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Joachim Söder-Mahlmann Joachim Söder-Mahlmann Imperien der Träume Die Transformation der europäischen Gesellschaften im Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, ca. 1420–1780 Institut für Soziologie Leibniz Universität Hannover Überarbeitete Fassung, Oktober 2019 »Ich habe noch keine Daten. Es ist ein kapitaler Fehler zu theoretisieren, ehe man Daten hat. Unvernünftigerweise verdreht man dann die Fakten, damit sie zu den Theorien passen, anstatt seine Theorien den Fakten anzupassen« (Sherlock Holmes, "A Scandal in Bohemia") Titelillustration: Willem van de Velde der Jüngere, "The Resolution in a Gale"(1678) 2 INHALT Vorwort 5 1. Thematische Einführung: "Entwicklung" und "Unterentwicklung" 13 2. Kohle und Kolonien – die große Wegscheide? 20 3. Der lange Schatten des Schwarzen Todes 35 4. Entdecker, Händler und Soldaten 55 5. Amerikanisches Silber und chinesische Seide 72 6. Das goldene Zeitalter der Niederlande 82 7. Der lange Weg nach Plassey 99 8. Zwei hundertjährige Kriege 122 9. Handel, Macht und Reichtum 142 10. Kohle, Dampf und Baumwolle 158 11. Eine Revolution des Fleißes 177 12. In Pursuit of Happiness 201 Resümee 218 Appendix A: Die vormodernen Volkswirtschaften in der "ökologischen Sackgasse" 227 Appendix B: Interregionaler Handel um ca. 1000 u.Z. 228 Appendix C: Entwicklung des globalen Handels zwischen ca. 1300 und 1800 229 Appendix D: Übersicht der wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung in Nordwesteuropa vom Hochmittelalter bis zur Neuzeit 233 Appendix E: Idealtypische Strukturen der mittelalterlichen englischen Landwirtschaft 234 Literatur 235 3 4 Vorwort »Nicht in den kühnsten Träumen der Jugend hätte er die verlockenden Ausmaße eines so außerordentlichen Triumphs erahnen können. Denn es mag sehr wohl sein, daß er in dem kurzen Moment seines letzten stolzen und unerschrockenen Blicks das Antlitz jener großartigen Ge- legenheit sah, die, wie eine Braut des Ostens, verschleiert an seine Seite getreten war« (Joseph Conrad, Lord Jim ) Beinahe tausend Jahre träumte Europa von Ländern jenseits des Meeres. Bereits die Kreuzfahrer suchten in Palästina – das sie Outremer nannten, "Übersee" – nach Ruhm, Reichtum und Erlösung. Zwar gingen die christlichen Reiche an der Levanteküste bald wieder verloren, doch ab dem 16. Jahrhundert setzte ein scheinbar unaufhaltsamer glo- baler Siegeszug des Abendlandes ein, das schließlich nicht nur Amerika erobert, son- dern auch Indien und China, das einstmals so mächtige "Reich der Mitte", unterworfen hatte. Was die Entdecker, Händler und Soldaten aus Portugal, Spanien, den Niederlan- den, Frankreich und England in weit entfernte Weltgegenden lockte, waren die Reich- tümer, die ihrer dort vermeintlich harrten. Aber wenngleich sie ursprünglich aufgebro- chen waren, um Edelmetalle und Gewürze zu finden, hielten die fernen Küsten schließ- lich noch gänzlich andere Dinge bereit, Produkte, deren Wert schon bald die Gold- und Silberladungen der spanischen Schatzflotten und die Gewürzfracht der Karacken des portugiesischen Estado da Índia weit in den Schatten stellte. Während in Brasilien und der Karibik aus Afrika verschleppte Sklaven auf Plantagen Zuckerrohr anbauten, luden am anderen Ende der Welt, an den Gestaden des Indischen Ozeans und des Südchinesi- schen Meers, portugiesische, niederländische und englische Schiffe Seiden– und Baumwollstoffe, Tee und Porzellan – Güter, welche die europäische Alltagskultur grundlegend veränderten. Der stetig anwachsende Konsum dieser "Kolonialwaren" ging einher mit einer tiefgreifenden Transformation der gesellschaftlichen und ökono- mischen Verhältnisse in Nordwesteuropa, die schließlich in zwei für die Prägung des modernen Europa entscheidenden Entwicklungen mündete: der Industrialisierung und Demokratisierung des Kontinents. Welcher Zusammenhang bestand zwischen der überseeischen Expansion Europas und dem wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Wandel? Dieser Frage will ich mich im folgenden widmen, ohne allerdings behaupten zu können, sie einer finalen Antwort zu- zuführen. Ein derartiges Unterfangen wäre nicht nur angesichts des betrachteten Zeit- raums, der notwendig einzunehmenden globalen Perspektive und der Komplexität des Gegenstands allzu vermessen; da die jeweiligen Phänomene Teil eines umfassenden Ganzen waren bzw. sind verbietet sich zudem eine simplifizierende Konstruktion von Kausalitäten. Mein Ziel besteht vielmehr primär darin, ein Bild der historischen Ent- wicklung nachzuzeichnen, welches der Leserin und dem Leser nahebringt, wie wir zu dem wurden, was wir sind – und welchen Beitrag jene wagemutigen Seeleute dabei lei- steten, die von England nach Indien oder China und zurück segelten, damit ihre Lands- leute Tee aus einer Porzellantasse trinken und ihren Tisch mit einem Tuch aus Baum- wolle decken konnten. Ich werde mithin die ökonomische und soziokulturelle Entwick- lung Europas sozusagen durch die "Linse" der mit der maritimen Expansion einherge- henden veränderten Konsumgewohnheiten beschreiben, um schließlich jene Triebkräfte zu analysieren, welche für die anhaltende Dynamik der modernen Industrie- und Kon- sumgesellschaft verantwortlich sind. 5 Den Kern dieser Studie bildet zwar die historische Rekonstruktion, da aber die vorste- henden Sätze als Problemskizze bei weitem zu knapp geraten sein dürften, werde ich in einem ersten einführenden Kapitel zunächst kurz erläutern, welche Faktoren üblicher- weise als entscheidend für wirtschaftliche Entwicklung respektive Wachstum betrachtet werden. Der Gegenpol von "Entwicklung" ist "Unterentwicklung", und tatsächlich ent- stammen weite Teile des entwicklungstheoretischen Diskurses der Debatte über Ent- wicklungshemmnisse, d.h. die Frage, warum die Länder der sog. "Dritten Welt" auch nach Erlangung bzw. Gewährung der politischen Unabhängigkeit derart gravierende ökonomische Defizite aufweisen. Eine aktuelle Facette dieser bis in die 1950er Jahre zurückreichenden Diskussion ist jüngeren Ursprungs und zielt auf die Frage ab, warum in China im 18. Jahrhundert im Unterschied zu England kein Prozeß der Industrialisierung einsetzte. Die Reflexion darüber, was England damals vom "Reich der Mitte" unterschied mag auf den ersten Blick als recht "akademisch" anmuten, tatsächlich aber illustrieren die von unterschied- lichen Autoren, allen voran Kenneth Pomeranz, diesbezüglich angeführten Argumente exemplarisch die Kernproblematik, mit der ich mich im vorliegenden Text auseinander- setze, weshalb ich im zweiten Kapitel in Fortführung der thematischen Einführung aus- führlicher die Debatte über Ursachen und Rahmenbedingungen der Industriellen Revo- lution nachzeichnen werde. Letztendlich dürfte England sich bereits um 1750 auf einem gänzlich anderen Entwicklungspfad befunden haben als China, mit dieser Feststellung ist aber noch nichts darüber gesagt, warum und wann das Land einen Weg beschritt, der letztendlich in ökonomischer Stagnation und politischem Chaos endete. Um den Wurzeln dieser "großen Divergenz" nachzuspüren, werde ich mich im dritten Kapitel weit in der Zeit zurückbewegen und auf die gesellschaftlichen und öko- nomischen Transformationsprozesse fokussieren, welche im Europa des ausgehenden Mittelalters einsetzten – möglicherweise als Konsequenz der großen Pestepidemie Mitte des 14. Jahrhundert. Die Rekonstruktion einerseits der historischen Entwicklungen und andererseits der diesbezüglichen Debatte bildet das Scharnier zwischen dem systemati- schen und dem historisch-empirischen Teil dieser Studie und liefert den Bezugsrahmen für die nachfolgende Rekonstruktion der überseeischen Expansion Europas. Während der Aufbau des portugiesischen Handelsimperiums im Osten und die Er- oberung Amerikas durch spanische Konquistadoren (Gegenstand des vierten und fünf- ten Kapitels) noch weitgehend von mittelalterlichen Strukturen und Mentalitäten ge- prägt sind, markiert die Gründung der niederländischen und englischen Ostindienkom- panien einen deutlichen diesbezüglichen Wandel, den Beginn des modernen Welthan- dels. Während allerdings die im sechsten Kapitel beschriebene ökonomische Blüte der Niederlande ein in historischen Maßstäben kurzlebiges Phänomen blieb, markiert der Aufbau des Handelsimperiums der East India Company ( siebtes Kapitel ) in vielfältiger Hinsicht den Beginn eines neuen Zeitalters – für England, für Europa, aber auch für In- dien, China und Amerika. Gegenstand der Kapitel 8 bis 11 ist deshalb eine dezidierte Bestandsaufnahme der ökonomischen, gesellschaftlichen, kulturellen und politischen Entwicklung in England, welche einerseits in der Herausbildung einer neuen, um "Ko- lonialwaren" zentrierten Konsumkultur und andererseits in der beginnenden Industriali- sierung gipfelt. Das 18. Jahrhundert war nicht allein von ökonomischen, politischen und gesellschaftlichen Umwälzungen geprägt, sondern nicht zuletzt auch von einer Bewe- gung, die einige Autoren, meines Erachtens sehr zu Recht, als "Konsumrevolution" eti- kettiert haben. 6 Die Entwicklung Sphären der Herstellung (Industrie) und Verteilung (Märkte) von Gü- tern wurden in der Vergangenheit ausführlichst rekonstruiert und analysiert, für den Be- reich des Konsums ist dies nicht näherungsweise zu konstatieren. Dies ist um so er- staunlicher angesichts der Tatsache, daß das Verlangen der Konsumenten die primäre Triebkraft des ökonomischen Prozesses ist. Die abschließende Reflexion des Zusam- menhangs zwischen expansiver Produktion und Konsumption, mithin die Frage nach den Wurzeln unseres scheinbar grenzenlosen Verlangens, kann mangels belastbarer empirischer Studien nur kursorisch und explorativ sein, sollte aber dennoch die Leserin und den
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