Correspondance Diploma Tique Roumaine

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Correspondance Diploma Tique Roumaine BIBLIOTHEQUE DE L'INSTITUT POUR L'ETUDE DE L'HISTOIRE UNIVERSELLE SOUS LA DIRECTION DE N. IORGA 1. CORRESPONDANCE DIPLOMA TIQUE ROUMAINE SOUS LE ROI CHARLES I--ER ( 1866-1880) PUBLlEE SOUS LES AUSPICES DU MINISTERE DES AFFAIRES ETRANOERES DE ROUMANIE PAR N. IORGA DEUXIEME EDITION BUCAREST AU SIEGE DE L'INSTITUT 1938 BIBLIOTHEQUE DE L'INSTITUT POUR L1TUDE DE L'HISTOIRE UNIVERSELLE SOUS LA DIRECTION DE N. IORGA I. CORRESPONDANCE DIPLOMATIQUE ROUMAINE SOUS LE ROI CHARLES I-ER (1866-1880) PUBLIEE SOUS LES AUSPICES DU MINISTERE DES AFFAIRES ETRANGERES DE ROUMANIE PAR N. IORGA DEUX IEME EDITION BUCAREST AU SIEGE DE L'INSTITUT 1938 INTRODUCTION. Politique extérieure du roi Charles I-er, d'aprs les sources étrangeres Ces matériaux ont été rassemblés dans les Archives du Ministère des AffairesEtrangères de Roumanie en 1915 pour servir a la documentation d'une étude roumaine qui vient de paraitre en seconde edition: Politica externd a Re- gelai Carol. Bien entendu, je ne pensais guère a la publication de ces matériaux dont j'avais pris seulement des extraits, accom- pagnés de résumés. Comme cependant les dites Archives ont été transportées pendant la guerre a Pétrograd,d'oitelks ne reviendront probablement jamais, j'ai cru que mon travail pourrait les remplacer au moil's provisoirement. C'est pourquoi je le publie tel qu'il est et en é- laguant ce qui a été déjà publié dans les Livres Verts rou- mains et dans le riche recueil de M. B. M. Kogalniceanu sur la guerre de 1877-18781 , espérant rendre un service aux historiens, qui jusqu'ici se voyaient réduitsaux notes du roi 2. I. La 11/23 février 1866 Alexandre Jean I-er Cuza, prince 1 Actes et documents extraits de la correspondance diplomatique de Michel Kogalniceano, relatifs ala guerre de l'indépendance rou- maine 1877-1878, Bucarest 1893. 2 Aus dem Leben Konig Karls, 4 vol. Une edition française en a ete donnée a Bucarest. IV de Roumanie, Etat récemment fond& par la fusion, depu:s long- temps préparée, des Etat autonomes, indépendants de fait, bien que vivant sous la suzeraineté nominale de la Porte, de Mold avie et de Valachie, finissait un court regne qui s'etait distingué, non seulement par l'union intime, definitive des- deux parties constituantes, mais aussi par la reclamation des biens dependant des couvents dédies aux Maisons grec- ques d'Orient, ainsi que par. une courageuse mesure sociale d'impropriation" au profit des paysans. Pendant ces quelques années la nouvelle Roumanie avait cherche a nouer des rapports plus serrés avec ses voisins- de la Péninsule des Balcans, Serbes et Grecs, et, se tenant dans l'orbite de la France napoléonienne, a laquelleelle- devait tant,elle constituait un danger evident pour l'Au- triche, non encore doublée d'une Hongrie délivrée, qui de- tenait sous le sceptre des Habsbourg en decadence trois millions de Roumains en plein développement national. Quant a la Prusse, les relations avec le grand Etat qui devait a- mener l'unitépolitique des Allemands centraux n'avaient qu'une importance tout a fait secondaire. Cuza, dont les decisions émanaient d'une volonté ferme, appuyée sur un caractere qui n'était pas habitué a fléchir devant les flatteries ou les menaces, ayant indispose, aussi par une administration discutable, mais explicable, la plupart des chefs de partis politiques, fut détrôné par une cons- piration, a laquelle des officiers avaient participé. II vécut quelques annees a Petranger, en Italie, en Allemagne, et fMit. ses jours encore jeune, apres avoir refuse avec indi- gnation tout appui étranger pour son rétablissement et s'être impose même de ne plus revenir dans le pays on le suffrage des paysans reconnaissants lui avait offert mi siege a la Chambre. Son successeur, Charles de Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, de la branche rhénane, apparentée a celle de Berlin d'une facon appreciable pour les genéalogistes, mais tres peu comprehen- sible pour les profanes, branche melee constamment a la po- litique napoleonienne et ayant du sang français par des V unions avec les Murat et les Beauharnais, ne fut élu qu'en avril suivant, apres le refus de celui que le plebiscite avait designe le premier, Philippe, comte de Flandre, epoux lui- memo de la soeur du prince Charles. Pendant l'interregne et sous l'impression du changement violent dans la personne du. chef de l'ttat,ii y eut une agitationcontraire aux Roumains, qui paraissaient ingou- vernables, dans ce monde diplomatique dont ilstenaient leur existence politique. On se demandait si l'union, toute personnelle et obtenue a grande peine, doit etre maintenue la Russie avait provoqué une bruyante manifestation se- paratiste a Jassy , et, comme le probleme italien, d'un &cite, celui des compensations francaises sur le Rhin, de l'autre, préoccupaient les esprits, il fut tres sérieusement question de transformer l'Etat créé pour accomplir une mission européenne sur le Bas Danube, en 1856, en un objet d'echange et de troc, au profit de ses principaux créateurs même. Il est aver& maintenant par des correspondanees publiees depuis longtemps, aussi bien que par des témoignages ré- cents,que, a l'entrevue de Salzbourg, Napoleon IIIof frit a Francois-Joseph les Principautés on continuait a leur refuser le titre, ardemment desire, de Roumanie contre la Vénétie. L'idée vint de l'Italie poursuivant sa propre unite. Communiquee a l'empereur des Francais, pret a renier, dans la dernière phase de son regne, les principes qu'il avait inscrits en tete de son programme international, il en resta frappe", dit celui meme qui lanca, en février 1866 déja, le projet. Ii fut d'avis que la conference convoquee pour fixer la situation future de la Roumanie pourrait &en occuper. II craignait cependant deux oppositions: celle de l'Angleterre et celle de l'Autriche, et il n'avait pas l'appui manifeste de l'Italie, dont le point de vue était le suivant: Si les Puissan: ces croient devoir proposer une combinaison qut ait pour résultat la cession de la Vénétie sa,ns la guerre, qu.'elles le fassent, et pour son compte l'Italie l'acceptera. Mais nous ne devons pas avoir l'apparence de sacrifier les Principautel ri l'Autriche1." 1 Voy. Lamarmora, lin pd po di Ince. VI Or Lord Claren.don, par souci pour les Turcs, proteges permanents de la diplomatie anglaise, refusa des les pre- mières ouvertures, en mars. L'Empereur", dit le même in- formateur, a agi auprès du Cabinet anglais pour essayer de faire prévaloir la combinaison de l'echange des Principautés eontre la Vénétie. Malheureusement Lord Clarendon s'est pro- nonce dafavorablement". On ne poussa pas plusloin de ce cat& L'Autriche eut des scrupules des le commencement. Elle n'avait déjà que trop de Roumains a tenir sous ses ordres. L'expérience faite pendant la guerre de Crimee lui avait montre qu'il est plus facile de s'installer a Bucarest eta Jassy que d'y rester, et non seulement a cause de l'esprit national des populations. Le même rapport poursuit: II paIait que l'Autriche ne veut pas accepter cettecombi- naison i". Char ler I-er entra en Roumanie incognito au moment oi le question allemande mettait aux prises son ancienne pa- trie et cette Autriche -Hongrie que Cuza avait fait mine de vouloir attaquer, méme avec le concours des exiles magyars. Sa candidature ne venait pas de Bismarck, qui disposait en maitre de la volonté de son roi et dont les dispositions é- taient nettement hostiles a un projet qui n'entrait pas dans son système. Deux ans plus tard, parlant a Lord Loftus, le diplomateanglais, GuillaumeI s'exprimait ainsi surle compte de l'aventure"roumaine de son parent aloigne: Des le premier commencement fira désapprouve Paccep- tation du gouvernement des Principautés par le prince Char- les et il a fait tout cequitlui était possible pour dissuader les deux, le pare et le fils, de se confier a cette entreprisd aventureuse 2". Napoleon III aurait vu avec plaisir sur le Danube infe- 1 Ibid. 2 Loftus, The diplomatic reminiscences, seconde série, pp. 238-239. Cf.Maximilian Fliegenschmidt,DeatschlandsOrientpolitikimersten. Reichsjahrzehnt, 1870-1880, I, Berlin 1913, p. 18. VII rieur un allié des Beauharnais, un hôte de sa Cour, oi il avail brigué tout récemment une alliance avec la princesse Anne Murat, mais son appui principal venait des influences subal- ternes qui entouraient et influencaient le monarque. Il admit le changement dynastique, mais sans être guère dispose a accorder son appui; plus tard meme,l'aventure" ayant réussi, il se borna a prévenir le prince de Roumanie contre la Russie et a l'orienter yens Vienne, arnie en tant qu'ennemie de la Prusse victorieuse. Pour le moment la diplomatie francaise ne pensait guêre aconsolider ce trifnie contre lequel la Turquie, se croyant régénérée et capable de restaurer les jours brillants de son passé, élevait les prétentions les plus insolentes, allant jusqu'a assimiler CharlesI-er avec le gouverneur chrétien d'une espéce de provinces privilégiees", comme on devait le dire, du reste, ouvertement dans la Constitution turque, dix ans plus lard. Pensant a un agrandissement sur lafronti6re orientale, cette diplomatie napoléonienne offrait en dédom- magement alaPrusse desterritoiresallemands. Et les princes germaniques dépossédés par la Prusse iraient dans les Principautés du Danube". L'ancienne idée de Pechange contre la Vénetie réapparut sous la forme d'un troc allemand a Salzbourg, en 1867. Cette lois,il y eut une proposition formelle, faite directe- ment par Napoleon. Nous ignorons la forme dans laquelle Francois -Joseph, roi de Hongriemaintenant, y répondit. Mais celui qui gouvernait déjà la politique génerale de la Monarchie", cet Andrassy qui fut un grand Autrichien plus que tout autre chose, en parlait, peu de jours apres, a Pesth, a GeorgesStirbey,filsde rancien prince deValachie.
Recommended publications
  • Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2013 Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Heather Marlene Bennett University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Bennett, Heather Marlene, "Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880" (2013). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 734. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Abstract The traumatic legacies of the Paris Commune and its harsh suppression in 1871 had a significant impact on the identities and voter outreach efforts of each of the chief political blocs of the 1870s. The political and cultural developments of this phenomenal decade, which is frequently mislabeled as calm and stable, established the Republic's longevity and set its character. Yet the Commune's legacies have never been comprehensively examined in a way that synthesizes their political and cultural effects. This dissertation offers a compelling perspective of the 1870s through qualitative and quantitative analyses of the influence of these legacies, using sources as diverse as parliamentary debates, visual media, and scribbled sedition on city walls, to explicate the decade's most important political and cultural moments, their origins, and their impact.
    [Show full text]
  • The Socialist Minority and the Paris Commune of 1871 a Unique Episode in the History of Class Struggles
    THE SOCIALIST MINORITY AND THE PARIS COMMUNE OF 1871 A UNIQUE EPISODE IN THE HISTORY OF CLASS STRUGGLES by PETER LEE THOMSON NICKEL B.A.(Honours), The University of British Columbia, 1999 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of History) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 2001 © Peter Lee Thomson Nickel, 2001 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Hi'sio*" y The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date AkgaS-f 30. ZOO I DE-6 (2/88) Abstract The Paris Commune of 1871 lasted only seventy-two days. Yet, hundreds of historians continue to revisit this complex event. The initial association of the 1871 Commune with the first modern socialist government in the world has fuelled enduring ideological debates. However, most historians past and present have fallen into the trap of assessing the Paris Commune by foreign ideological constructs. During the Cold War, leftist and conservative historians alike overlooked important socialist measures discussed and implemented by this first- ever predominantly working-class government.
    [Show full text]
  • Muzeul National VII, 1983
    ALEXANDRU COCIU — MEDIC ROMAN SOLIDAR CU REPUBLICANII ŞI COMUNARZII FRANCEZI IN ANII 1870—1871 de MIRCEA DUMITRIU Despre participarea unor cetăţeni din ţara noastră la evenimentele legate de războiul franco-prusac (1870—1871) şi de lupta eroică a Co­ munei din Paris împotriva reacţiunii versailleze, a aparatului de stat burghez francez ştirile sînt, în general, destul de restrînse şi disparate. Este certă însă participarea unor voluntari din România în unităţi ale armatei republicane franceze şi ulterior — după semnarea prelimina­ riilor păcii la Versailles, la 26 februarie 1871, ceea ce echivala cu un act de trădare naţională din partea guvernului francez condus de Thiers — la eroica activitate a Comunei din Paris, prima revoluţie so­ cialistă din lume, expresie a luptei proletariatului francez pentru eli­ berare socială şi naţională. Printre cei care nu şi-au precupeţit temeinicele cunoştinţe profe­ sionale, eforturile fizice şi elanurile generoase şi avîntate ale cauzei progresiste şi internaţionaliste pentru care au luptat şi s-au jertfit mulţi fii ai Franţei republicane şi comunarzi — numiţi de Karl Marx, pe bună dreptate, „asaltatori ai cerului" —, au fost şi tineri din România. Unul dintre aceştia, Alexandru Cociu născut la 14 aprilie 1845 la Bucureşti, a îmbrăţişat profesiunea de medic, urmînd între 1870—1875 cursurile Facultăţii de medicină din Paris, unde şi-a luat doctoratul în anul 1875. Student fiind în 1870—1871 în capitala Franţei, el a devenit cunoscut în cercurile pe care le frecventa în acei doi ani de frămîntate momente din viaţa politică şi socială a ţării în care se specializa pentru umanitara carieră de medic. Relatări despre prezenţa şi activitatea lui Cociu în componenţa corpului personalului medical încadrat în Ambulanţa Presei aparţinînd Ministerului de Război al Franţei au fost aduse la cunoştinţa opiniei publice din România prin intermediul unor periodice de epocă.
    [Show full text]
  • Urban Communes and Soviet Socialism 1917-1932
    Published on Reviews in History (https://reviews.history.ac.uk) Living the Revolution: Urban Communes and Soviet Socialism 1917-1932 Review Number: 2141 Publish date: Thursday, 27 July, 2017 Author: Andy Willimott ISBN: 9780198725824 Date of Publication: 2017 Price: £60.00 Pages: 224pp. Publisher: Oxford University Press Publisher url: https://global.oup.com/academic/product/living-the-revolution-9780198725824 Place of Publication: Oxford Reviewer: James Ryan For those interested in learning more about, and reflecting upon, the iconic Russian revolutions of 1917 during this centenary year, there has been no shortage of recent publications. Notable works by academic specialists published already this year include excellent new introductory texts on the Revolution written by Geoff Swain, Steve Smith, and Mark Steinberg, the latter two published by Oxford University Press. Another Oxford publication, Andy Willimott’s new book, the first comprehensive monograph on the urban commune phenomenon in early Soviet Russia, is perfectly timed. Based on a PhD dissertation, Willimott’s book directly and explicitly addresses the meanings of 1917. The result is a brilliant, erudite, and elegant contribution to our understanding of the Russian Revolution, a social and cultural history that illustrates vividly what the October Revolution meant to young activists inspired by the establishment of Soviet power. Based on exhaustive original research and a comprehensive reading of relevant secondary literature, it is a history that builds on seminal work in the social, cultural, political and intellectual history of the Soviet state over the last two decades or so. It contributes a rich and nuanced understanding of popular engagement with the October Revolution, a portrayal of the complex relationship between state and society in early Soviet Russia, and valuable insights into the social and cultural origins, and the nature, of early Stalinism.
    [Show full text]
  • The Paris Commune, a Story in Pictures
    University of Central Florida STARS PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements 1-1-1932 The Paris Commune, a story in pictures William Siegel Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Book is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Recommended Citation Siegel, William, "The Paris Commune, a story in pictures" (1932). PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements. 762. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism/762 - I- z,0 A STO"Y IN PlnURES -=­ BY WILLIAM SIEGE PUBLISHERS' NOTE THIS pamphlet is one of a series sponsored by the John Reed Club, an organization of revolutionary writers and artists, and is published by International Pamphlets, 799 Broadway, New York, from whom additional copies may be obtained at IO cents each. Special rates on quantity orders. I N TillS SERIES OF PAMPliLETS Previously PublisJlld I. K()D&K.... P.utJdll(G-SOVlET STYLE, by A""a LDuiu Slro", lot 2. WAil IN Till! PAIl UST, by HtlWy H IlU . IOC! J. CllDUCU. WAIlI'AU, b, DolllJld Camero" . lof 4. WO... : 011. WAGES, by GrlJU BunI..\llm . .. l of 5. TllI! STIlUOCU; 01' TH£ l4AlUN£ WOlllltEllJ, b, N. Sparks 2~ 6. SPU:DING UP THE WORKEItS, by Jamtl Barndt . 10\! 7. YANJo:EII OOWNlEII, by /larry GIl"nU. , of 8. TilE YltA.M.E·U. SYSTDf, by Ytr" 5mll"\. lof 9.
    [Show full text]
  • Louise Michel
    also published in the rebel lives series: Helen Keller, edited by John Davis Haydee Santamaria, edited by Betsy Maclean Albert Einstein, edited by Jim Green Sacco & Vanzetti, edited by John Davis forthcoming in the rebel lives series: Ho Chi Minh, edited by Alexandra Keeble Chris Hani, edited by Thenjiwe Mtintso rebe I lives, a fresh new series of inexpensive, accessible and provoca­ tive books unearthing the rebel histories of some familiar figures and introducing some lesser-known rebels rebel lives, selections of writings by and about remarkable women and men whose radicalism has been concealed or forgotten. Edited and introduced by activists and researchers around the world, the series presents stirring accounts of race, class and gender rebellion rebel lives does not seek to canonize its subjects as perfect political models, visionaries or martyrs, but to make available the ideas and stories of imperfect revolutionary human beings to a new generation of readers and aspiring rebels louise michel edited by Nic Maclellan l\1Ocean Press reb� Melbourne. New York www.oceanbooks.com.au Cover design by Sean Walsh and Meaghan Barbuto Copyright © 2004 Ocean Press All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo­ copying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISBN 1-876175-76-1 Library of Congress Control No: 2004100834 First Printed in 2004 Published by Ocean Press Australia: GPO Box 3279,
    [Show full text]
  • The Commune Movement During the 1960S and the 1970S in Britain, Denmark and The
    The Commune Movement during the 1960s and the 1970s in Britain, Denmark and the United States Sangdon Lee Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds School of History September 2016 i The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement ⓒ 2016 The University of Leeds and Sangdon Lee The right of Sangdon Lee to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 ii Abstract The communal revival that began in the mid-1960s developed into a new mode of activism, ‘communal activism’ or the ‘commune movement’, forming its own politics, lifestyle and ideology. Communal activism spread and flourished until the mid-1970s in many parts of the world. To analyse this global phenomenon, this thesis explores the similarities and differences between the commune movements of Denmark, UK and the US. By examining the motivations for the communal revival, links with 1960s radicalism, communes’ praxis and outward-facing activities, and the crisis within the commune movement and responses to it, this thesis places communal activism within the context of wider social movements for social change. Challenging existing interpretations which have understood the communal revival as an alternative living experiment to the nuclear family, or as a smaller part of the counter-culture, this thesis argues that the commune participants created varied and new experiments for a total revolution against the prevailing social order and its dominant values and institutions, including the patriarchal family and capitalism.
    [Show full text]
  • H-France Review Volume 17 (2017) Page 1
    H-France Review Volume 17 (2017) Page 1 H-France Review Vol. 17 (August 2017), No. 139 Gavin Bowd, The Last Communard: Adrien Lejeune, the Unexpected Life of a Revolutionary. London and New York: Verso, 2016. 182 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $24.95 U.S. (hb). ISBN 978-1-78478-285-6. Review by John Bulaitis, Canterbury Christ Church University. The significance of the Paris Commune in shaping modern France divides opinion. For some historians, the commune marks the end of an era, “the last great uprising” of a period opened by the 1789 Revolution.[1] For others, its modern legacy is profound, “a touchstone…for an understanding of concepts ranging from class and revolution to femininity and masculinity.”[2] The conflict over the Commune’s meaning has also sharply divided the French left. The Communist Party (PCF) viewed it as an harbinger of the type of society for which they were the standard bearers: “the first revolution in which the working class was openly acknowledged as the only class capable of social initiative,” as Marx had said.[3] For communists, at least from the time of the Popular Front, 1871 symbolized the way the struggle for a democratic republic and national independence was fused with the aim of socialist revolution, the model for which was the Soviet Union. The party invested the Mur des Fédérés in Père Lachaise cemetery, the site of a massacre of Communards at the end of “Bloody Week” (28 May), with immense symbolic value. Others on the left challenged this interpretation and highlighted the communards’ commitment to a more spontaneous, democratic, and pluralist form of politics.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Nature of the Paris Commune of 1871 and Manifestations of Marxist Ideology in the Official Publications of the Central Committee
    Virginia Commonwealth University VCU Scholars Compass Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 2018 The Political Nature of the Paris Commune of 1871 and Manifestations of Marxist Ideology in the Official Publications of the Central Committee Emily M. Jones Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, Intellectual History Commons, Labor History Commons, Political History Commons, and the Social History Commons © The Author Downloaded from https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/5417 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at VCU Scholars Compass. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of VCU Scholars Compass. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Political Nature of the Paris Commune of 1871 and Manifestations of Marxist Ideology in the Official Publications of the Central Committee A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Virginia Commonwealth University by Emily Marshall Jones Bachelor of Arts, Randolph-Macon College, 2010 Director: Joseph W. Bendersky, PhD Department of History Virginia Commonwealth University Richmond, Virginia May, 2018 ii Acknowledgements I would like to thank Dr. Joseph Bendersky for his guidance and encouragement. His direction and excellent advising made both my research and this written work possible. I would also like to thank my readers, Dr. John Herman and Dr. Robert Godwin-Jones for their efforts, advice, and input. I want to thank my parents for their love, support, enthusiasm, and, most of all, their faith in me.
    [Show full text]
  • Myth and the Paris Commune Katie Brunner Simpson College, [email protected]
    Communication and Theater Association of Minnesota Journal Volume 41 Combined Volume 41/42 (2014/2015) Article 5 January 2014 Myth and the Paris Commune Katie Brunner Simpson College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://cornerstone.lib.mnsu.edu/ctamj Part of the European History Commons, and the Speech and Rhetorical Studies Commons Recommended Citation Brunner, K. (2014/2015). Myth and the Paris Commune. Communication and Theater Association of Minnesota Journal, 41/42, 49-66. This General Interest is brought to you for free and open access by Cornerstone: A Collection of Scholarly and Creative Works for Minnesota State University, Mankato. It has been accepted for inclusion in Communication and Theater Association of Minnesota Journal by an authorized editor of Cornerstone: A Collection of Scholarly and Creative Works for Minnesota State University, Mankato. Brunner: Myth and the Paris Commune CTAMJ 2014/2015 49 Myth and the Paris Commune Katie Brunner, MFA Assistant Director of Speech and Debate Simpson College [email protected] Abstract The Paris Commune of 1871 is an event in history that has had a special place in the hearts of many revolutionaries. Karl Marx called it “the first successful working class revolution”. This paper looks at the events of the Paris Commune, as recounted in a work produced 25 years after the event occurred and, by means of comparison with more recent accounts, examines how it moved from a historical “reality” to a mythic history through the lens of secondary framing and historical mythology. This approach to the Paris Commune reveals many significantly different interpretations; pointing out that the true impact of an event may lie within the effect it can have on future generations.
    [Show full text]
  • State and Revolution
    STATE AND REVOLUTION Marxist Teaching about the Theory of the State and the Tasks of the Proletariat in the Re"olution BY v. I. LENIN REVISED TRANSLAnON INTERNATIONAL PUBUSHERS NEW YORK TO THE READER In connection with our Tenth' Anniversary we issued a special 100,000­ edition of Joseph Stalin's Foundations of Leninism. Although this book contained 128' pages, the large edition made it possible to reduce the price to 10 cents. This was the first time a mass distribution of a basic theoretical book was attempted in this country. At that time we con­ sidered this to be a bold step, but justified by the keen interest in the literature of Marxism and Leninism. Our expectations were more than fulfilled. The edition was received enthusiastically. We take this oppor­ tunity to acknowledge the cooperation of thousands of people without whose help this edition could not have been distributed so rapidly. The pioneer work has been done. For our second book in this series of IOo,ooo-editions of theoretical works, we have chosen Lenin's State and Revolution, a major contribution to the literature of Marxism. This brilliant work on the nature of the state, capitaiist democracy and pro­ letarian dictatorship is especially pertinent at the present moment. We feel sure that with your cooperation the distribution of the present book will be highly successful. In fact, we feel confident that during the course of this year we will be able to issue loo,eoe-editions of several more classics of this type. At this time we are also issuing leo,ooe-editions of the Communist Manifesto at 5 cents, and Lenin's famous Letter to the American Workers at 3 cents.
    [Show full text]
  • The Paris Commune, the Haymarket Affair, and the Politics of Memorialization
    A tAle of two ceMeteries The Paris Commune, the Haymarket Affair, and the Politics of Memorialization Tis paper examines the relationship between late-nineteenth/early-twentieth century Paris and Chicago by analyzing their respective commemorations and memorializations of the Paris Commune and the Haymarket Afair. Tough these commemorations reveal many key diferences between the two cities—notably the power of municipal authority— they ultimately speak to the power of silence as a political tool wielded by both the oppressor and the oppressed. By Paige E. Pendarvis ‘16 University of Chicago “Te day will come when our silence will be more powerful itly compared or examined, despite numerous comparisons than the voices you are throttling today.”1 of the Paris Commune and the Haymarket Afair through- Albert Spies, 11 November 1887 out the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.2 A fair number of comparisons examine how the events infuenced he Paris Commune and the Haymarket Afair were two municipal socialist groups, in addition to their impact on the of the late-nineteenth century’s most notorious events. burgeoning international socialist movement.3 Most explicit TTey both revealed forces of disorder that threatened comparisons, however, focus on the direct afermath of each to disrupt the stability of bourgeois capitalist society, dem- event, without exploring other possible means of compari- onstrating increasing class-consciousness among workers. son. Depending on which side of the bourgeois-working class divide one fell, these events were either seen as a threat to Tis paper will explore one of these potential comparisons the core values of modern civilization or the spark that could by examining the ways in which Paris and Chicago sought ignite a full-scale working class revolution.
    [Show full text]