worked in the 1460s. Both were ecclesiastical works. The first, completed for Pius 11, was destroyed in 1659 to make room for the new Cappella della Madonna del Voto. The other, only a project, was never realised. Both these commissions further emphasize Federighi's virtuosity as an important designer and architect. THE ORIGINAL ARCHBISHOP'S PALACE - SIENA When Francesca Tedeschini Piccolomini became the archbishop of Siena in January 1460, it seemed only appropriate that his uncle, Pius II, would want to have the archbishop's palace remodelled.' Antonio Federighi was 1. It is unknown at this point how much of the palace already existed and if the great room which Federighi built was something new or was a remodelling commission, Therefore 1 will assume, until I investigate this further, that the palace existed from the 1450s and that Pius II wanted it refurbished for his newly appointed archbishop. My impression is that Federighi may have also had a hand in paid 112 gold florins for the work that he did in the palace. "[1460] 28 ...(le mois en blanc)' Antonio Frederici de senis florenos auri de camera 112 pro calce, lignarninibus, lateribus, ferramentis et operibus per eum datis et positis i episcopatu senensi, vid. in sala magna superiori in praesentiarum habitationis (sic) fam;liae praefati smi. domini nostri papae --M., 1460-1462, fol. 3 VO Unfortunately nothing rernains of this great room that was located on the upper floor of the archbishop's palace, as the entire building was demolished in the seventeenth century. The palace, apparently being in a state of disrepair, could not be ~aved.~Cavaliere Lodovico de' the design of this building. 2. The missing month is probably March as the other accounts that Muntz publishes for this building are during this period. 3. Müntz, p. 307. 4. Gioia Romagnoli, "Nuovi Documenti Sulla Costruzione della Cappella del Voto ne1 Duomo di Siena," Paraqone (November, 19871, XXXVIII, Nuova Serie, 6(453), pp. 85-86. "P.0 per il beneficio che ne godrebbe il Pubblico e la Chiesa del Duomo nella miglior vaghezza ed abbellimento esteriore ...Q uanto al secondo motivo doviamo rappresentare a1l'A.V. che avendo diligentem-te osservata la Casa dell' Arcivescovado l'haviamo ritrovato anco in peggiore stato di quel10 che ci figurassero i muratori, e che mostri lfapparenzadi fuori, non essendovi muraglia alcuna che non sia aperta in più parti e non minacci prossima ruina ...S'aggiunge ancora che restando sempre q.a fabrica in peggior grado per le nuove aperture che fanno le muraglie ruinose, l'acque possono danneggiare i fondamenti anco della Chiesa senza potervissi reparare." Vecchi, who was personally interested in the beautification of this site, had his own agenda. He wanted to build a chapel in honour of Sant ansa an^.^ To do this, he had to ask Pope Alexander VI1 for special permission to tear down the old palace. Alexander granted this request in 1659.6 The old archbishop's palace was attached to the east wall of the Duomo extending back to the campanile. A narrow walkway allowed pedestrian passage from the present day Piazza del Duomo to what is now known as Piazza Jacopo della Quercia (Fig. 79). From another drawing made before the demolition, it is possible to envision the elevation of the front façade of the archbishop's palace (Fig. 80). It was a two-storey building which had a plain lower storey with two entranceways. The main door was slightly off-centre. While the second entrance was to the far right. The upper storey, where the archbishop's apartments were presumably located, showed a greater attention to detail in the articulation of (ASS, Opera Metropolitana, 40, L. de' Vecchi a Mattias, 20 settembre 1658.) 5. The chapel was later dedicated to the Madonna del Voto. The design of this chapel, long attributed to Bernini, has quite convincingly been re-attributed to Benedetto Giovannelli Orlandi. It was his design that Alexander VI1 approved in 1660 when Giovannelli was summoned to Rome to show his design (Fig. 81). It was also in 1660 when Alexander VI1 told the Rector of the Duomo of Siena that he wanted to dedicate the new chapel to the Madonna del Voto instead of Santt Ansano. (G. Romagnoli, pp. 88-89; cf. Gai1 Schwarz Aronow, ''A Documentary History of the Pavement Decoration in Siena Cathedral, 1362-1506" [Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 19853, p. 242.) 6. G. Romagnoli, p. 86. the wall . Nine square windows, probably subdivided by stone transoms, rested on an elaborate gothicized string course. This string course and the lower storey are identical to their Gothlc counterparts located on the building which housed the original Opera del Duomo to the far left of the Duomo (Fig. 80).' Each window is separated by sets of double columns.' Surmounting each window is relief-work which appear to be festoons or types of medallions. The cornice also suggests some sort of dentil moulding. The sloping roof of terracotta tiles counters the sloping roof of the ûPA building. Whoever designed the Archbishopis Palace in the mid- 7. When it was decided that the old palace had to be demolished to make room for the Cappella di SantfAnsanoin 1659, the Opera del Duomo moved to its curent location on the site of the Duomo nuovo and the new archbishop's palace took over the OPA building where it has remained to this day . 8. It is very difficult to tell £rom the xerox copy if these are pilasters or columns. The arrangement of the windows between each set of columns, surmounted by a classical architrave, reminds me of what Michelangelo would later accomplish at the Medici Chapel in San Lorenzo and at the Biblioteca Laurenziana. The Medici Chapel shows this perhaps more so, with each aedicula giving the sernblance of a blind window. Each of these aediculae are also surmounted by festoons and ribbons. Who knows if the Archbishop's Palace also inspired the young Michelangelo when he visited Siena? A contemporary chronicle records that Michelangelo had become enchanted with Federighi's statues of SantiAnsano and San Vittorio at the Loggia della Mercanzia. (Notizie dei Pittori, e Statuarii, copiate da1 T.013. delle mescolanze, [BCf, Siena. Ms L.V. 141, fo. 43v. Collection taken from a selection of works starting from 1259 - Maestro Giulio Pittore.) 133 fifteenth century, made a concentrated effort to blend the new Renaissance style with its Gothic surrounds. The palace looks as if it was designed to be a mirror-image of the ûBi building. This allowed the two buildings to complement each other while flanking the main focal point -- the Duomo antico/ PROJECT FOR THE CAMPOSANTO OF SIENA The devastating effects of the plague in 1348 forced the Council to reconsider the vast plan for the Duomo nuovo. The plague had reduced the population of Siena by more than half, taking with it most of the labourers and the maestri who had been in charge of this monumental building campaign. Lacking funds and workmen, the Council decided not to proceed with the new duomo. The partially erected building, which lay to the right of the present Duomo (Duomo antico) and extended to the back wall of the present day Museo del Opera del Duomo, had to be pulled dom as it lay in a ruinous state in 1366.'' Efforts were again transferred to the Duomo antico, 9. I have only found a couple of references to the original archbishop's palace. My first encounter came while reading E. Müntzl careful accounts of Pius II's Sienese building campaign. As with the other Sienese buildings which Pius paid for from the Secret Treasury in Rome, it may be worthwhile investigating the archives at the Vatican to find further information about this building and others. 10. A. Lisini "11 Camposanto monumentale presso il Duomo," Miscellanea Senese di Erudizione Storica (Marzo-Aprile 1903), VI, 3-4, p. 39. providing it with a new façade in 1377. Discussion for a Camposanto also began around this time. Not to be outdone by the Pisans who had recently completed their magnificent cemetery, it was decided that the Sienese should also build a grand cernetery "in quella forma et modo che e quel10 di Pisa ..." on the site of the defunct Duorno nuovo." Unfortunately for the Sienese, this project also fell by the wayside. Lacking the enthusiasrn previously shown for the Duomo nuovo, and unwilling to give the suggested annual "offering" as outlined in 1389, the cemetery was not discussed again until the next century." In the 1433 inventory of the Opera Metropolitana del Duomo di Siena, three wooden models for the camposanto were in its holdings. Three wooden models are again recorded in the 1482 inventory.13 It is unknown if these latter models are the same models listed in the 1433 inventory. Lisini states that the discussion of the camposanto 12. pp. 41-44. The 1389 document, which Lisini publishes in full in this article, carefully itemizes how much each citizen over the age of eighteen should give annually until the project was finished. This price was fixed according to each citizen's profession. The document also takes into account repairing the campanile which had been struck by lightning during a mass in 1359. The thunderbolt had torn through into the chapel, killing the priest and several people. 13. "...Tre disegni di legno, furo facti al campo sancto ..." A. Lisini, p. 41; S. Borghesi and L. Banchi, Nuovi documenti ...dell'arte Senese (1898), Doc. NO. 164, p. 327. resumed in 1464. This is confirmed by important documents presented by Paoletti and Richter showing that additional models were paid for in March of that year.'' Payments to Antonio Federighi, Bartolomeo di Luca di Zaccaria, and Federighi's unnamed German apprentice were for one model. Vecchietta and Tonio di Pollonio were given payments for a second design. Zaccaria and Pollonio are both referred to as maestri di lesname which suggests that the disecrno was in fact a wooden model of the proposed cemetery. Vecchietta and Federighi, probably began their rivalry with this project, were paid almost identical amounts for their respective designs.15 What happened to these five wooden models will probably always remain a mystery. Lisini, in 1903, commented that the three models in the WA inventory 14. John T. Paoletti, "Antonio Federighi: A Documentary Re- Evaluation and a New Attribution," Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen (1975), XVII, p. 123, Doc, No, 78 and p. 127, Docl No. 92; Elinor Richter, "The Sculpture of Antonio Federighi" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1984) p. 201, Doc. No. 92 and pp. 217-219, Doc. No. 113, NO. 115. Please note that Paoletti's Doc. No. 78 and Richter's same document No. 92 both give the date as 20 - 27 March 1461. This in fact should read "20-27 March 1463 (1464)". I wish to thank Prof. Stefano Moscadelli who confirmed this correction while looking at the original - AOMS, 714 Debitori e Creditori, fo. 153r. 15. See Chapter 2 when the design for the Logge del Papa is discussed. The cemetery model was in the early part of the year and the Logge commission came at the end of 1460. Federighi and his colleagues were paid a total of cl5 s.19 for the cemetery model, while Vecchietta and di Pollonio were paid cl3 s.10. 136 had already disappeared at least a century earl ier . '" Nothing more is said about these models or of the grand cemetery after the spring of 1464. The site remained as it was until major renovations to the east side of the Duorno in the mid-seventeenth century required the entire area to be redesigned and rebuilt (Fig. 81). Why this grand scheme was resurrected in 1464 is unclear. The only known accounts concerning the camposanto corne from the payments made to Federighi and Vecchietta that were published by Paoletti and Richter. Who was to review and approve the models is also unknown. If the cemetery had been built it would likely have surpassed the cemetery at Pisa in grandeur and style. Like the Duomo nuovo, the cemetery remained a grand dream which was never realised. Both these projects further indicate the formidable position that Federighi had achieved amongst the church and government officials who sought him out to fulfil their important building schemes. 16. Lisini, p. 41. It has always been assumed that there were three wooden models for the cam~osanto. 1 believe that these were the same tbree described in the 1433 inventory. The 1482 inventory should have shown ffve models, which would have included the two designed by Federighi and Vecchietta in 1464. What happened to the 1464 wooden models? Perhaps they were stored in a room other than "la buttiga dove si lavorano e marmit'. (S. Borghesi and L. Banchi, p. 327.) We may find them catalogued is some other, as yet unknown, inventory. CHAPTER 7 SARTEANO - 1467-1474 Sarteano, an ancient Etruscan town, lies eighty-four kilometres south-east of Siena. Situated on a hi11 at the base of Monte di Cetona, Sarteano is nestled amongst numerous natural thermal spas. A topographical view of Sarteano reveals that the town is shaped like a mussel shell with the town centre residing at the lower mid-point of the plan (Fig. 82). The main buildings are centred around two main piazze. Piazza Domenico Bargagli is the first piazza one cornes upon when arriving from the main road. Just to the south of this piazza, is the church and chiostro of San Francesco, the tom's main church. Slightly to the north of Piazza Domenico Bargagli is the Piazza XXIV Giugno. The civic buildings are located around this piazza: the Palazzo Comunale, the Palazzo del Podestà and, the theatre. Palazzo Piccolomini, built in the fifteenth century, lies on Via Roma slightly to the right of Piazza XXIV Giugno. Sarteano, a small yet important town especially in the Middle Ages, had among her cîtizens families of great lineage: the Piccolomini, Monaldeschi, Colonna, Tedeschini and Fanelli.' During the fifteenth century the tom exulted in the fact that it was residence to the great Piccolomini family of Pienza. Pope Pius 11's sister, Laudomia, had married Nanni of the ancient house of the ~edeschinilof Sarteano and raised her five children there. When Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini finally became pope in 1458, he took the unprecedented step of adopting his two sisters, Laudomia and Caterina, and their families. (His own two illegitimate children had died in infancyO3) Always having a strong affection for children, and wanting 1. Carlo Perogalli, I Castelli del Senese: Strutture fortificate dell'area senese-srossetana (Milano: Electa Editrice, 1976), II, p. 379. The Fanelli family still owns the castel10 which bears the family name. When 1 visited Sarteano 16 October 1993, Castel10 Fanelli was not accessible to the public or to scholars without prior written approval. 2. Dr. Carlo Bologni pointed out that much of the modern literature shows the name of the Tedeschini family incorrectly spelt as "Todeschini". Original early manuscripts such as Orlando Malavoltifs contain the correct spelling. Later scholars, such as Ettore Repetti in 1834 and more recently Domenico Bandini of Sarteano and, Carlo Perogalli also use the correct spelling. The confusion had perhaps been generated, inadvertently, by Dr. Bandini himself. As the recognized historian of Sarteano, he for whatever reason, used the "Todeschini" spelling once in a 1926 article. This spelling has obviously influenced contemporary scholars. 3. R, J. Mitchell, The Laurels and the Tiara: Pope Pius II 1458-1464 (London: Harvill Press, 1962), pp. 92-93. While in Scotland in 1436, he had a son who died shortly after birth. In 1442 Aeneas had an affair with a Breton woman while in Strasbourg. On 13 November 1432, she bore him a son, in Florence. The baby died sometime within the following fourteen months. the assurance that the Piccolornini name would rernain in perpetuity, Pius felt that adopting his immediate family was justified. Laudomia's family added the Piccolomini name after Tedeschini. The younger sister's family dropped the Guglielmi name, preferring to use the Piccolomini name exclusively . ' Sarteano found itself over the centuries, subject to several different cities -- Florence, Orvieto, Perugia, and Siena. Seeking allegiance with Siena, Sarteano finally came under the jurisdiction of Siena in the fifteenth century. The statute of 1467 placed the Commune of Sarteano under the protection of the Republic of Siena in perpetuity.' Both swore allegiance to one another. Sarteano was prepared to defend Siena in times of war and would provide a strategic military base for the Republic. Siena promised to protect Sarteano against her enemies and was obliged to build and maintain a fortress in that t~wn.~The 1467 statute also stipulated that the Sienese republic had to build a "rocca O 4. Giulio Zimolo, Le Vite Di Pio II di Giovanni Antonio Campano e Bartolomeo Platina (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1964), p. 66 . 5. This pact was terminated in 1556 when Siena was defeated by Florence. This southern region of Tuscany was transferred to Medici rule under Cosimo 1. [Cf. C. Bologni and S. Franceschini, Sarteano (Siena: Montepiesi, reprinted 1980), P. 7.1 6. Domenico Bandini, "Capitoli di Accomandigia tra il Cornune di Sarteano e la Repubblica di Siena (14671," Bullettino Senese di Storia Patria (1926-1927). XXXIII- XXXIV, pp. 125426. ca~sarum'~of a design and in a location of their choice in the Commune of Sarteano. "[CASSARUM SEU ROCCAM POSSIT COMMUNE SENARUM AEDIFZCARE] Item quod dictum Commune Senarum, seu Domini Priores, et Capitaneus Populi, praedictae civitatis possint et sibi liceat quandocumque ejs videbitur et placebit facere aedificari et construi in dicto castro et terra Sartheani, in eo loco et ubi voluerint, unum cassarum seu roccam, seu plura cassara et roccas aut arces, eo modo et forma de quo dictis dominis prioribus et capitaneo populi videbitur et placebis. Quod cassarum sive rocca aedificari, construi, et custodiri debeat prioriis expensis Communis Senarum; nec possint dicti commune et homines Sartheani verbo vel facto directe vel obliquim, in praedictis contradicere quoquomodo; sitque dictum cassarum quod in praesentiam constructum est, aedificari seu ubi futurum fieri contigerit in dicta terra, ut praefertur, e jusque solum et situs, curn omnibus pertinentiis suis, sub moero dominio et potestate Communis Senarum; [et] liceat etiam dicto Communi Senarum pro fortificatione dictae arcis etiam dirui facere illas domos de quibus sibi videbitur, satisfaciendo tamen dominis dictarum domorum de pretio convenienti."' The cassarum and the surrounding walls were built by the Sienese during 1467-1474 (Fig. 83). In charge of this construction was Capomaestro Domenico Della Valle di Lugano and two associates. The enterprise of restoring and enlarging the existing Fanelli Castle and its walls cost the Sienese republic a total of €7197 and 2 soldi .' There 7. pp. 126-127. 8. Fanello and Giuliana Fanelli, Il Castel10 Fanelli a Sarteano (Roma: Istituto Storico e di Cultura DelltArmadel Genio, 1967), pp. 29-30. 1 wish to thank Dr. Car10 Bologni who lent me his copy of 141 already existed a medieval castle on this site. It was the feudal estate of the Manenti family in 1000. In 1268 it passed to the Fanelli family where it has remained ever since.' In 1528, Baldassare Peruzzi would inspect Sarteano's bastion and would make plans to augment the work begun in 1467. Under Medici rule, the fortress became even more important as a rnilitary base and would receive further remodelling and expansion.1° Malavolti, in his Dell'Historia di Sisna of 1599, offers another perspective as to why the Sienese were obliged to build the fortress at Sarteano. Siena, an insignificant political republic within the State of Tuscany, joined the Peace of Lodi only in May 1468." Only this book. 9. Giovanni Fanelli, "Sarteano, Valle Dell'Astrone (Siena)," in Citta murate e sviluppo contemporaneo, ed. Edoardo Detti, Gian Franco Di Pietro and Giovanni Fanelli (Lucca: Edizioni C.I.S.C.U., 1968), p. 346. 10. Simon Pepper and Nicholas Adams, Firearms & Fortifications: Military Architecture and Siese Warfare in Sixteenth-Century Siena (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1986), p. 178; Guida D'Italia del Tourinq Club Italiano: Toscana (Milano: Aldo Garzanti Editore S.p.A.), p. 577; Giovanni Fanelli (1968), p. 346. Il. The Peace of Lodi was signed by the five major Italian states to establish an equal balance of power on-the peninsula. This balancepof power would end the warfare between Milano, Venice, Florence, the Papal States and the Kingdorn of Naples. The Peace of Lodi lasted from 1454 to 1494 when the French invaded Italy. (Wallace K. Ferguson, "Italy: From the Peace of Lodi to the First French Invasion (1454-94): The Era of Equilibrium," in An Italian Renaissance Reader, ed. Paul Grendlar [Toronto: Canadian Scholar's Press, 19871, p. 76.) 142 days before the peace treaty was signed, Pope Paul II warned the Sienese that Sarteano was planning a rebellion against Siena in support of Pitigliano. Sarteano threatened to join the Papal States. Count Aldobrandino of Pitigliano, outraged to find that his son Ludovico had been poisoned by three Sienese citizens, began to round up supporters in retaliation. This action threatened to start another Tuscan war . Pope Paul II, having just entered the Peace of Lodi, offered to quel1 the heightening anxiety between the Sienese and the Duke's supporters. He drew up a peace settlernent between the Sienese and the Count. This settlement, agreeable to both parties, was signed at Sarteano in May 1468. Part of that agreement included the building of a fortress. 12 12. Orlando Malavolti, DelllHistoriadi Siena (Venice: MDXCIX), fo. 70r. "...Non molto tempo appresso, essendosi rifredato il furor delllarme da ogni banda, trou8 facilmente modo il Pontefice di conchiudere vna Pace vniuersale tra le potenze d'Italia, doue fu nominata la Rep-di Siena, in nome della quale fu da M. Niccolo Seuerini Orator Sanese in Roma del mese di Maggio 1468. accettata, e ratificata. Haueua pochi giorni prima fatto intendere Papa Paolo alla Signoria, che in Sarteano si trattaua di far ribellare quella terra dalla Città di Siena, e darsi alla Chiesa, per il che vi si mando vn Commessario con secento fanti, e furon presi sei huomini di quel Castello, che erano imputati di fare il trattato, con la quale occasione e'ordin& di farui vna Fortezaa, e si fece nuoua capitolatione con quella Communit& Da1 medesirno Pontefice fu dato vn lodo tra la Repub.di Siena, etlConte Aldobrandino di Pitigliano, sopra vna Sienese workers began arriving in Sarteano in 1467 and the work on the rocca ended in 1474. Antonio Federighi's name appears in an accounts payable ledger of 17 April 1468. According to Romagnoli's report, "Mo. Ant.0 federighi e compagni scharpellini" were paid El71 and IZ soldi." An earlier document dated 8 January 1467 (1468) also establishes Federighi's presence at Sarteano. Apparently he and three Florentines had formed a partnership that would supply one third of the stones for the reconstruction of La Rocca and the surrounding walls." Having seen Federighi's talents as an architect thus differenza, ch'era nata fra loro, per la morte di Lodouico figliuolo di detto Conte, ch'egli diceua, che per ordine di tre Cittadini Sanesi era stato auuelenato, il che si negaua da' Sanesi, e per leuar la cagione di nuoua guerra in Toscana, si content0 il Papa, che in lui si remettessono le parti, offerendosi di terminare ogni loro dispiacere; Conteneua il Lodo, Che il Conte Aldobrandino douesse hauere per le mani del Papa in vno anno mille dugento ducati di Canera, da pagarsene ogni quattro mesi la terza parte obligando il Commun di Siena a rimborsarne mille al Papa, e dugento prommise di dar'elgi per sua liberalita, e fussero obligati i Sanesi a mandare quei tre calunniati di ta1 cosa ad ogni beneplacito di sua Santità doue gli piacesse ,..." (My emphases.) See also: Ettore Romagnoli, Bioqrafia Cronolocrica delBellartisti Senesi: 1200-1800 (Firenze: Edizione S.P.E.S. (1834), facsimile, 1976), IV, p. 588. 13. Romagnoli, p. 591, 14. Elinor Richter, 'The Sculpture of Antonio Federighi" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia Unversity, 1984), Doc. No. 142, p. 243. far, it seems unlikely that his function at Sarteano was limited solely to the walls of La Rocca. Until more archiva1 documents are discovered, it is difficult to shed light on Federighi's true architectural rôle in Sarteano." While unable to determine exactly where at the fortress Federighi had worked, it is possible to see his hand at the Church of San Francesco (Fig. 84)- This fourteenth-century church whose patronage is uncertain, received its present façade in the mid-fifteenth century.lb The rnarble used for the facing is travertine." As with most buildings of the fifteenth century, it is difficult to assign an author to this work other than to Say that it was Piccolomini patronage that allowed its completion. Which Piccolomini commissioned the work? Was it Pope 15. The few documents which 1 found whilst at the Archivio di Stato, reveal that the Sienese were committed to finishing this massive project at Sarteano as quickly as possible. 1 was unable to locate Romagnoli's source for Federighi's payment. Much has yet to be done in this area, as Sarteano is quite rich in Piccolomini history. (ASS, Concistoro 2169, c. 93, 93v, 93bis; ASS, Notarile Antecos 501, c. 193r, 193v; ASS, Resolatori 15 c. 330v, 336r, 337r, 341v, 342rf 342v, 343v.) 16. Domenico Bandini, handwritten private notes on the façade of San Francesco di Sarteano, unpublished, signed and dated in Sarteano, 30 Agosto 1973, one foslio, recto. The interior of the church is considered fourteenth century because a capital inscribed with the date - 1347 was found in the nave. The capital is now used as a pedestal for the wooden statue of San Francesco which is displayed within San Francesco. 1 wish to thank Dr. Bologni for giving me a copy of these persona1 unpublished notes of Bandini. 17, 1 wish to thank Dr. Car10 Bologni for this information. Pius II or his nephew, Pius III? This would place the façade anywhere between 1458 and 1503, Guide books have suggested 1480,18 while Bandini has postulated dates anywhere between 1485 and 1490. He explains that he is quite partial to the thought of Francesco Tedeschini Piccolomini (Pius III) being the patron of this work: "...Saremno portati a credere che preferibilmente avesse voluto eternare ne la pietra la memoria del Pontefice Pio 1110 che era nato in Sarteano, ma su ta1 punto portrebbe gettare un raggio di luce soltanto la conoscenza dell'epoca in cui furono eseguiti quei lavori, cioe se prima O dopo l'esaltazione di Francesco Piccolomini (gia Tedeschini) al Soglio Papale avvenuta à 22 di setternbre 1503. "'" Bandini's private archives proffer that Francesco commissioned some rebuilding at Sarteano during his tenure as cardinal. However, nothing definite in the Bandini papers points to the actual façade of San Francesco,2 O 18. TC1 Toscana, p. 576; Alta Macadam, Blue Guide - Tuscanv (London: A & C Black, 1993), p. 331. 19. Bandini, recto. 20. IBID., verso. Unpublished. "...Fortunamente ë rimasta conservata ne1 mio Archivio privato (Filza F= fascicolo 1=) un'antica copia di una Bolla Arcivescovile, data da Siena il 20 settembre 1485, con la quale Mons.[ignore] Francesco Piccolomini, allora Cardinale Diacono del titolo di SanttEustachio ed Arcivescovo di Siena, (che successivamente ne1 1503 fu esaltato al Soglio Pontificio col nome di Pio III) concede cento giorni d'indulgenza anche a colora che, alle solite condizioni di penitenza e confessione, avessero fatto con le proprie sostanze elemosine perche la Chiesa di San Francesco in Sarteano < San Francesco lies, outside the town walls, in the Piazza Domenico Bargagli at the junction of the four main roads leading into Sarteano, (Fig. 82, No. 6). Situated at the southern section of the piazza, the façade of the church faces northwards to the civic centre of town. Sarteano, which is situated high on an incline, in fact looks dom upon the church and its cloister. To enter the town proper and its civic centre, one has to walk up a slight ramp to Piazza XXIV Giugno. Ora poichè e da presumere che tali spese che si andavano allora sostenendo per quell'edificio di culto si riferissero anche alla facciata che il Cardinale Francesco Piccolomini (gia Tedeschini) andava in quel tempo costruendo, e con ogni maggiore probabilita da attribuire agli anni compresi ira il 1485 ed il 1490 l'esecuzione dei lavori per la facciata della Chiesa di cui trattasi.. ." 147 As mentioned earlier, the original church was erected sometime by the mid-fourteenth century. The façade, bearing the Piccolomini coat-of-arms, appeared a century later. The first impression of San Francesca's façade is that it very much resembles the Duomo in Pienza on a much smaller scale. Whoever designed this façade knew intirnately the Piccolomini style, especially that of Pius II." Bernardo Rossellino, who designed the Duomo at Pienza, would seem a logical choice. But he, like his patron Pius II, died in 1464. Antonio Federighi would be the likely choice as designer and architect. Not only was he Pius II's persona1 architect and sculptor in Siena, Federighi was also cognizant of Rossellino's other buildings, having probably worked with him at the Palazzo delle Papesse in Siena and at 21. Cf. Domenico Bandini, "Chiesa di San Francesco in Sarteano" (ASS, Bandini di Sarteano, 39); Fascicolo no. 1, unpaginated foglio, verso. Unpublished. "...si ebbe da questi negli ultimi decenni di quel secolo l'elegante facciata che ripete, pur nella sua semplicizzazione, le stesse linee e proporzioni di quella che Bernardo Gamberelli (detto "Il Rossellino") aveva già innalzata quale Chiesa Cattedrale di Pienza. Forse fu lo stesso Rossellino, od almeno qualche bravo capo-mastro muratore che aveva lavorato con lui, 1 ' artefice di questa semplice ma elegante facciata ove il Cardinale Francesco Piccolomini- Tedeschini valle apposte le pontificie insegne gentilizie del suo defunto zio matetno Pio P.P.IJ per celebrarne ne'secoli l'imperitura memoria ..." the Duomo at Pienza," The Sarteano façade is a simplified version of the one found in Pienza. Even without Pienza's heavily articulated bays, San Francesco is arrangea in the same manner: a heavy rectangular base surmounted by a classical pediment. Yet the triple arches set into the main wall of Pienza are not to be found at Sarteano. At Sarteano, four plain colossal pilasters delineate the façade into three precise bays. The pilasters rise uninterrupted from tiny bases to the horizontal cornice where they continue into the pediment and attach themselves to the raking cornice. This same use of 22. See Chapter 4 where Federighi and Rossellino are discussed. Also as mentioned earlier, it is probable that both men had met as early as 1448 when they were working for Nicholas V in Rome. 1 believe that Antonio Federighi also worked on some of the relief work on the façade at the Duomo at Pienza. Figure 85 shows a close-up of the Ionic column on the upper left of the church. Careful inspection reveals sets of Federighi dolphins projecting downwards from the base of each volute. His other leitmotifs are fruit garlands and ribbons. As we have already seen on the pancali at the Loggie della Mercanzia and del Papa, and at his palazzi; Federighi was renom for his wreaths and ribbons. These too are evident outside the Pienza Cathedra1 and on the pozzetto in the Giardino Pensile at Pienza (Figs. 86-87). These obvious Federighi trademarks at Pienza cannot be ignored and warrant further investigation. Enzo Carli, in his seminal work on the city of Pienza, makes a stronger assertion. He suggests that a Sienese carried out Rossellino's designs for the Duomo. According ta Carli, Antonio Federighi and his workshop were responsible for the sculptural programmes of the Duomo1s façade and the Pope's palace at Pienza. (Cf. Enzo Carli, Pienza: La Citta di Pio II [Rorna: Casa Editrice Editalia, 19661, pp. 99-100; Piero - - - Torriti, Pienza la città del rinascimento italiano [ Genova : Sagep Editrice, 19921, p.12.) pilasters was already seen at Pienza in 1462, where the pediment was also broken by the intrusion of the pilaster's capitals. The introduction of two architectonical elernents, one superimposing itself upon the other, was not common in antiquity, compare Figs. 88-89. Charles Mack believes that the broken pediment at Pienza is perhaps the first of its kind in the Renai~sance.'~ Whoever worked at San Francesca was aware of these stylistic innovations at Pienza and repeated them at Sarteano. There is no coincidence here. The bays to the left and right of the main portal remain unadorned. The entire focus is upon the central bay of the church front. Herein lies the main, and only, entranceway. An oculus is set concavely above it. The eye travels further up to the pediment where the Piccolomini coat-of-arms is contained within a garland. The large rectangular doorway is the most classically inspired feature of the entire façade. Its surrounding frame is sectioned into three fascias. Surmounted on the lintel is the traditional wreath and ribbon relief found at most Piccolomini sites. The elegant moulding of an egg-and- tongue forms the cornice. Above the door's cornice is a plain tympanum whose only 23. Charles R. Mack, Pienza: The Creation of a Renaissance City (Ithaca and London: Corne11 University Press, 1987), p. 89. I wish to thank Kathryn Jackson for this reference. relief work consists of three fine fascias along its semi- circular arch. No relief or fresco work is evident in the tympanum area. This exact door shape can also be found at the Pienza cathedra1 (1462) and also in Siena at Santa Maria delle Nevi (1471) (Figs. 90-92).11 The horizontal cornice is broken by the four Doric-like "capitals". The pilasters then resume their progression through the pediment and end at the raking cornice which is again broken by another set of "capitals". Unlike Pienza's pediment which is decorated with dentil and egg-and-dart mouldings along the cornice, San Francesco is left unadorned. The pilasters of the pediment at Sarteano are plain while a pair of delicately carved candelabra are displayed on the upper pilasters at Pienza. The garland at Sarteano, which is also laden with ripe fruit and fluttering ribbons, is much smaller than at Pienza. Both have the Piccolomini arms in the central portion, i.e. the Papal tiara, the double-set of crossed keys over the Piccolomini family crest of four crescent moons aligned symmetrically on a cross. 24. f believe that Bishop Giovanni Cinughi of Pienza who presided over the Duomo of Pienza, would have wanted a semblance of this great Pientene cathedral reflected in the small Sienese church of Santa Maria delle Nevi which he commissioned in 1470. "A papal bu11 published on 13 August 1462 decreed the formation of the new bishopric of Pienza and Montalcino ...and the election of Giovanni Cinughi, former bishop of Chiusi, to preside over the new diocese." (Mack, P. 77) The overall appearance of San Francesco definitely places it within the 1460s when the emerging classicism, so inspired by Pius II at Siena and Pienza, was at its most potent. It cannot be ignored that whoever designed San Francesco's façade also played an important part in the development of this new "style". No other figures present themselves as does Antonio Federighi, who was the chief architect for Pius's building campaign in Siena, and who most probably found himself at Rossellino's side in Pienza. There are intriguing parallels yet to be explored that would connect the Piccolomini Palace in Sarteano with the palaces at Pienza and Siena, al1 paid with private monies frorn Pius II's treasury in Rome. A mere mention of "Sarteano" in Romagnoli's biography on Federighi, has opened up a whole new f~etof Antonio Federighi's much forgotten architectural career and, perhaps more importantly, on Sienese Renaissance architecture. CHAPTER 8 CONCLUSION Antonio Federighi was the first Renaissance architect in Siena. His monuments reflect the grandeur of Rome without abandoning his Sienese heritage, as we have seen with the friezes at the Coronamento and at the Cappella dei Diavoli. With the benefit of sites such as the Temple of Divi Antonius and Faustina, or of the many ancient sarcophagi found in abundance in Rome in the fifteeth century, Federighi produced a new style in Siena. His exposure to the courts of Nicholas V and Pius II influenced his architecture most profoundly. Through them, he met Rossellino and most probably, Alberti. These two great men alone, represented the Renaissance in the mid-fifteenth century. That Federighi was invited to assist Rossellino on more than one occasion, was a tribute to Federighi's stature as an important architect. His ability to incorporate classical motifs into pre- existing Gothic buildings, as he had done so successfully with the Coronamento della Cappella, and the Palazzo dei Diavoli, shows his proficiency with invention. The 153 architectonic elements in these two buildings reveal a sophisticated use of design. Each individual part, while different, is fused into a unified whole. This idiosyncratic style is what distinguishes Federighi frorn his generation of architects. Bacci seems to have understood Federighi well when he wrote that al1 the architects in Siena had betrayed their culture when they adopted the Florentine style of Bernardo Rossellino and Giuliano da Maiano, so whole-heartedly. To Bacci, Antonio Federighi was the last true ~ieneseartist, in the traditional sense. Federighi's art, at least, had something new to tell. He was the last of Jacopo della Quercia's disciples and he was the last to possess the spirit of what was truly Sienese. The rest, including Vecchietta and Francesco di Giorgio, had abandoned thls tradition when they turned to the Florentine style.' Federighi's works indeed have an inventiveness and freshness that the architects of the later generation fail to manifest. As we have seen with his buildings and with his pancali, Federighi aheres to no pre-meditated code. Each work has the spirit of the new Renaissance style, yet each has its om quality that cannot be set down in a formula, to be repeated again and again. Federighi's architecture has been misunderstood by many 1. Pelèo Bacci, Francesco di Valdambrino: Emulo del Ghiberti e Collaboratore di Jacopo della Quercia (Siena: Istituto Comunale dlArte e di Storia, MCMXXVI-XVO), p. 408. 154 over the centuries. This misunderstanding arose shortly before his death and has remained to this day. His obscurity may have been due to the political injustices of his day. He had belonged to the "wrongN political party. By doing so, he was ostrasized and then forgotten. Thankfully, scholars like Bacci, Mantura, Paoletti and Richter have recognized Federighi's true worth and have re- instated him to the annals of art history, where he has finally earned his place. AOMS, 19 (Contratti), c. 109r. Unpublished. AOMS, 28 (Deliberazioni E7), c. 2Or. Unpublished. AOMS, 30 (Libro dei documenti artistici.), Doc. NO. 80. AOMS, 702 (Bastardello del fattore). 1466-1476, chiamato "Libro delle due rose. "), c. 56r, 66r, 75r, 77r. Unpublished. AOMS, 714 (Libro di debitori e creditori da1 1461 al 1482 chiamato "Mernoriale nuovo rossot'),c. 121.; c. 153r. AOMS, 716 (Libro di debitori e creditori per qli anni 146691476, chiamato "Libro delle due rose"). ASS , Concistoro 561, c. 5v. Unpublished. ASS, Concistoro 563, c. 31r. Unpublished. ASS , Concistoro 2169, c. 93, 93v, 93bis. Unpublished ASS , Consiqlio aenerale 228, c. 290v. Unpublished. ASS , Consiqlio qenerale 228, c. 212v. Unpublished. ASS, Consiqlio qenerale 1470 233, c. 139c-140v. ASS , Lira 182, c. 275. ASS , Lira 197 (1481), c. 1. ASS , Lira 199, c. 12. ASS, Notarile Antecos 501, c. 193r, 193v. Unpublished. ASS , Opera Metropolitana 40, L. de' Vecchi a Mattias, 20 ASS, Resolatori 9, c. 222v. Unpublished. ASS, Resolatori 15, c. 330v, 336r, 337r, 341v, 342r, 342v, 343v. Unpublished. Allegretti, Allegretto. 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Storia dellVArte Italiana: L'architettura del '400, Milano: Ulrico Hoepli, 1923; reprint, VIIIi, 1967. Vocabolario desli Accademici della Crusca. 5th ed. Firenze: Galileiana di M. Cellini E.C., 1866. Weller, Allen Stuart. Francesca di Giorqio, 1439-1501. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1943. White, John. Art and Architecture in Italy 1250-1400. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Ltd., 1987. Zanker, Paul. The Power of Imases in the Ase of Ausustus. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1990. CORONAMENTO DELLA CAPPELLA DI PIAZZA The following documents pertain specifically for the construction costs of the Cappella di Piazza. Some documents appear here for the first time, others have been previously published. Document 1 4 March 1460 "Et insuper diliberaverunt quod cappella campi compleatur et quod fiat et quod de ea fiat proposita in consilio generali et fiat proposita de concordando et assignando camerario opere katedralis ecclesie ad complendum eam cum modis et forma prout per consilium fuerat deliberatum. " Sul margine sinistro : " Cappella campi compleatur". ASS, Concistoro 561, c. 5v. Unpublished. Document 2 14 March 1460 "Simili modo et forma proposuit et dixit cm hoc sit quod a multis forensibus dignis fide existentibus in civitate nostra, cornunita nostra sit multum damnata de non perfecisse et finisse nostram capellam campi que habet honoratissimum principium. Et recordatm si t a pluribus nostris civibus quod per aliquam viam provideatur quod talis damnatio et mancamentum amplius non sequatur. Unde nostri magnifici domini Capitaneus populi et vexilliferi rnagistri trititer examinaverunt ipsam materiam et in fine non reperuerunt meliorem viam et magis factibilem curn efectu quam istam videlicet: quod Opera maioris ecclesie nostre magnifice civitatis teneatur et obligata sit in tempus unius anni proximi venturi fulcire, facere et finire dictam capellam secundum designum ordinatum bene et honorabilem, de marmo bon0 et aliis necessariis omnibus suis expensis cum hoc quod comune senense pro predictis det et ccnsignet Opere predicte apotecam ipsius senensis comunis existentem subtus capelle predicte et florenos .CCC. de libris quattuor pro quolibet floreno, in dettis non obligatis super introitibus comunis senensis. Prout declarabunt magnifici domini Capitaneus populi et vexilliferi magistri declarando ex nunc quod pro predictis nullum ius ageat dicta Opera in capella predicta immo totaliter remaneat expedito et sit comunis senensis. Et pro tanto si videtur et placet presenti consilio aut suis consiliaris quod sic fiat et exequatur in totwn et per totum et prout superius continetur non obstantibus quibuscumque in contrarium facientibus in dicti nomine consiliatur." Sul margine sinistro: " Capella campi faciatur infra annun per Operam maioris ecclesie ut hic." ASS, Consiqlio qenerale 228, c. 212v.; a summary is found in a register of the Contratti dellfOpera Metropolitana: AOMS, 19, c. 109r. UnpuMished. 164 Document 3 9 September 1465 - 27 February 1466 "Possa ancora l'operaio fare finire la cappella de la torre con quel10 degno modo li parrà." Sul margine destro: "Cappella de la torre ". AOMS, 28 (Deliberazioni E7), c. 2Or. Unpublished. Document 4 This document was compiled and annotated by Dr. Carla Zarrilli, Dirsctor of the Archivio di Stato di Siena. c. 36 sinistra: spese per la costruzione della cappella del campo da1 30 maggio 1468 al 26 ottobre 1469. Si tratta di spese per l'acquisto di materiali quali i mattoni, la calcina, le pietre, il ferro, gli "aguti" e per il pagamento delle maestranze. c. 36 destra: vi è riportato l'ammontare totale delle spese, elencate nella facciata di sinistra: 1. trecento vintisei S. sedici d. O . c. 66 sinistra: spese per la costruzione della cappella dall'll luglio 1469 al 4 dicembre 1470. Si tratta di spese per l'acquisto di materiali quali la rena, la calcina, le pietre, i mattoni, le bullette per il tetto e per il pagamento delle maestranze. Si segnalano : "E die dare a di 31 d'aghosto (1469) 1. quindici S. dieci e quali sonno per tanti posti a Francescho d'Antonio da Anchona scharpellatore, che debbi avere in questo a foglio 78. 1. XV S. X d. - .. o...... E die dare a di 6 d'ottobre (1469) 1. quarantotto S. sedici sonno per tanti dati a Chastorio d'Antonio scharpellatore in buttigha, e quali sonno per più lavori a fatti per detta capella, e sonno allui in credito in questo a foglio 79. 1. XLVIXI s-XVI d. - œ.œ..... E dieno dare a di 5 di ferrai0 (1470) 1. quattordici S. O e quali per la metà di 1. vintotto fatti buoni questo da Angnolo di Giovanni di Tuccio da Santa Colomba per some 31 di calcina porto alla detta capella corne appare al libro di buttigha tiene maestro Antonio Federighi nostro capo maestro a foglio 5, e a Angnolo detto in credito in questo in somma di 1. 28 a foglio 91. 1.XIIII S. O d. - ...... E dieno dare a di fino a di (8 settembre 1469) più denari sonno 1. dieci S. O e quali sonno per tanti fatti buoni a maestro Antonio Federighi per una pietra s'ebbe da1 lui per fare una ghiocciola per detta capella, e sonno in credito a maestro Antonio in questo a foglio 64. 1. X S. O d. - ." This section was published in Paoletti, Doc. No. 107, p. 132; Richter, Doc. NO. 149, p. 253. c. 66 destra: vi e riportato ltammontaretotale delle spese elencate nella facciata di sinistra 1. settecento cinquanta S. tredici d. " c. 97 sinistra: spese per la costruzione della cappella da1 14 gennaio al 22 settembre 1470. Si tratta di spese per ltacquistodi materiali quali la calcina, la rena, il gesso, i marmi, i mattoni e per il pagamento delle maestranze. Si segnalano: "E dieno dare a di 16 di luglio 1. vintidüe S. otto d. - per tanti fatti buoni a maestro Giovanni di Ghuglielmo da Chomo, maestro di pietra, e sonno allui in credito in questo a foglio 110. 1. XXII s.VIII d. .t...... *. E die dare a di 24 di luglio S. quarantotto a Michele di Giovanni lombard0 ebe conti per me Francesco di ser Lazaro camarlengo del banco di Matteo d'Antonio di Ghuido per huopare a dato ala sopra detta capella, e so a mie uscite a foglio 27. 1. 11 S. VI1 d. -. E die dare a di XVIII d'agosto 1. undici S. sete d. quatro, conti a maestro Polo di Buonorno muratore, per hopare otto à dato a la sopradeta capella, e so a lui in questo a foglio 105. 1. XI S. VI1 d, -. E die dare a di XI d'aghosto 1. sei s.dieci conti a Nicholo di maestro Antonio del Minella per deto di misser Savino per dieci huopare à dato a la capella del campo per S. 13 huopare, e so a uscita di me Francesco 167 di ser Lazaro camerario a foglio 28. 1. VI: S. X d. -. E die dare a di 25 di detto (agosto) 1. dieci S. O per tanti fatti buoni a Ghuidoccio di Giovanni Chozarelli per 6 armi dipense alla capella e il davanzale dell'altare, e sonno allui in credito in questo, foglio 117. 1. X S. - d. -." (Per rendere piu precisa llinformazionesi riporta anche il rnedesimo pagamento alla "posta1'de11 ' artista") c, 113 destra: " Ghuidoccio di Giovanni Chozarelli die avere a di 25 d'aghosto 1. dieci S. de quali sonno per sei armi dipense alla capella del campo e el davanzale rifece all'altare di detta capella, e sonno alle spese della capella in questo a foglio 97. 1. X S. O d. O." c. 97 destra: vi è riportato l'ammontare totale delle spese elencate nella facciata di sinistra: 1 MLXXXXVIIII S. XV d. VI. 121 sinistra: spese per la costruzione della cappella da1 5 luglio 1470 al 15 giugno 1471. Si tratta di spese per ltacquisto di materiali quali correnti per il tetto, l'pezze d'ore", pietre e per il pagamento delle maestranze. AOMS, 716 (Libro di debitori e creditori per sli anni 1466-1476. chiamato "Libro delle due rosen). Unpublished, except where noted within citation. Document 5 "Ciprianus interea Curtus Maioris Ecclesie edituus vir sane egregius ex hac vita migravit, in cuius locum Savinus Mathei Antonii Guidonis vir reformatorius suffectus est. Huius Savini primordio cappella pubblico in Foro et plumbeo tecto, ac ceteris ad eam iam destinatis penitus absoluta est, et sub editui dispositione ac regimine constituta. Capelle enim huius architectus Antonius Federighius senensis, vir in arte sculptoria, et in omni architecture genere peritissimus, qui hac tempestate Opere publice Templi Senensis magister preficiebatur." BCI, Ms. B III 10: S. Titius, Historiarun senensium ab initio urbis Senarum ussue ad annum 1528, V, p. 61; Milanesi, II, p. 437. Document 6 11 August 1468 [in left margin] Volte alla Capp.a di Pia2.a Et in questo tempo scoperse [...] il tetto della Cappella del Campo per far le volte sa' [...] O' vero colonne di marrno che cui si son fatto. BCI, Allegretti, Ms. A. VIII. 42, foglio 26v (36v in lapis). Unpublished. Document 7 August 1470 " 1470.. D'agosto fu finita la capella di rnarmi e tetto di piombo a piei la torre del Canpo." (carta 192v) Fecini, p. 871. Document 8 This section has been compiled and annotated by Dr. Carla Zarrilli. Vi sono annotati -tra le altre cose- pagamenti per i lavori alla cappella, in genere di minio importo. Tali pagamenti, pur non introducendo elementi di sostanziale novitâ, sono comunque utili per completare l'informazione. c, 56r.: "1468. Spese si faranno per la cappella del campo dieno dare S. due sono per 2 pani e 1 popone per Cozarello e altri aitaro a rizare lanterne. 1. O S. Segue un altro pagamento, del 26 agosto 1468, per il trasporto di pietre alla cappella del campo. c. 66~:" 1469. Spese minute date a maestri lavorano alla capella del campo per detto di missere Savino operaio corne appresso et prima. A di 13 di luglio per frutta. 1. O d. 8." Seguono una serie di pagamenti di 8 denari ciascuno, per frutta da1 13 luglio al 2 settembre. c. 75~:" 1470. Spese minute date a maestri lavorano alla capella del campo, dieno dare corne appresso. A di 21 di maggio ...d. 8". Seguono una serie di pagamenti tutti uguali a questo, sino al 7 luglio. c. 77~:Sono registrate una serie di spese minute per le maestranze, che lavoravano alla Cappella, e per 170 l'acqua necessaria per fare la calcina da1 26 giugno all'll luglio 1470. Et registrato poi il seguente pagamento, che sembra segnare la fine dei lavori: "E a di 3 (d'agosto) S. 3 dati per insalata et frutta quando ebbero disarmata l'armadura della capella. 1. O S. 32 Seguono 3 pagamenti di d. 8 sino a11t8 agosto. AOMS, 702 (bastardello del fattore). 1466-1476, chiamato "Libro delle due rose.") Unpublished. APPENDIX " B " LOGGE DEL PAPA The following documents pertain to the building of the Logge del Papa. The first two documents appear for the first time, the rest have been previously published. Document 1 27 August 1460 "Et in eodem consilio super infrascriptis facta proposita et super ea redditis pluribus consiliis et facto partito ad lupinos albos et nigros, fuit tandem in eo victum et deliberatm per lupinos CXXVIII albos redditos pro sic, lupinis XXVIII nigris in contrarium non obstantibus, quod sanctissimo domino nostro pape Pio secundo intelligantum relassate et donate cabelle emptionis facte per eius sanctitatem quarundam apotecarum positarum super platea Piccolominum pro utraque parte, ubi facere intendit unam pulcram loggiam et ornatissimum edifitium, et similiter omnes alie cabelle emptionum apotecarum et domorum pro utraque parte quas facet in dicto loco pro dicta loggia et edifitio faciendo sint et esse intelligantum usque nunc sibi relassate et donate obtempto prius solenni derogatione statutorun per lupinos CXL albos redditos pro sic, lupinis XVI nigris in contrarium non Sul margine destro."pro summo pontifice". ASS, Concistoro 563, c. 31r. Unpublished. Document 2 18 October 1460 Dinançi a voi rnagnifici et potenti Signori, signori Priori et Capitano di pop010 dela città di Siena. Exponsi per li vostri figliuoli et dela vostra rnagnifica Signoria fedelissirni servidori Nove offitiali sopra l'ornato dela città vostra, come dinançi alloro è stato 10 spectabile cavaliere misser Giovanni Saracini cittadino vostro et ha exposto come la santità del sommo Pontefice papa Pio II intende et vuole fare et edificare nela citta vostra uno nobile et bel10 casamento; avendo [comprato] le case, buttighe et piaçe dove tale casamento fare intende da padroni et signori di quelle per prezi giusti et ragionevoli et che di tali compre cosi per li venditori come per 10 cornpratore al comuno vostro non si paghi alcuna cabella; né si paghi etiamdio cabella dele cose si rnettessero nela città vostra per fare el detto casamento solamente et per la loggia, che la santità sua ha ordinato doversi fare ala piaça Picholhomini. Apresso domanda che li pigionali dele buttighe seli vendessero per li dominii per loro aquistati O comprati, bonificandosi et magnificandosi di tale 173 acconcio et adorno la citta vostra, sieno conservati dala cornunita vostra. Unde non avendo e prefati vostri servidori auctorità ale cose predette recorrano a' piei dela vostra magnifica signoria, et a quella con ogni debita reverentia ricordano che per ornato, honore et utile dela citta vostra si degni fare solennemente provedere, ordinare et deliberare per li vostri oportuni consegli che di tutte le compre si faranno per 10 prefato sommo Pontefice, O altri in suo nome, O suoi nipoti di case, buttighe O piaçe, cosi per li venditori, corne per li compratori, né etiamdio di mattoni, pierre, calcina, legname O qualunch'altra cosa si mettesse per fare detto casamento et loggia non si paghi al comuno vostro alcuna cabella, intendendosi per~chi sara sopra di ci8 circa l'offitio de XXIIII dele porti in forma che sotto quel10 el comuno vostro non fusse defraudato." (Sul margine sinistro) "Quod papa Pius non teneatur solvere cabellam emptionis fiende pro casamento de novo edificando in civitate". " Quod papa Pius non solvat aliquam cabellam de lapidibus, calce et lignaminibus mictendis in comune pro logia et casamento edi fi cando " . "Item che sia rimesso nef magnifici Signori Capitano di popolo, Gonfalonieri maestri e quelli sopra l'ornato predetto che per li tempi saranno, potere conservare e 174 pigionali dele buttighe che sfintendesseroper li detti dominii per loro aquistati O comprati come di sopra, corne quando et di quanto 10 parra essere giusto et ragionevole ale spese dela comunita vostra, non passando la somma et quantita di fiorini 300 di 1. 4 fiorino. La qualcosa facendo sara grande honore et utile dela città vostra, la quale assai se ne rnagnificarà, et piacere et content0 dela beatitudine d'esso sommo Pontefice, racomandandosi sempre ala prefata vostra magnifica signoria, la quale llAltissimo feliciti et exalti come quelle desiderano." (Sul margine sinistro) "Pensionarii apothecarum emendarum per papam Pium conserventur de eorum dominii" . ASS, Consiqllo qenerale 228, c. 290v. Unpublished. Document 3 30 December 1460 -4460. 30 décembre. Duc. 2000 dati per comandamentodi Sua Sta a Miraballi perfare la loggia in Siena. Müntz, p. 307. Document 4 1460 "Les registre de la Trésorerie secrète prouvent que les travaux furent effectivement commences en 1460. D'après Campano le pape se proposait de joindre a la 175 loge un palais; ctFecit et Senis porticum gentilitiam concameratam, aedes quoque adjuncturus, quarum jam aream straverat.>> (Muratori, R.I.S., t. III, 2e partie, p.985). Nous avons cru pouvoir substituer la leçon, ccfecit et Senisn à celle de ctfecit et senex>>, qui se trouve dans l'édition de Bâle et dans celle de Muratori, et qui n'offre guère de sens. Müntz, p. 305; Zimolo, p. 70. Document 5 18 June 1461 --1461. 18 juin. 500 duc. pour le meme motif.--T.S. 1460-1462. ff.71, 78, 84 vo. [Tesoro segreto] Müntz, p. 307 Document 6 14 October 1461 -->>14 otobre. 500 duc. pour le meme motif. --T.S. 1460-1462, ff.71, 78, 84 v*. [Tesoro segreto] Müntz, Document 7 1462 c. 121 destra: "Maestro Antonio Federighi nostro chapo maestro di butigha de avere a di 30 d'aprile 1462 1.quatrocento S. O sonno per suo salaro di mesi XVIIII à servit0 alla casa da di primo d'ottobre 1460 infino a detto di sopradetto a fiorini 86 di 1. 4 per fiorino l'anno, al quale tempo s'è difalchato d'acordo che per li detti mesi 19 monta detti fiorini C e questo per più tempo perduto alla loggia del Papa e per l'avenire da detto primo di maggio in là a venire di salario per detto capo maestro quel10 che parrà all'Operaio e suoi conseglieri corne appare alle deliberationi di ser Agnolo notaio foglio. 1. CCCC S. - d. -." AOMS, 714 (libro di debitori e creditori da1 1461 al 1482 chiamato "Memoriale nuovo rosso"); Paoletti, Doc. No. 82, p. 124; Richter Doc. No. 97, p. 204. c. 121 sinistra: "Maestro Antonio Federighi nostro capomaestro di butigha ... e die dare infino a di XXIII d'aprile 1463 1. quatordici S. O e quali denari sonno per una antenna grossa ebe da 1'Uopara la quale voleva adoperare per la logia fece del Papa- 1. XII11 S. - AOMS, 714 (libro di debitori e creditori da1 1461 al 1482 chiamato "Memoriale nuovo rosso"); Milanesi II, Doc. No. 310, p. 437; Paoletti, Doc. No. 81, pp. 123-4; Richter Doc. NO. 96, p. 203. Document 8 6 January 1462 1462 (v.s. 1461). 6 janvier. Duc. 2 dati di comandamento di Sua Santita a m0 Antonio [Antonio Federighi] scultore che fa la logia a Siena. --Ibid., £01.92. [T.S. 1460-1462 Tesoro segreto] Müntz, p 307. Document 9 13 July 1462 >>13 juillet. Duc. 200 di carnera datidi comandamento di Sua Sta a miss. giovanni Saracini per la loggia di Siena. --Ibid., fol. 107. [Tesoro segreto] Müntz, p. 307 Document 10 27 September 1462 Adi XXVII Settembre Cl4621 Dominus Iohannesde Saracinis, commissarius Sanctitatis Pii pape, ex una, et Magister Antonius Federigi de Senis, ex alia parte, de ipsarum partium comuni concordia et voluntate remiserunt et compromisserunt de iure et de facto, de iure tanturn et de facto tanturn, in magistrum Laurentium Petri dipentoris [sic], electum pro parte dicti magistri Antonii, a[d] declarandum aliqua dubbia que sunt inter eos vighore cuiusdam scripte quam dictus dominus Iohannes fecit dicto magistro Antonio unius aloghationis teatri in platea Sancti Martini, videlicet ad declarandum illud quod dictus magister Antonius debet agere et facere suis spensis, et illud quod dictus dorninus Iohannes debet agere spensis Domini Nostri in dicto theatro: et casu quod si dicti arbitri non essent concordes, sunt predicte contente quod chamerarius Merchantie debeat dare dictis arbitris tertium electum per dictum chamerarium sicut ei videbitur. Dantes etc., promictentes etc. Renuntiantes etc., cum iuramento et quarantigia. Actum in churia Merchantie, coram Magistro Antonio Neri de Senis et Bartalorneo Antonii Nacci, ligriterio de Senis, testibus. Milanesi, II, Doc. No. 224, p. 321; Paoletti, Doc. No. 83, p. 125; Richter, Doc. NO. 98, pp. 205-206. Document 11 "Honorandissime domine et cetera per 10 passato non v'o iscritto per non avere veduto cagione molto nicessaria. Al presente acade che avendo voi terminato per nicessità della buttiga fare cavare marmo nero, corne molte volte teneste e mi ragionaste; ora ci sono capitate costoro: sono conoscienti miei, ho li per buone persone, infine io 1'0 proferto grossi tre del braccio, loro si sono pontati a soldi diciotto, l'usanza e vinti, credo che veranno a soldi 17, conchiudete che è grande mercato e fate la promessione del denaio, servit0 ch'elli an0 e io 10 comettaro quel10 che debano cavare. Ancora 10 fate una lettera O voi la comettete qua a qualche uno che se dirigi a quelle donne da Casciano, che 110 dia del pane e del vino per 10 prezo chelli aranno insieme. Anco v'aviso in quanto mio poco conosciase, che ogiumai è senno tornare a Siena, riposto el vino e dato el seme a mezaiuoli, che, gratia di Dio, Cristo a fatto tregua CO noi per sua clementia e non per nostri meriti. Item 179 v'aviso che io ispacciato tutte le mie facende della logia e vorei mettare mano qua sus0 con vostra licentia, avisatemi quanto vi contentate; se volete che io facci delle cose che vanno nella capella overo volete che io facci una figura che vanno a Santo Pavolo. Parmi el meglio al presente atendare alla capella, pure faro quanto mi comandarete. Non altro per questa, valete. Antonius Federici lapicida. " Sul verso:" Magnifice domine domine Cristoforis Felicis (sic) dignissimo hoparario, domino meo ac benifattore precipuo. Detur Marciano." AOMS 30 ("libro dei documenti artistici"), Doc. No. 80; Milanesi, II, Doc. No. 228, p. 325; Paoletti, Doc. NO. 84, p. 125, Richter, Doc. No. 99, pp. 206-207. APPENDIX ' C " Document 1 Petition written by Bishop Giovanni de1 Cinughi, Bishop of Pienza requesting to build Santa Maria delle Nevi. No. LXXXIX. Supplica di Giovanni de'cinughi vescovo di Pienza alla Signoria di Siena. Da Siena 1470, probabilmente del Maggio (Arch. d. Rif. di Siena, Cons. qenerale di detto anno c. 139 sss.) Ad VO~Mag. ed Exc. S. Sri, priori governatori del comune et capitano di pplo. de la Mag. Città di Siena. Expone con reverentia giovanni delCinughi,vescovo di Pientia et vostro cittadino, che havendo volonta et proposito pro sua devotione, et per non essere ingrat0 de benefitii da dio ricevuti, £are edificare a sue spese nella vra. città una chiesa in honore et sotto il vocabulo de la gloriosa vergine sancta Maria, patrona et protectrice de la V. citta, et de la quale esso exponente conosce havere ricevute piu gratie; ha piu honorevole, utile al anime, consolatione de cittadini, et anco propinquo a la sua habitatione. et in effecto non vede luogho più acto a questa intentione, che quella piaza quale e al poggio malavolti, in sula strada et allato ala porta de malavolti. la quale piaza ha dinanzi la strada e dallato ha due vie, le quali da capo si congiungano, e 181 serrano dicta piaza a modo duno triangolo O vero duno scudo. et al presente è dicta piaza occupata e piena di spazatura, letame, et altre immunditie; el quale luogho seli sarà concesso, intende prestarnente et di bella muraglia fare edificare dicta chiesa, et quella dotare de suoi beni proprii; in modo che per li tempi advenire si possi conpetentemente officiale, et in essa laudare dio et pregarlo per 10 buono et tranquillo stato * di vra. città et reggimento, et di chi Sara stato favorevole a questa buona operatione. Et questo faciendo crede che sarebbe honorevole alla Città vostra, et maxime atteso non essere quasi alcuna altera città, ne1 quale non sieno più chiese intitolate a la vergine maria; et in questa, la quale si chiama citta dela vergine, non cè in nome suo se non la chiesa cathedrale. Apresso sarebbe molto commodo a cittadini e forestieri, li quali volessero udire messa, et anco a esso exponente per la vincinita de la sua habitatione, Et pero esso esponente con fiducia suplica a le V. M. S. che havendo lui hora dicto preposito, le V. M. S. ad reverentiam dela gloriosa vergine Maria, del cui honore si tracta, per li oportuni consegli li concedino dicta piaza et luogho con quelli muri e fondamenti e pietre che vi sono per infino a la strada, non potendosi tochare nè la via dtalcuno lato, ne etiam guastare la porta e muraglia che li è allato. et questa concessione 182 adomanda per constructione di dicta chiesa et non altrementi: et accioche le V. M. S. si rendino certe del suo buono animo, a lui è charissimo che li vostri quatro di Bicherna che alora fussero, O altri qualunque più piacesse alle V. M. S., examinino dicte vie, che sarebbero da lati di dicta chiesa, et quelle si observino per honore et us0 publico. Et concedendoli le V. M. S. libere dicto luogho, corne di sopra è dicto e come spera da1 vostro benigno reggimento, saranno cagione che questa opera pia hara luogho et presto si rnandarà ad executione cola gratia di dio, al quale piaccia illuminare la mente de le V. M. S. ed esso exponente, vro. figliuolo, che quel10 si facci sia a sua laude, et reverentia et honore del vro. reggimento e de le V. M. S. le quali dio exalti come desiderate etc. etc. * "Mater sancta dei sis cansa Senis requieittmise Duccio di boninsegan sotto la stupenda tavola del Duorno. Gli artisti Sanesi del sec010 XIIII e XV sentivano spesso il bisogno di ripetere la medesirna preghiera. Note " Anno 1470, indictione tertia, die vero XXIII maii lecta et approbata fuit petitio, intervenientibus M. D. et cap. populi, et inter eos deliberatum quod ponatur ad consilium populi; cum hac limitatione quod hostium principale dictae ecclesiae esse debeat et fieri ex parte anteriori, videlicet super strata, et solvat debitas gabellas etc. etc. Anno 1470 die vero tertia Iunii consilio populi et popularium M. civitatis Senarum solenniter convocato, servatis servandis in facta proposita super dicta petitione et eius limitatione, et datis consiliis et facto partito fuit solenniter obtentum, quod fiat et executioni mandetur in omnibus, ut in ea continetur, cm eius limitione per lupinos albos 176, nigros 38 etc. etc." Neppure la Madonna delle neve -- ella e significata nella petizione -- puo dirsi un lavoro di Francesca di Giorgio, la di cui gloria non so se sia scemata od accresciuta per le infinite opere, le quali (facil cosa è l'indovinarne il perchè) a lui furono e sono ancora attribuite.--" Giovanni Gaye, Carteqqio inedito d'artisti dei Secoli XIV, XV, XVI, 1, (1326-1500), Firenze: Giuseppe Molini, 1834, reprinted: Torino: Bottega d'Erasmo, 1961, pp. 220-223. Original Ms. in ASS, Consislio qenerale 1470 233, c. 139c- 140v. ASS, Reqolatori, 9, carta 222v. Unpublished Facsimile. Construction Expenses for Torre del Mangia, 1s June 1470. Figure 1 - Sermon of San Bernardino in Piazza del Campo, Sano di Piero, 1430. (postcard: Scala, Antella, Firenze) Figure 2 - Coronamento della Cappella di Piazza, Antonio Federighi, 1460-1470. Siena. Figure 3 - Loggia del Biagallo, Alberto Arnoldi (?), 1352-61. Florence. (from John White, Art and Architecture in Italy 1250-1400, p. 504.) Figure 4 - Sant'Ansano, Loggia della Mercanzia, Antonio Federighi, 14584459. Siena. Figure 5 - Pancale, Loggia della Mercanzia,Antonio Federighi, 1464. (Photo taken by: Dr. Fiamma Crestini) Figure 6 - Cappella di Piazza, North Side, Siena. Figure 7 - Cappella di Piazza, Front Façade. Siena. Figure 8 - Cappella di Piazza, South Side. Siena. Figure 9 - Close-up of Coronamento, North Side. Siena. Figure 10 - Close-up of Coronamento, Front Façade. Siena. Figure 11 - Close-up of Coronamento, South Side. Siena. Figure 12 - Detail of Pancale, Loggia della Mercanzia. Siena. Figure 13 - Close-up of Niche of Coronsmento, Right Pier. Front Façade of Cappella di Piazza. Siena. Figure 14 - Logge del Papa, Antonio Federighi, 1460. Siena. (Photo by Lensini, Siena) Figure 15 - Close-up of Piccolomini Coat-of Arms and Capital, Logge del Papa, Antonio Federighi and Urbano da Cortona, 1460. Siena. (Photo by Lensini, Siena) Figure 16 - Wreath #5 on Pancale, Logge del Papa, Antonio Federighi, 1460. Siena. (Photo taken by: Dr. Marco Giamello) Figure 17 - Detail of Snake and Mouse, Top Left. Wreath #5, Logge del Papa. Siena. (Photo taken by: Dr. Marco Giamello) Figure 18 - SanttAnsano in Castelvecchio, Façade. Siena. (Photo taken by: Erin O'Neill) Figure 19 - Diagram of SanttAnsano Façade. Figure 20 - Detail of Window "A", SantlAnsano. Antonio Federighi (?), 1443. (Photo taken by: Dr. Fiamma Crestini) Figure 21 - Detail of Pancale, Loggia della Mercanzia. Siena. Figure 22 - Detail of Window "B", Sant'Ansano, Antonio Federighi (?1443. (Photo taken by: Dr. Fiamma Crestini) Figure! 23 - Detail of Wlndow "D", SanttAnsano,An tonio Feder i qhi, 1443. (from: Bruno Mantura. "Contribui to ad Antoni O Federighi", p. 100. i Figure 24 - Detail of Window "C", SanttAnsano, Antonio Federighi (?1, 1443. (Photo taken by: Dr. Fiamma Crestini) Figure 25 - Detail of Window "DM, SanttAnsano, Antonio Federighi (?), 1443. (Photo taken by: Dr. Fiamma Crestini) Figure 26 - Sant'Ansano in Castelvecchio. (from: Piero Torriti, Tut-ta Siena. p. 215. ) OTZ Figure 28 - View of Cappella dei Diavoli and Palazzo dei Diavoli, Antonio Federighi (?). 1460. Siena. Figure 29 - Cappella dei Diavoli, Front Façade. Siena. Figure 30 - Detail of Pediment, Front Façade, Cappella Dei Diavoli. Siena. Figure 31 - Detail of East Façade, Cappella dei Diavoli. Siena. Figure 32 - Cappella dei Diavoli, East Façade. Siena. Figure 33 - Santa Caterina in Fontebranda, detail of Front Façade. Francesco di Duccio del Guasta, (design) 1464, erected by Antonio Federighi, 1464-1474, Siena. (Photo taken by: Erin O'Neill) Figure 34 - Allegoria delle oriqini dell'ospedale di Siena, Lorenzo di Pietro (Vecchietta), 1441. Fresco, Santa Maria della Scala, Siena. (from: Francesco di Giorgio, Exhibition Catalogue, 1993, p. 46) Figure 35 - Wreath #3 on Pancale, Logge del Papa, Antonio Federighi, 1460, Siena. (Photo taken by: Dr. Marco Giamello) Figure 36 - Santa Maria delle Nevi, Antonio Federighi (?), 1470. Siena. (Photo taken by: Dr. Remo Pepi) Figure 37 - Detail of Façade, Top Right Capital. Santa Maria delle Nevi. Siena. (Photo taken by: Dr. Renzo Pepi) Figure 38 - Detail of Right Façade showing rnissing Arco d Malavolti, Santa Maria delle Nevi. Siena. (Photo taken by Dr. Renzo Pepi) Figure 39 - Detail of Pebiment, Santa Maria delle Nevi. Siena. Figure 40 - Detail of Bishop Cinughi's Family Crest, Façade Santa Maria delle Nevi. Siena. (Photo taken by: Dr.Renzo Pepi ) Figure 41 - Contrada del Drago Emblern. Figure 42 - Baptismal Font, Antonio Federighi, c. 1460. Cappella di San Giovanni, Duomo di Siena. Siena. Figure 43 - Pedestal in front of Cappella di San Giovanni, Front Panel, Antonio Federighi (?), 1480. Right Pedestal, Duomo di Siena. Siena. Figure 44 - Pedestal in front of Cappella di San Giovanni, Front Panel, Giovanni di Stefano (?), 1480. Left Pedestal, Duomo di Siena. Siena. Figure 45 - Detail of Right Pedestal, Right Side Panel, Antonio Federighi (?), 1480. Siena. Figure 46 - Detail of Right Pedestal, Left Side Panel, Antonio Federighi !?), 1480. Siena. Figure 47 - Roman Funerary Altar. Claudian Period. (from: Paul Zanker, The Power of Imaqes in the Aqe of Auqustus, p. 280) Figure 48 - Dolphin Intarsia, Antonio Federighi, c.1475. Outslde Pavement, Duomo di Siena. Siena. OEZ Figure 50 - Detail of Dolphin and Stag Border, Seven Aqes of ManJntarsia, Duomo di Siena. Siena. (from: Piero Sanpaolesi, "Aspetti dell'architettura del Quattrocento...", Figure 30) Figure 51 - Erythrean Sibyl, Antonio Federighi, 1482. Intarsia, Duomo di Siena. Figure 52 - Detail of Federighi's Signature, Erythrean Sibyl, 1482. Figure 53 - Palazzo Suonsignori (Pinacoteca Nazionale), 1450s. Siena. Figure 54 - Palazzo delle Papesse, Bernardo Rossellino (design), erected by Antonio Federlghi, 1460. Siena. Figure 55 - Palazzo delle Papesse, Siena. Figure 56 - Palazzo delle Papesse, Siena. Figure 57 - Interior Courtyard, Palazzo delle Papesse. Siena. Figure 58 - Well in Courtyard, Palazzo delle Papesse. Siena, Figure 59 - Palazzo dei Diavoli, enlarged by Antonio Federighi, 1460. Siena. Figure 00 - Detail of Façade, Paiazzo dei Diavoii. Siena. Figure 61 - View of Wreaths of Façade and Tower, Palazzo dei Diavoli . Siena, Figure 62 - Back View, Palazzo dei Diavoli. Siena Figure 63 - Detail of Wreath, Palazzo dei Diavoli. Siena Figure 64 - Palazzo Sallustio Bandini, Antonio Federighi (?), c.1464. Siena. Figure 65 - Detail of Windows, Piano Nobile, Palazzo Sallustio Bandini. Siena. Figure 66 - Detail of Pedirnent over Main Door, Palazzo Sallustio Bandini. Siena. Figure 67 - Palazzo Calusi Giannini, Antonio Federighi (?), 1460s. Siena, Figure 68 - Detail of Piano Nobile and Top Storey, Palazzo Calusi Giannini. Siena. Figure 69 - Detail of Pilasters of Ground Floor and Piano Nobile Palazzo Calusi Gianninl. Siena. Figure 70 - Palazzo Costantini, Follower of Antonio Federighi. Siena. Figure 71 - Detail of Main Portal, Palazzo Costantini. Siena. Figure 72 - Portico and Entrance to Courtyard, Follower of Antonio Federighi, Pontignano. Figure 73 - Close-up of Portico. Pontignano. Figure 74 - Albergo Tre Donzelle (Palazzo Federighi), Antonio Federighi ( 1461. Siena. Figure 75 - Detail of Quoins, Palazzo Federighi. Siena. Figure 76 - Detail of Windows, Side Façade. Palazzo Federighi. Siena. Figure 77 - Detail of Façade, Pahzzo Federighi- Siena. Figure 78 - Detail of Garland Frieze with Vegetable and Domestic Animais, Palazzo Federighi. Siena, Figure 79 - Plan of ---O-ri.ginalPalazzo &rcivesc-o~~le ,adiace_'t k.0 .t-he..Duomo dl Si-end, Benedetto Giovannell i, mid seventeenth century. Rorna: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Chig. P. VTI.1 1, cc. 38v.-39r. (from: Gioia Romagnoli, "Nuovi Documenti sulla Construzione della Cappella del Vota...", Figure 51) Figure 80 - Vebuta della piazza del D-uomo di Siena prima de1.1-e. d-emol izioni , Francesco Pericciol i (?) , rnid seventeenth century. Roma: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Chig. P. VIL1 1, cc. 50v.-51r. (from: Gioia Romagnoli, "Nuovi Documenti sulla Construzione della Cappella del Vota...", Figure 52) F-iqure 81 - Plàrlt~.je1 Duûmci ~i S~ena,Benedetto Giovannei 11, mïd seventeentt, ;-~ntury.Roma: Biblioteca Apostolica Vatlcana, Coa. Chrq. P. V1I.1 1, cc. 38v.49~ (from: Gioia Romaqnoli, "Nuovr Document1 sulla Construzione della Cappella del Voto.. . ", Frqure 54) Fiqure 82 - Plan of Sarteano. (Courtesy of: Dr. Carlo Boloqni l Figure 83 - Castel10 Fanelli, Sarteano. Figure 84 - Façade of the Church of San Francesco, Antonio Federighi (?), c.1467-1474. Sarteano. Figure 85 - Detail of Dolphin Capital, Façade of Duomo di Pienza, Antonio Federighi (?), c.1458-1462. Pienza. Figure 86 - Detail of Door, Duomo di Pienza, Antonio Federighi (?). Pienza. Figure 87 - Well in Giardino Pensile, Palazzo Piccolomini, Antonio Federighi (?), c.1458-1462. Pienza. Figure 88 - Detail of Façade, Duomo di Pienza. Pienza. Figure 89 - Detail of Façade, Church of San Francesco. Sarteano. Figure 90 - Detail of Door, Church of San Francesco. Sarteano. Figure 91 - Detail of Left Door, Duomo di Pienza. Pienza. Figure 92 - Detail of Door, Santa Maria delle Nevi. Siena. (Photo taken by: Dr. Renzo Pepi)