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Universi^ Miaixilms International 300 N. Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Ml 48106

8305333

Gillespie-Woltemade, Neiiice Marie

THE EMERGENCE OF A FEMINIST METACULTURE: WOMEN’S LIBERATION AS A GLOBAL MOVEMENT

The Ohio State University P hD . 1982

University Microfilms internationelm N. zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. MI 48106

Copyright 1982 by Gillespie-Woltemade, Neiiice Marie All Rights Reserved

THE EMERGENCE OP A FEMINIST METAGULTÜRE; WOMEN'S LIBERATION AS A GLOBAL MOVEMENT

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By Neiiice Gillespie-Woltemade, B.A., M.A.

*****

The Ohio State University 1982

Reading Committee; Approved By Laurel Richardson John Seidler Adviser Verta Taylor Department of Sociology This dissertation is dedicated to the women dedicated to feminist struggle.

XI ACiCNOWIEDGMENTS

Many people have helped make this dissertation possible-, and I wish to express my gratitude for their support. The ways in which they contributed were varied, but all were necessary, and greatly appreciated. First, I would like to thank the women, to whom this work is dedicated, who make up rhe Women's Liberation Movement. Through their activism and writing, they are changing the world. The feminists I have had the opportunity to meet have been personally generous, encouraging, and warm in their openness and hospitality in providing me information, materials, contacts, a meal, a bed, a warm coat. There were many in the women's spaces I visited who gave their time. I would like to specially thank; Barbara Zandition (and Ralph Stephenson), Kate Walker, Sarah Braun, and Christel Goebelsmann in England; Elizabeth Burghardt, Vroni Fenner Baueriedl, and Suzanne Kahn-Ackermanu in Germany; and Kathy Phelps, Donna

Kueck, and Kathy Shoemaker in the United States. My dissertation committee and other faculty at Ohio State University have offered the stimulation and critique to shape

my development as a sociologist. I am especially indebted to Professors Laurel Richardson, John Seidler, Verta Taylor,

iii Alfred Clarke, Gisela Hinkle, Roscoe Hinkle, and Robert Wagner for their guidance and the courses I have had with them. The graduate "gender group" was a unique experience of intellectual sharing and excitement; thank you to Laurel Richardson, Kathy Shoemaker, Judith Dilorio, Timothy Diamond,

Mary Margaret Fonow, Diane Poult on, Diane Vaughn, and Judy Cook for those intense months of work. I would like to thank the Ohio State University Center for Women's Studies for two research grants which helped in the acquisition of materials. Their grants program is important in enabling feminist research. Two friends, Laura Dees Kloth and Connie Carter offered undying encouragement and both read the work and made helpful suggestions. I appreciate greatly their warmth and being there when they were needed. Finally, I would like to thank the members of my family

— Uwe, Peter, and Christopher Woltemade, each of whom has helped me in his own way. They have been supportive from the beginning of the long research process. Uwe, as another social scientist, has discussed the work, passed along clippings and resources, and made insightful comments. As a spouse, he proofread the entire manuscript and offered encouragement for

years. It was through Uwe, a German, that I first visited Europe and gained an international perspective. Christopher has provided fun and relaxation— skiing, hiking, or listening

iv to rock music and Peter has shared films and good discussions, Both sons have offered encouring words and good cartoons for my door. My parents, William Ernest Gillespie and Dorothea Hayes Gillespie have instilled in me the tenacity and ability to accep"^ difficult tasks which have been necessary to see this project through to the end. I thank them for their encouragement. VITA

December 20, 1938 .... B o m - Kansas City, Missouri 1962 ...... B.A., Sociology, University of Missouri at Kansas City, Kansas City, Missouri 1965 ...... M.A., Sociology, The University of Texas, Austin, Texas 1976-1978, 1979-1981 . . Graduate Teaching Associateship, Department of Sociology, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1981-1982 ...... Visiting Instructor, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Middlebury College, Middlebury, Vermont

PUBLICATIONS "Feminism in West Germany." Resources for Femi^st Research/ Documentation Sur La Recherche Féministe. Vol. IX. No. 4. December, 1980, Pp. 9-^3» "The Feminist Academy and Third World Women." Toward a Feminist Transformation of the Academy. Great lake's Colleges Association, November, 1979, Pp. 19-27. "Is There Sex After Death?— A Gender Analysis of Cemetery Stone Inscriptions." Project Nine in Introducing Visual Sociology by Timothy J . Curry and Alfred Ô. diarke. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company, 1977, Pp. 85-87.

VI FIELDS OF STUDY Sociology of Gender. Professor Laiarel Richardson Theory. Professor Roscoe Hinkle Social Psychology. Professor Gisela Hinkle

vix TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page DEDICATION...... ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... iii V I T A ...... Vi INTRODUCTION...... ,...... 1 Chapter

I. T H EORY...... 12 Identity...... 17 Consciousness of Kind...... 21 Commitment ...... 26 Subculture...... 29 Networks ...... $$ Feminist Metaculture ...... 59

II. A HISTORY OP THE CONTEMPORARY WOMEN'S LIBERATION MOVEMENTS IN SELECTED WEST EUROPEAN COUNTRIES AND THE UNITED STATES...... ^5 The United States...... 50 Liberal-Reform Feminism . . . 52 Liberal/Radical Split .... 55 Radical Feminism...... 60 Lesbian Feminism...... 68 Black Feminism...... 75 Socialist Feminism...... 80 Feminism in Eu r o p e ...... 91 Great Britain...... 95 F r a n c e...... 102 West Germany...... 109 Italy...... 117 Spain...... 122

Vlll Chapter

III. MAJOR RESEARCH OBJECTIVES AND METHODOLOGY...... 126 Major Objectives ...... 126 Methodology...... 132 Collection of Data ...... 144 Reliability and Validity . . . 154- Analytic Framework ...... 157

IV. BUILDING A GLOBAL BODY OP FEMINIST THEORY AND PRAXIS...... 160 Influences Common Societal Features and Historic Precedent . . . 160 Social Protest Movements. . 161 Marxism ...... 163 Feminist Core Values. . . . 166 Feminist Theoretical Tendencies 171 Feminist Metaculture ...... 186

V. INTERNATIONAL CONTACTS 196 Direct Contact Between Women . 198 Feminist V/riting, Information Services, and Women's Studies...... 204- Writing and Publishing. . . 204- Information Centers and Bookstores...... 211 Women's Studies ...... 214- Translations and Bibliographies...... 218 Feminist Organizations, Conferences, and Festivals . 228 Organizations and Conferences 228 Festivals...... 239 Women's Spaces and Feminist Art 24-1

VI. C0MI40N ISSUES OF THE WOMEN'S LIBERATION MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE AND AMERICA...... 24-9 Violence Against Women 251 Rape...... 252 Battered Women. . . 260 Take Back The Night 267 Violent Backlash. • 269

IX Chapter

VI. (continued)

Feminist Health Issues. . . . 2 7 1 The Feminist Self-Help Movement ...... 274. Abortion...... 285 Birthing ...... 290 Personal/Political Issues . . 293 VII. THE METACÜLTURE BEYOND THE SAMPLE COUNTRIES...... 305

Introduction...... 305 L a t m Amerrca ...... 309 Eastern Europe; Yugoslavia, Poland, U.S.S.R...... 313 I n d i a ...... 518 Publishing...... 518 Violence Against Women . . 321 Women's Health ...... 325 Conferences...... 326

VIII. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ...... 328

Sociological Theory ...... 329 Contemporary History of the Women's Liberation Movement 332 Research Objectives ..... 333 Methodology...... 334- The Analytic Framework. . . . 335 Metaculture Contacts...... 336 Feminist Issues ...... 338 Third World Feminist Movement 34-0 Implications for Further Research...... 34-0 Conclusions...... 34-3 APPENDICES A. Table of Benchmark Events in the Contemporary Women's Liberation Movement ...... 34-7 B. Interview Guide Used in England and America...... 358 Interview Guide Used in Germany ...... 360 APPENDICES G. Resource Lists...... 362 I. Women's Spaces, Bookstores Research Centers, Cafes . • 363 II. Feminist Publishers and Publications...... 375 III. Organizations...... 383

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 389

XX imODUCTION

\ This research concerns transnational continuities in the issues and strategies of contemporary feminism and the current development of a feminist metaculture.

Women who define themselves as feminists share a common awareness of their oppression and a commitment to confront that oppression and work for societal change. Going beyond a concern for equal rights or equal pay, they question the constraints of the role of women as defined by patriarchy. They see feminism as a healthy response to an unhealthy society, involving a cognitive restructur­ ing of one's life and direct experience in the Women's Liberation Movement.

The terms "feminist movement" and "Women's Liberation Movement" have many different meanings, inter­ pretations, and connotations. There is no agreement on how they are to be used. Many women define themselves as feminists who would not be seen as feminists by some others— the degree of radicalism is often in the eye of the beholder. I did not impose my definitions on others but was interested in the diversity of understandings women had of these terms. However, when Women's Liberation Movement is used, it indicates a more militant or radical stance than "the women's movement." 2 The basic objective of this research is to describe, analyze, and explain the emergence of a global feminist metacnltnre. The study is based on intensive interviews with feminists in selected Western European countries and the United States, participant observation in feminist groups over several years, and content analysis of recent

feminist publications. Based on my language abilities, I have used English and German sources and most of the data pertain to West Germany, England, and the United States. The same kinds of international contacts are being made between women from other parts of the world,

especially following the 1975 and 1980 United Nations women's conferences in Mexico City and Copenhagen. How­ ever, this research is primarily based on Western Europe

and the United States. An overarching metaculture is being developed by feminists in many countries throughout the world. This feminist metaculture, which transcends national and cultural boundaries, is a body of theoretical knowledge; a set of ideals, goals, and praxis ; a way of life and a way of being. It is global, rather than international, in the sense that it unites women as women, not as citizens of nation states. However, it is small in teims of per­ centages of women involved. Many women put national politics before their feminist work, as shown by some of the debates 5 at United Nations women's conferences and other international meetings. Within many countries, there are feminist counter­ cultures, but there is an emerging metaculture as well, which connects women from different nations. It spreads through a web of intermeshing groups in which women with multiple concerns and memberships— simultaneous as well as sequential— come into contact with a diversity of other women. There is flow of both oral and written information within and between these diverse groups. The women derive support and inspiration from the knowledge of each other's struggles and by directly helping one another, e.g., through skill sharing, financial support, letter cam­ paigns, and demonstrations. There is identification with the referent group— feminists— which leads to involvement in feminist work. Feminism is based on shared meanings and understandings which are becoming global in scope; the ties between women's lives are being recognized.

The Women's Liberation Movement is not monolithic, however. Members are of a great diversity, and there are ideological factions, as well as class and race divisions within the movement in each country. These factions have international contacts. There are national differences as well, which give the movement in each country its own structure. 4- Feminists everywhere live in non-feminist societies; in order to sustain their identity as feminists, they develop strategies to cope with.sexism. They create support structures and action groups for themselves and other women. These groups are developing global ties. Commonly a woman’s major link to the Women's Liberation Movement is local and/or national, but some individuals are able to meet personally with women from other countries.

The purpose of this research is to investigate how and why a global feminist metaculture is developing. It examines the following three aspects of the international feminist movement; I. Those factors that influence the building of a global body of feminist theory and praxis II. The similarities of the Women's Liberation Movements in Western Europe and the United States, including the extent, types, and methods of contacts between the movements III. Feminist issues of concern in all the sample countries.

Each of these will now be considered in more detail. Influences in Building a Global Body of ÿeminisi Theory and Praxis

Influences conducive to the development of a shared body of feminist theory include common societal features and historic precedent, social protest movements and upheaval, Marxist theory and praxis, and core feminist tenets.

Prior to the contemporary feminist movement, there had been international cooperation among women on such issues as peace, abolition of slavery, and women's suffrage, A combination of catalytic events and adequate technology for widespread contact has occurred since the late 1960s which facilitated global development of fem- p inism. In both Europe and America, women involved in the social movements of the late 1960s came together to work on feminist issues. Common patriarchal constraints on women were crystallized when the male left refused to recognize feminist issues as legitimate and vital to the movement. Mass media coverage carried information on these developments to large numbers of women in other countries. Also, many women traveled and spread under­ ground movement newsletters, pamphlets, and tracts.

p Ifhen the designation "America" is used in this study, it refers only to the United States, although feminists in other American countries are part of the metaculture. 6 Many feminists have drawn upon Marxist analysis for their theory construction, which provides a shared foundation for Marxist and Socialist Feminists from different countries. This analysis places the capitalist system, with private property and class divisions, at the base of women's oppression. Marxist analysis of class divisions is used to study power and exploitation. Marx's methodology, both historical and dialectical, is stressed.

Several widely accepted feminist tenets support international cooperation. Examples are sisterhood, sisterhood is powerful. Consciousness Raising, and the idea that no woman is liberated until all women are liberated. Consciousness Raising (CR) groups were crucial in the development of insight, analysis, and praxis. As a technique, CR spread through the metaculture, as both an example and a facilitator of its growth.

Similarities and Contacts between the Women's Liberation Movements The Women's Liberation Movements in Western Europe and America have many similarities in their origins and in the legal and economic status of women, the societal attitudes toward women, and the issues around which feminists organize. They also experienced hostility from many men— including "radicals"— when they started organizing. 7 There are many formal and informal means through which individual women and feminist groups maintain contact with each other. In this study, the following four examples are considered» personal ties between women, feminist theoretical writings, feminist organ­ izations and gatherings, and women's spaces and feminist art. Travel by individuals and groups has brought to­ gether feminists and given them the opportunity to talk about and observe each other's social situation as women and share strategies for change. These travelers and women who live abroad for some time become resource persons and carriers of information between groups. Many also become members of both cultures, able to fit into the feminist network in more than one city or country. A broad range of journals, books, periodicals, and newsletters has been crucial to the development and spread of feminism. Information centers and archives established to produce, distribute, and house the materials are impor­ tant in their dissemination and as contact points for feminists. Feminist organizations, caucuses, conferences, and festivals have provided opportunities for women with diverse backgrounds to meet and collaborate on specific topics. Even when these are local or national gatherings, they attract women from abroad as members and participants. 8 Within the contemporary Women's Liberation Movement, women are creating art which challenges traditional androcentric art subjects and techniques. This includes the visual arts, poetry and prose, music and theatre, and feminist spirituality. Women's spaces^ in which to create and exhibit these works, as well as such spaces as women's centers, bookstores, cafes, refuges, and feminist health clinics provide supportive settings in which women can meet and work together. Feminist art has brought together women from many countries; much of this work tours as exhibits or performances. These four types of contacts are not separate; they are often combined so that a traveling feminist will seek out political materials or works of art which she can take back home with her. She may join a group or subscribe to a newsletter from abroad, correspond with women she met and pass along names and addresses to a friend or publish the information at home. Such contacts produce awareness of the Women's Liberation Movement and women's issues in other countries. Many international ties are forming around specific issues and ideas for praxis are shared as well as actual support.

^ "Women's space" refers to buildings, rooms, or gatherings which are for women only or are operated for and by women. Feminist Issues Important in Sample Countries

The movements are similar in part because the issues around, which women have organized are essentially the same. The importance of autonomy and control over one's own life is stressed in several common areas of feminist concern. Three aspects of women's lives for which the Women's Liberation Movement seeks autonomy will be discussed as examples of shared issues. The many forms of violence against women, including rape, battering, incest, and pornography are being resisted. Feminist groups are working on health issues including alternative self-health and birthing methods, abortion rights, and contraception; forced sterilization and testing of contraceptives— especially on poor women— are being exposed and protested. Finally, personal/ political issues of sexuality as identity and political praxis— including all sexual options, psychological health, and feminist therapy have been discussed in Consciousness Raising groups and feminist clinics.

Organization of the Presentation The plan of the study is the following; Chapter One presents the theoretical basis for the research, reviews the pertinent literature, and develops the concept of metaculture. 10 Chapter Two is an historical overview of the con­ temporary Women's Liberation Movements in several Western European countries and the United States since the mid- 1960s. It indicates some of the similarities in their development. A summary table of benchmark events appears in Appendix A. In Chapter Three, the major research objectives are discussed and the methodology used to collect and analyze the data is described. The interview schedules used are presented in Appendix B and point to future research on personal life strategies of feminists. It presents the analytic framework used to explain the emergence of a global feminist metaculture.

Chapters Pour through Seven report the findings of this research and present supportive evidence that the metaculture exists. Data derived from the field research and content analysis of selected feminist publications are presented. More specifically, Chapter Pour examines feminist theory, several core tenets, the major theoretical ten­ dencies within feminism, and describes the metaculture. Chapter Pive documents the four types of inter­ national contacts: direct contacts, writings and trans­ lations, organizations and conferences, and women's spaces and feminist art. 11 Chapter Six presents developments in three areas of feminist work: violence against women, women's health, and personal/political issues. An examination of these contacts and issues beyond the sample countries comprises Chapter Seven, to briefly show how the metaculture reaches to Latin America,

Eastern Europe, and India— to provide examples of how it is truly global. A resource list of feminist groups, publications, and women's spaces is provided in Appendix C. Finally, Chapter Eight presents a summary of the findings, conclusions, suggestions for further research, and a brief discussion of the implications for the on­ going Women's Liberation Movement. CHAPTER OKE

THEORY

In this chapter, I will outline the theoretical hase of this research and explain what is meant by "feminist metaculture." The following concepts will be considered, as they produce the metaculture: identity, consciousness of kind and class consciousness, commitment, subculture, and network. A brief discussion of social movements will serve to introduce these theoretical concepts and put them in context. Lastly, I will address the question of why feminism has developed international ties. The documen­ tation and empirical grounding that show that these ties have developed will comprise Chapters Pour through Seven. I will describe the contemporary Women's Liberation Movements in several countries and examine the extent to which they are developing a feminist metaculture. By this, I mean their similarities, contacts they maintain with one another, influences they have on one another, and their shared ideology, symbols, and meanings, as well as their common strategies and tactics, and direct support of one another. The concept of feminist metaculture indicates a movement which transcends national boundaries and unites

12 13 members through a shared consciousness and theoretical analysis of their oppression. By offering each other

support and by cooperating in the development of theory and strategies, members mutually benefit. Alone, within each society, feminists comprise a minority, but together they can exert greater pressure for change. Also, since their position is a common one, analyses of patriarchal power apply cross-culturally and thus benefit from cumulative rather than isolated theory building. Such a metaculture is inherent in feminist theory and praxis. Daly has said: The becoming of women in sisterhood is the counter cultural phenomenon par excellence which can indicate the future course of. human spiritual (^d social^ evolution. Women are participating in a "new creation." Women are rising up to create our own world (1973:11)* That world is the feminist metaculture— some important and strong links have already been forged which indicate core agreement. Heberle pointed out that social movements are not necessarily limited to a particular state or society and that all important social movements have extended far beyond their geographical areas of origin. ...it is a characteristic of germane revolutions that they tend to spread beyond the confines of local communities and even national societies until they have affected more or less intensively all parts of a civilization (1949:368). 14 Turner (1970:150), in discussing potential members of a movement or the constituency, said that the move­ ment must be able to claim to speak in the interest of or on behalf of all members of the category, e.g., all Blacks or all women. There is an indefinite membership, usually with a well-defined core group of activists and some conspicuous leaders. There are no sharp boundaries but rather widely dispersed potential supporters, some­ times active and at other times inactive. This spreads globally to include all women as possible adherents of the Women’s Liberation Movement. The movement works on behalf of women as a category and they provide at least potential support.

The oppression of women is sufficiently similar

that feminist responses apply across national lines. The subculture develops in part as a response to deprivation. The feminist perception of society arises through reading

feminist literature and discussion with other feminists. The problems are intense and persistent and the movement presses for societal change. The metaculture is a strategy to build sufficient strength to change society and affect how one lives one's life. There is a creative side to the subculture as well: ...a violent and painful struggle leaves scars which harden. We need to create as well as oppose. The implicit understanding of this has been one of the strengths of 15 feminism. Creativity involves transformation by going beyond yourself. It is nurtured by the collective experience and knowledge of people now and in the past. One aspect of domination is the denial of such nurture. ...We have the experience of a living move­ ment in which thousands and thousands of women have made and shared ideas with love. This is the source of a most extraordinary power (Rowbotham, 1979:57)* Blumer (1969) has written that as a social movement develops, it takes on the character of a society, with organization and form, customs, traditions, division of labor, leadership, rules, and values. It develops a culture, a social organization, and a new way of life. This research proposes that for the Women's Liberation

Movement, these have become global in scope, i.e., a metaculture.

How is it possible for global feminism to have developed? Two conditions necessary for collective behavior among dispersed individuals are uniformity of response to a common situation and acting in awareness of group membership. Even though the members are not in direct contact, there is at least a feeling of membership and some image of how others are acting (Turner and

Killian, 1957:165). Furthermore, some sort of communication is necessary. There is a chain of interaction between individuals and small groups. This provides a sense of the universe of members. When members hear about the movement from several 16 unrelated sources it strengthens their perception of unity. Mass media also provide a sense of membership by reporting on the movement, offering exposure of the same infor­ mation to people widely dispersed. This creates a shared experience.

Blumer (1969) stresses the role of social interaction among those in a movement if it is to continue. Mobili­ zation literature of the underground press facilitates this as well as mass media. Interaction does not have to be face-to-face, although the movement writings may lead to such contacts. Movement literature is crucial in spreading the message, implanting suggestions, and arousing dissatisfactions and hopes. It is used as a forum for theoretical debate and development. A social movement is collective conduct oriented beyond the given institutional or organizational frame­ work in which it operates. Diffuse collectives are made up of many small compact groups. When participants in­ terpret these small groups as primarily indicative of larger groups and when these small groups are linked through communication, there exist the essential char­ acteristics of diffuse collectivities (Turner and Killian,

1957). 17 Identity To become a member of the Women's Liberation Move­ ment, one goes through a process of identity formation, taking on the identity of "feminist." In being social­ ized into the social movement, the individual chooses among alternative feminist models available. Identification motivates involvement in the movement. This is not static, but is a process of continual revision as the member makes subsequent contributions to the move­ ment. The movement can be seen as a process involving creation, negotiation, and spread of cultural items. The subculture and identification are in a dialectical relation­ ship, each involved in the construction and reconstruction of the other. General social movements engender a gradual and pervasive change in people's values; there are cultural drifts. Self conceptions change as new sets of values and ideas of rights are created and accepted by members. These new self conceptions are at odds with members' actual position in society. They acquire new dispositions and their interests move in new directions (Blumer, 1969). Movement identification varies along two dimensions: centrality, the degree of commitment; and salience, the frequency of the identification (Fine and Kleinman, 1979:

15). Both of these dimensions stress the situational 18 nattœe of identity. It may be latent (Becker and Geer,

1960) most of the time, or it may become activated (manifest) by daily interactions. Individuals may identify with a variety of social groups, some of which require strong commitment to group norms and behaviors. A person may deliberately leave the subcultural identity latent so as not to offend or alienate others, or dis­ close the "time purpose" of her mission. If identification as a member of the subculture remains low, the person probably has few significant contacts with the movement. The more ties one has to persons outside the movement, the less central the identity is likely to be. If identification is more central and salient, the person becomes an important carrier of the subculture. Structural variables affect the identity; members need contact with others identified with the movement to share information and reinforce their identity. Outsiders also affect the member's sense of identity. In-group solidarity is directly affected by conflict with the outgroup or other (Sumner, 1959). The way members are perceived by outsiders often prompts a response which may serve to solidify the movement and strengthen the identity of members. Public response, e.g., police brutality or citizen campaigns to curtail civil rights of members, affects subcultural content and pushes some 19 members to a separatist stance. If members are excluded from groups and harassed within mainstream institutions, this may push them to develop counter-institutions and enhance their mutual support and identities as members (Fine and Kleinman, 1979). Encounters with agents of social control may create or strengthen one's identification even though the fac­ tionalism within the movement or national differences would otherwise militate against it. Intervention of outside powers, such as media, police, or government, leads to coalitions, forcing the development of a common culture. Where the subcultural identification already exists, reactions of outsiders may affect its centrality. Participation in movement activities strengthens identity because both members and outsiders will interpret the participation as support of and acceptance of the movement.

Because of the shifting nature of community response, movement content and identification are dynamic. Fem­ inists have experienced similar social control in the sample countries. The process of labeling affects one's sense of identity (Becker, 1963). Media and outsiders tend to define feminists as a social category about which gen­ eralizations can be made. Labels used by outsiders may help create the feminist subculture as members come to think about themselves in terms of— or rejection of— 20 these stereotypes. Community definitions affect group responses and members seek strength from each other. These identities are not merely individual, how one comes to see one's self, rather, they are collective identities, shared internationally. ...social movements can be studied as an attempt by detached collectivities to regain control over the making of rules and insti­ tutions. In the process of pressuring, reforming or transforming institutions, social movements foster the formation of some intelligible collective identity: that is, some integration and self- understanding of its role-performances ...as a meaningful whole (Weiner, n.d.t'l). Social movements are not only political but represent efforts to create symbols which give meaning to the collectivity. Consciousness involves the members* for­ mation of a collective identity which becomes the base of interpretive schemes which make one's identity pos­ sible. It is a result of common experiences; members perceive mutual interests. Weiner used the concept Bildung to show how one's identity which mediates be­ tween the individual and society is developed within the social collectivity. By "identity" we do not mean simply what one is or has, but a whole set ("totality") of common normative orientations specifying how one is, will and could be (Weiner, n.d.:5).

Social movements exhibit an awareness by members of their collective identity as a social force for change. 21 It is only from an identity of interests that remains constant from issue to issue that an understanding of emergent relations of class conflict can be obtained. In the practice of interactions, the principle of identity presents itself as a transcendence of the group or category that is its bearer. The workers in a factory, a workshop, or a town, view themselves, in certain circumstances, as engaged in a struggle that overflows the framework in which it appears, that mobilizes demand that cannot be entirely satisfied within an organizational or political framework (Alain Tour aine, quoted in Weiner, n.id,;3).

Consciousness of Kind In order for a social movement to be strong, its members must identify their commonality. Their inter­

action is affected by a sense that they constitute a unit. Giddings used the concept "consciousness of kind" throughout his Principles of Sociology, originally published in 1895, explaining social organization it­ self as a consequence of such consciousness. He defined it as ...a particular mental state...a state of consciousness in which any being...recog­ nizes another conscious being as of like kind with itself (1921:v). Such consciousness sets apart ethnic groups, political groups, and social classes. He describes it as a psych­ ological base of groups and the cause of social communities. 22 This consciousness is both perception and feeling.

One sees her own image in the other. It is a process, both differentiating groups and socializing members- Giddings stressed that the consciousness varies in intensity, i.e., centrality and salience. Depending on circumstances, personality, and moods, it will take different forms and actions. Consciousness of kind leads to association; "...true association begins in the birth of the consciousness of kind, which presently grows into the love of companionship (Giddings, 1921:376)." He points out that this may bind together persons from different societies. An artistic temperament, for example, may be strongly attracted by like temperament in another nation, or even race, than its own (1921 :xiv).

Georg Simmel, in his work on The Web of Group Affili­ ations, mentions such unity among women: .. .already many women as individuals are aware of their position at the "crossroads" of many groups. On one hand, they feel closely tied to the individuals and the activities which fill their personal life. But they are conscious, on the other hand, of their solidarity with all women (1935:184). A Marxian view of class consciousness is of use to understand the feminist metaculture. It implies aware­ ness of class structure and of one's own class interests, and an understanding that one's position in society is 25 affected by institutional contradictions. Social change is required to achieve the class interests and further, collective action is needed. Secondly, a personal commitment to participation is necessary (Useem, 1975)» Class consciousness is engendered and conditioned by the underlying structure of dominance, including sex and race, in the given society (Weiner, n.d.).

When a woman comes to view her own interests as consistent with the Women's Liberation Movement, she will develop both identity as a feminist and consciousness of kind with other feminists, including those from other nations— thus building the metaculture. Those with the most intense consciousness— high centrality and salience- wili be quickest to join or form protest organizations. They feel they are ultimately bound up with the fate of all women. Consciousness is processual, both a product and a source of protest. It may develop after partici­ pation or be enhanced by it. Heberle (1951:269) also stresses consciousness of kind as essential to social movements; they are ...united and held together by a sense of belonging and a consciousness of sharing the same opinion, values and goals, not necessarily with a formal organization... (1951:549). He points out that like sentiments and independently occuring action are not a. movement. 2 4 A sense of group iderxtity and solidarity is required; only when the acting indiyxduals have become aware of the fact that they have social sentiments and goals in common and when they think of themselves as being united with each other in action for a common goal [does a social movement exist] ('1951:5^9)» Blumer (1969) speaks of "we-consciousness” develop­ ing in social movements,, and of an "esprit de corps." Mechanisms other than agitation have to enter to give solidity and persistence to a social movement. One is esprit de corps...the organizing of feelings on behalf of the movement, a sense of belonging together and of being identified with one another in a common undertaking. It is enhanced by a sense of rapport, a sense of sharing common experiences and of forming a select group. This serves to reinforce, maintain, and invigorate identity— the new self concept— with a feeling of belonging and a sense of collective support. Informal fellowship association such as festivals, formal ceremonial behavior like protest demonstrations, and using movement symbolism foster feelings of common identity and sympathy. This symbolism includes slogans, songs, symbols, poetry, gestures, and "uniforms." Many of these are recognized and used internationally by feminists. 25 Spiegelberg's (1973) consideration of "the right to say 'we' " elucidates the consciousness. We-unions may be strong or weak, depending on how much partners have invested in them. They may be permanent or temp­ orary, superficial or deep. Each individual is con­ scious of the other's experiencing, coexperiences it, and identifies with it. He contends that the individuals "...trust in each other's reciprocal acts." and that "Bflhese acts are embedded in one another's worlds (1973: 144)." Such trust and embeddedness, for some feminists, extend to women in other countries.

Gough (1971) has found that in all cultures men dominate women. This shared state can lead to develop­ ment of class consciousness in women and create the foundation for a feminist metaculture. When, a large number come to believe the system is unjust, it leads to a collective challenging of institutional norms. This strong "we-feeling" is essential to determination to continue the struggle even in the face of resistance

(Kanter, 1972). "The search for community is...a quest for direction and purpose in a collective anchoring of

individual life (Kanter, 1972:73)*'* 26

Commitment

Successful social movements develop in their members some degree of commitment to their ideology and organ­ ization and to each other. Only the development of commitment can keep a member's long term involvement in the movement. This commitment varies along a con­ tinuum and may change over time, becoming intensified or waning. It helps develop determination, solidarity, and

enduring collective purpose (Blumer, '1969)» Gerlach and Hine (1970:99) describe commitment to a social movement as "...the point of intersection between individual and social change." It is based on acceptance of beliefs and involvement in organizations. But, it goes even further than that to a total personal surrender to

something greater than the self (1970:100). It requires strongly held convictions and risk-taking which may lead to breaks with cultural patterns. Heberle (194-9) agrees, describing commitment as devotion which claims the entire

person and gives strength to the movement. "Committed members work hard, participate actively,

derive love and affection from (other members^ -..and believe strongly in what the group stands for (Kanter,

1972:65)." Personal change is involved which leads to rejections of previous socialization; one reformulates

and re-evaluates one's identity and previous life. There is also often renunciation of potentially disruptive 27 relationships and memberships in non-supportive groups. The presence of persons outside the movement can under­ mine one’s resolve. The group may adopt a distinctive language, symbols, and styles which alienate and distinguish them from non-members (Kanter, 1972:82). A person is committed to a group or to a relationship when she herself is fully invested in it, so that the maintenance of her own internal being requires behavior that supports the social order. A committed person is loyal and involved; she has a sense of belonging, a feeling that the group is an extension of herself and she is an extension of the group. Through .commitment person and group are inextricably linked (Kanter, 1972: 66, gender changed). One comes to see one's own self-interest as being linked to the interests of the movement. The group work fulfills a basic part of the self; self-interest and

group-interest coincide. The member grows to need or want to do those things that are necessary to further the work of the movement. The most highly committed members are likely to be the most open to members from other countries. Membership in a social movement can develop strength, dignity, and self-respect in the member. "No part of a member’s life can be defined as lying outside the scope of the doctrine of the movement (Bittner, 1969:306)." Committed members saturate their time with group relevant activities, and carry the burden of conviction into every 28 nook and cranny of their personal lives. For such members, the identity "feminist" becomes foremost and is carried beyond geographical boundaries. Through the commitment, the member comes to have vested interest in the success of the movement. Her identity is tied up with the movement. She may have invested time, energy, money, and her reputation; this gives her a stake in the outcome. She has cast her lot with the movement, in struggle; there have been sacri­ fices made, relationships made and others rejected. This is seen as irreversible; she has to continue her membership and involvement to experience the rewards. Commitment serves to polarize members and non-members. This polarization is important in explaining the meta­ culture. Because feminists are rejected by mainstream society everywhere, they are receptive to feminists from other countries. Gerlach and Hine describe a'"glass wall" that exists between movement participants and outsiders. The movement participant is committed to radical change of her life and society. The outsider may endorse gradual developmental change. This dichotomy is quite clear to committed participant s....Participants in movements know the glass wall is there, and non-participants characteristically do not...This puts members of the established order at a disadvantage. 2 9 They want to understand the movement without changing their own positions. Participants know this is impossible, and do not care whether non-participants “understand" or not (1970:174-176). Feminists recognize that they are on the same side of the glass wall with other feminists regardless of national differences.

Subculture The concepts of subculture and network will be examined to see how feminism spreads and how it comes to be an international metaculture with shared content rather than isolated, separate subcultures in each country. Thrasher introduced the concept of subculture in 1928 in The Gang. Sutherland (1970) further elaborated the con­ cept in 1939» While not using the name "subculture," he described a "behavior system" as a "groupway of life." The behavior is not unique to individuals, rather it is common to a large number of persons. It is ...not merely an aggregation of individual... acts. It is an integrated unit, which includes, in addition to the individual acts, the codes, traditions, esprit de corps, social relationships among the direct participants, and indirect participation of many other persons. It is thus essentially a groupway of life...(Sutherland, 1970:10). A subculture is formed when a group of persons re­ mains in interaction or communication over extended time 30 and experience re-organization of "beliefs, values, and symbolic systems around the particular circumstances of their common relationships (Irwin, 1970:110). Emergence of "group statements" or shared frames of reference mark the development of a new subculture. It is cultural because participation in the system of norms is influenced by one's perception of the same norms in others. It is "sub" cultural because the norms are shared only by those who are likely to benefit from them and who validate one another within a sympathetic system which allows the norms to develop and persist (Cohen, 1970). In this fashion culture is continually being created, re-created and modified wherever individuals sense in one another like needs, generated by like circumstances, not shared generally in the large social system... (Cohen, 1970:104).

Becker (1963) sees subculture as shared understandings in particular settings, with members adopting similar values and behavior. The subculture may be marked by a wide range of belief systems within the movement, thus there are diverse feminist "tendencies" or sub-groups divided by theory and/or politics, which maintain contact among like-minded women in different countries. Separate units of the metaculture exist, e.g., German feminists and American feminists are members of their own national cultures and will work on different specific issues with­ in their countries. Radical and Liberal Feminists will 31 work in different ways- However, just because feminism has subgroups, does not mean that every individual woman is clearly assignable to one. Fine and Kleinman (1979) use an interactionist perspective to study subculture. Cultural elements im­ portant to interaction are behavior patterns, norms, and artifacts. Thus, it becomes necessary to ask how these spread throughout the metaculture when most members are not in effective contact. We need to account for the processes by which subcultural content is created, altered, and diffused. These include theoretical writing. Con­ sciousness Raising, reading, music and art, women-only events, conferences, living collectively, debate, marches, and women's centers. The way individual feminists first identify one another is often based on verbal cues, their clothing, hair styles, ritual objects, music, or symbolism

in jewelry and political buttons. Values, behaviors, norms, and artifacts make up a subculture to the extent individuals identify themselves as part of a collectivity whose members attribute particular meanings to these (Fine and Kleinman, 1979; Berger and Luckman, 1965:152). "Subculture" has been conceived of as a set of under­ standings, behaviors, and artifacts used by particular groups and diffused through interlocking group networks. Such a conception (1) explains how cultural elements can 32 be widespread in a population, (2) explains the existence of local variations in cultural content through inter­

actional negotiation in group settings, and (5) allows for an understanding of the dynamics of subcultural change (Fine and Kleinman, 1979:18). linger (1970) has extended the concept to "contra-

culture," to indicate the emergence of values opposed to those of the surrounding society, stemming from serious conflict. These are norms which set the group apart

rather than integrating it. The subcultural norms are either unknown, discounted, or seen as devisive by other members of society. The response to feminists is often of this nature. Hence, we could think of a "metacontra- culture." Such groups have a primary theme of conflict with the values of the total society. Feminism brings into one system of interaction persons drawn from many cultural worlds. ...when we refer to subculture...we are think­ ing of individuals sharing common values and socially interacting in some limited geograph­ ical or residential isolation. However, value- sharing does not necessarily require social interaction. Consequently a subculture m ^ exist, widely distributed spatially and without interpersonal contact among individuals or whole groups of individuals (Wolfgang and Ferracuti, 1970:138). 33 Networks The concept of ‘'social networks" has been used in a variety of ways during the last decade. Mitchell (“197^) has reviewed much of the early literature. More recently, "networking" has appeared widely in the popular press. Social network implies a structure, whereas networking is a process. Barnes’ (1934) work is often cited as the inception of network analysis, defining network as a social field with no limits or boundaries (Shulman, 1976). Aronson (1970:221) called networks a "cross-culturally significant model of behavior" and used an electronics analogy to describe them. Arenas of interaction were geographically and socially large, information flows complex, and determinants of courses of action difficult for a single field-worker to locate. Such primitive notions as cultural "contact" or "clash," the "impact" of systems on other systems, or "acculturation" did not unlock those inter­ actions, but the imagery of electronics held out some hope (Aronson, 1970:22$). When social structure is conceptualized as a net­ work it is often seen as a set of relationships between individuals. However, knowledge of issues and commitment can also inspire action such as participating in a demon­ stration. People who share common concerns have at least the potential of interaction (Bott, 1957)• Large dis­ persed populations in which not all members interact

directly with each other make up networks. Members have 5^ multiple group memberships with differential patterns of participation. Informal "near-groups” may not re­ quire attendance, but rather a shared state of mind or consciousness. Individuals may act within a portion of the network and make infrequent contacts with other portions elsewhere and yet develop a shared culture. Members have differing perspectives on the nature of the network and different knowledge about its makeup. Not all participants will see the boundaries the same; indeed the "boundaries" remain open. There are fully committed core members and those less involved at the periphery. Members have multiple involvements and differ as to degree of intensity, extensiveness, and time they contribute (Arnold, 1970c).

There is a continual realignment of groups and group membership as the movement strives for a social milieu favorable to its needs (Cohen, 1970:101). Steady replace­ ment of members results in diffusion. There are quali­ tatively different kinds of ties. While weak ties may provide individuals with little socio-emotional support, they may be crucial for information diffusion and consciousness. Simmel's (1964) work on the "web of group affili­ ations," published in 1922, laid a foundation for much of our thinking on networks. He describes the individual as 35 the point of intersection of groups which make up the network. virtue of memberships in a unique pattern of groups each individual has insights, perceptions, and knowledge which can be carried from one group to another. The network is probably not diagrammable, consisting of a vast array of groups, individuals, and issues. Small groups are connected with many other groups through a large number of simultaneous and sequential interconnec­ tions. Through analyzing networks, there is the hope of understanding at least temporary structure or order in what is otherwise in flux (Bott, 1957)» Communication among and between segments of the network is crucial to its existence. Through these communication interlocks, cultural information and be­ havior patterns are diffused, resulting in the construction of a common universe of discourse throughout the social network in which they are spread. Unless one accepts the

"thesis of polygenesis," the presence of shared complex cultural items in several groups and in several countries indicates that there has been communication among them (Fine and Kleinman, 1979). Feminists have developed their ovm media for this purpose. Feminist theory as well as such cultural items as the use of menstrual sponges— to replace tampons. Take Back the Night marches, and wearing the labyris and other feminist symbols have spread quickly through the metaculture. 36 The extent of the metaculture reaches to the limits of knowledge and communication within it; "culture areas are coterminous with communication channels (Shibutani, 1935:366)."

Gerlach and Hine (1970) use the term reticulation to explain social networks and they have made important contributions to understanding dispersed social movements. I will discuss their work in some detail. "Reticulate" indicates "weblike," that which re­ sembles a network with crossing and intercrossing lines.

They use it to describe an organization in which the cells or nodes are tied together, not through any central point, but rather through intersecting sets of personal relation­ ships and other inter-group linkages (Gerlach and Hine,

1970:55). Movement members are actively involved in recruit­ ing others, in enlarging membership; this spreads the movement in opposition to the established order. People are not recruited to the movement as such, but rather to a sub-group within the reticulate structure of the move­ ment. There is different recruitment effort by different groups (Gerlach and Hine, 1970:9^-95). Groups are linked together experientially, ideo­ logically, historically, and organizationally. These linkages are reticulate through kinship, friendship, and 37 leaders. Individuals may not know one another independ­ ently of some central figures. Travel by certain well known members creates regional ties between groups they visit. Lecturers, performers, and craftswomen are carriers of the movement. Feminist media reprint and distribute speeches, articles, and announcements. Another factor which leads to proliferation is geographical movement of members who start groups in new locations. Gerlach and Hine clarify an important point about schisms within the metaculture and show how they actually strengthen rather than weaken the movement. Autonomy

of sub-groups militates against structural unity. The network is decentralized, segmentary, and reticulate.

There are a great variety of local groups which are essentially independent and have decentralized decision­ making. These may combine to form a large configuration --such as a national rally or march— or divide to form smaller units based on issues. Each segment tends to recruit from different pools of the population and de­ velops its own style, goals, and means. Pre-existing splits and ideological differences segment the movement organizationally, e.g., lesbians, students, housewives, Marxists, and workers, may each develop separate groups. The important point here is that this segmentation

facilitates the spread of the movement. There is strength 38 in diversity and the movement grows by being inclusive of this diversity rather than exclusive (1970:28-44).

Certain basic core beliefs form an ideological tie and provide a powerful force for unity. Outsiders may see the splits as a weakness and wonder "who's in charge here?". They see it as a deficiency of the movement. Analysts may concentrate so much on the schism they are misled into writing of the demise of the movement. This has happened repeatedly to the Women's Liberation Move­ ment. But, such splits may lead instead to a clarifying of goals and increased recruitment, to a unity of purpose despite organizational fragmentation (1970:53). When the success of movements is reported as having occurred "because of" rather than "in spite of" organizational fission and lack of cohesion, we will have come to understand the nature of movement dynamics much more clearly. Organizational unity is functional in a steady- state social institution designed to maintain social stability and the status quo. Segment­ ation and "internecine dogfighting" are functional in a social institution designed for rapid growth and the implementation of social change (Gerlach and Hine, 1970:64). Reticulation is an especially effective form of organization for spreading movements across class and cultural boundaries. The usual view of movements as appealing only to particular personalities and psych­ ological types or only one social class, must be challenged (1970:69-70). If the units are interconnected and share some common core ideology and if they are willing to 39 •unite against external opposition over crucial issues, then the inner division gives the movement great strength

(1970:73). This minimizes vulnerability and failure; the entire movement is not crippled by loss of a campaign by one segment. Duplication of efforts is necessary in movements for social change (1970:77-78).

Feminist Metaculture How and why is a feminist metaculture emerging? Each of the concepts thus far discussed— identity, consciousness of kind/class consciousness, commitment, subculture, and network— helps to explain the development of international feminism. Identity is an individual process of "becoming a feminist." It profoundly affects the self concept of the woman and her understanding of her and other women's position in society. It will affect how others see her and often force confrontations with them. After a woman accepts herself as a feminist she can begin to see the class base of her situation. This identity develops through an awareness of sexism acquired by reading feminist theory, experiencing an incident of sex-based discrimination, or taking part in Consciousness Raising or other discussions. Much of the energy of the movement now continues to be on this important first step of build­ ing consciousness through CR, conferences. Women's Studies, and writing. 4 0 Sisterhood is the feminist equivalent of conscious­ ness of kind; it creates a bond between women, and demands concern for the condition of all women. It cuts across class, race, and national lines. Inherent in it is the belief that no woman is liberated until all women are liberated. A feminist cannot feel secure in her own "success" as long as society still systematically dis­ criminates on the basis of sex. The realization that sexism affects all women as a category, rather than being a woman's individual problem, is based on this class consciousness• The third stage is development of commitment to the struggle for individual and social change. Thus, feminism becomes part of one's life, affecting personal relationships, work, and leisure. This strengthens the sense of identity and consciousness of kind because it draws the woman into direct and indirect contact with other committed feminists, including those from other countries. Continued reading and discussion of feminist analyses marks the commitment stage, which can last a lifetime. It requires contribution of some form of energy to the movement and is dialectically related to the progress of the movement. Gerlach and Hine describe commitment and its importance,

It involves a conscious decision and surrender of the old 41 identity, perhaps including a change of name. Many feminists have broken their ties to men's names by creating new ones or reclaiming their birth-given names. The woman decides to cast her lot with the movement against its opponents. There is often a commitment event or a recognition in the Aristotelian sense of re-cognition, i.e., a total comprehension of that which has always been true but unperceived (Gerlach and Hine, 1970:124). In feminist terminology, this is the "click" event in which feminist analysis makes sense for the first time. This is often followed by an act of commitment to the new self by acts of eradication or breaks with behavior and people linked to the former self. Support from others is crucial to sustain the changed cognitive pattern and behavior (Gerlach and Hine, 1970:155^156). Through feminist work, one becomes a member of the feminist subculture and acquires a shared feminist per­ spective on life and society. The existence of a rela­ tively self-sufficient feminist community, able to sustain members allows those who so choose to have few personal dealings with non-feminists, thus making any damaging of relationships less isolating. The rise of the fem­ inist support group, work collectives, and women's spaces permits the growth of an autonomous metaculture. 4-2 The network 'becomes international, cross-cultural, i.e., a metaculture. Even those women who are not aware of the international nature of feminism, benefit from it. Many women will not know what is happening in other countries or that certain ideas started elsewhere, but there will be some carriers who do know. Why has a feminist metaculture emerged? The labor movement, socialism, and anti-colonial movements have spread in a similar way and help to explain this develop­ ment. Heberle points out that in Europe and the United

States, the labor movement ...has grown into a complex structure of separate but interrelated organized and unorganized groups which form the insti­ tutional framework for a large part of the modem worker's life, not only in the shop or office but also in his leisure time.... In many cases the "movement" has taken the place of the gemeinschaft-like [community- likel groups whicb were so abundant in pre­ industrial society (194-9:353) • He says that the movement has changed the character of the class, endowing the workers with pride in their own insti­ tutions, by training them for political action and by improving their understanding— all of these are true as well for the Women's Liberation Movement. The labor move­ ment attracts intellectuals, who work for the movement as lawyers, journalists, artists, educators, researchers, and organizers— again, this has happened in the spread of feminism (Heberle, 194-9:355-356). ^ 3 In explaining the widespread dispersal of socialist ideology, Heberle states

...the immense political significance of the socialistic and communistic doctrines lies in the fact that they have become the constitutive ideas of the more militant branches of the working class movement in all parts of the globe. •..There must be in these ideas a great convinc- ing power, an appeal to emotions and sentiments as well as to reason and interest; otherwise their tremendous spread would be inexplicable (1931:63-64, emphasis added). Feminist theory has touched the nerve of women in all countries it has reached in a comparable way. "Even less militant movements tend to develop into social systems which provide a new framework of existence (Heberle, 1949; 356)." This new framework comprises the metaculture. Feminism is a different way of conceiving life and organ­ izing it, i.e., a different culture. As this becomes internationally shared and formed by contributions from women from many countries, it becomes a metaculture. To the extent that a feminist culture exists, members can move within it and minimize contact with non-feminists. The more separatist the member, the more likely she is to seek out feminist spaces and culture— such spaces provide a service for the movement as a whole. However, separatism can be withdrawal and leave the larger sexist system intact.

Durkheim (1965) said that activities reaffirm and rekindle collective sentiments; the movement needs re­ unions , assemblies, and meetings to reaffirm in public 4 4 their common sentiments. These are increasingly inter­ national or attended by women from several countries, even when they are ostensibly national, regional, or local in scope. The metaculture is held together by common interests and bonds, rather than by structure or institutionalized social controls. The sociological concepts of identity, consciousness of kind and class consciousness, commitment, subculture, and network have all been shown to apply to the Women's Liberation Movement and the development of feminist members.

The process of identifying one's self as a feminist, development of feelings of sisterhood and a commitment to other women is similar in many countries and this facili­ tates the emergence of a global feminist metaculture, including subcultures and communication networks. We turn next to examine these developments in the recent history of the Women's Liberation Movement in the United States and selected European countries. CHAPTER TWO A HISTORY OF THE CONTEMPORARY WOMEN'S LIBERATION MOVEMENT IN SELECTED WEST EUROPEAN COUNTRIES AND THE UNITED STATES

During the 1960s and 1970s, women in Europe and the United States were increasingly becoming aware of their oppression, and they received similar negative responses to their efforts to make this oppression recognized. The issues around which they organized were often the same; rights to abortion, rape and violence against women, equal legal and economic rights, power and wealth hierarchies of capitalism, trivialization of their concerns by leftist "comrades." These shared experiences laid the foundation for understanding each other's struggles and readiness to support one another. The anti-feminist nature of their societies increased the need for mutual support. I am not suggesting that each country does not have a unique history of the Women's Liberation Movement or that national political realities do not impinge on the movements differently, rather it is the cooperation which

occurs in spite of the differences which is of concern. Because of the great diversity of women and groups in the movements, it is probably impossible for anyone, especially a non-native living outside the country, to 45 4 6 gain nntiased. insight into the "total" movement and its participants. However, being a native is not assurance of insight. There is no one organization as such, but rather a complex tangle of collectives, groups, and organizations, each with its own history— and those usually not recorded— experienced somewhat differently by each member. The context of contemporary feminism needs to be established by briefly discussing some of the important events which occurred in each country. The discussion will be limited to events occuring in the 1960s and after. All of the countries had had earlier feminists working for women's suffrage and other women's rights and issues. There were women in these earlier movements representing the entire political spectrum we see today from Reform- Liberal to Socialist to Radical. Much was written and published by these women, and there were international contacts (cf. Schneir, 1972; Rossi, 1975; Evans, 1976; and Papachristou, 1976). It is beyond the limits of this research to detail this earlier period— however, research is needed to reclaim the history of international sisterhood. Selecting the mid-1960s as the starting point for this overview is based on the fact that in all of the countries there was radical political activity in the late 1960s. Some women became critically conscious of 47 their oppression, not only within their societies but within the radical movements as well, and began to organize as women, and to develop feminist theoretical analyses. Research on the history of women has shown that feminism never really died (Rupp and Taylor, forth­ coming). An important example of an interim feminist is Simone de Beauvoir whose monumental work The Second Sex was published in 1949. This classic caused shock and scandal when it was published and has been extremely influential in the contemporary feminist movement internationally, as has de Beauvoir herself.

An in-depth analysis of each country would reveal the unique history and more finely define dates when the contemporary Women's Liberation Movement "started." However, for the purposes of this study, such detail is not necessary.

By using West Germany, Great Britain, and the United States, I am discussing only a portion of the complex web. There are ties to many other nations which I have not been able to consider in depth. I have included very brief summaries of some events in Prance, Italy, and Spain to provide examples of the extent to which the inter-meshing occurs. Since I do not speak any of the requisite languages for these countries, my insight is necessarily limited. I have used German and English sources for the information. 48

The sample countries have an important difference in the relative acceptance of socialism. It is a legiti­ mate part of the European political process with strong parties and a long tradition. Therefore, Socialist Feminism is a much stronger influence in the Women's Liberation Movement in Europe than in America. Other differences distinguish one country from another, for example the strong influence of the Catholic church in Italy and Spain; the economic prosperity in Germany contrasts with economic strain in England. I will start with a discussion of the United States. It is more in-depth than the others because I have access to more American materials, have been involved in the American movement over several years, and being a native, have more knowledge of it. However, it is indicative of the complexities within each country. In discussing feminism it is frustrating to make any attempt at covering the diversity of groups, their political base, their differences in sexuality, class, and race. Individual women and different groups have struggled to find where they "fit" best, often moving through a series of

identities, memberships, and stages. With the full knowledge that it is impossible to do justice to the

richness of these identities and that each individual 4-9 or group is best and uniquely qualified to describe their own realities and development, I will offer a review of contemporary feminism. THE UNITED STATES

In the United States, the contemporary feminist movement can he said to have started in the 1960s. There is no one year to single out, no one catalytic event, no one movement. Different women were experiencing their oppression in different ways and there were many "beginnings." Research by Rupp and Taylor (forthcoming) investigates the supposedly quiet period between World War II and the 1960s, indicating that even then feminism had not disappeared. The early years of the Women's Liberation Movement in the United States are now well documented in several books written by women who were there, reflecting their own involvement and thinking, for example: It Changed My

Life, by Betty Friedan (1977) » Going Too Far: The Personal Chronicle of a Feminist (Morgan, 1978); Jo Freeman, The Politics of Women's Liberation (1975a) and "The Women's Liberation Movement: Its Origins, Structures, Impact,and Ideas" (1975b); Personal Politics by Sara Evans (1979), which is a thorough study of the origins of the Women's

Liberation Movement in the civil rights and new left movements; and Movers and Shakers: American Women Thinkers and Activists. 1900-1970 by June Sochen (1975). 50 51 One of the best and most thorough is Rebirth of Feminism

(Hole and Levine, 1971)« The early years are reviewed in Salper's (1980) useful article, written in 1972. I have drawn upon these books and articles for much of this section.

By the early 1970s, several books were published presenting collections of theoretical writings from the movement, for example: Liberation NOW (Babcox and

Belkin, 1971), Sisterhood is Powerful (Morgan, 1970), From Feminism to Liberation (Altbach, 1971), Voices from Women's Liberation (Tanner, 1970), Radical Feminism

(Koedt et al., 1973), Feminist Revolution (Redstockings, 1975); and Feminism and Socialism (Jenness, 1972). There were also such major books as Sexual Politics (Millett,

1970), The Dialectic of Sex (Firestone, 1970), and Amazon Odyssey (Atkinson, 1974). Most scholars of the women's movement would agree that there are at least three "branches" of American feminism which must be considered. These will be of importance later when we see that much of the inter­ national contact and familiarity is along these lines. The three branches represent Liberal-Reform Feminism, Radical Feminism, and Socialist Feminism. We will look at the developments in each branch separately and consider some of the internal diversity within them. 52

Liberal-Reform Feminism Of great importance in focusing the awareness of American women, especially young wives and mothers, on their plight was the publication of Friedan’s The Feminine Mystique (1965)» Friedan went on to found, with others. The National Organization for Women (NOW). Her work represents the "reform-liberal-moderate- conservative” women's movement for equality within the existing capitalist, two party system. The meanings of these labels of "hyphenated feminists" vary depending upon who is labeling whom. Freeman (1975b) has pointed out that the "liberal" groups are sometimes "radical" in their programs for change and have been activist, whereas the "radical" women have often looked at women's traditional roles and stressed education or Consciousness Raising. Social change for women was already occuring during the years just before Friedan ' s book. In 1961, President Kennedy established the President's Commission on the

Status of Women which published its findings, fully documenting the inferior status of American women (Mead, 1965). The Commission was moderate in its recommendations and opposed the Equal Rights Amendment. However, 50 State Commissions were established to work at the state level. 53 Betty Friedan, whose writings had already made her a controversial figure, was making frequent trips to Washington, D.C. to collect data for another book. In June, '1966, a National Conference of the State Commissions on Women was held in Washington. Friedan was being pressured all along to form a new organization, and she sounded out people at the conference. In her hotel room a group met, but already then they were split over working in versus outside the government. In spite of their disagreements, NOW grew out of that small meeting and by the end of October, had 500 charter members. Friedan became the first president.

The National Organization for Women was the first American feminist group in the twentieth century to • combat sex discrimination in all spheres of life; social, political, economic, and psychological. From the beginning, NOW had a concern for many issues and attracted a diverse group of women. In 1967, they picketed the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) offices across the country in the first national demonstration for women’s rights since suffrage. They filed charges and testified that the EEOC itself was discriminating against women. That year, there was heated debate over the Equal Rights Amendment and abortion rights. Finally, they were incorporated into the NOW Bill of Rights: 54-

I. Equal Rights Constitutional Amendment (ERA)

II. Enforcement of Laws Banning Sex Discrimi­ nation in Employment III. Maternity Leave Rights in Employment and in Social Security Benefits IV. Tax Deduction for Home and Child Care Expenses for Working Parents

V. Child Care Centers VI. Equal and Unsegregated Education VII. Equal Joh Training Opportunities and Allowance for Women in Poverty VIII. The Right of Women to Control Their Reproductive Lives (Hole and Levine, 1971:88) Friedan clearly sees herself as having personally had a major role in "the" movement (Friedan, 1977)» She gives only minimal recognition to activities of the other branches and seems to see "her" branch as "the" movement, not part of it. She speaks of "infiltration" by Radical Lesbians. Friedan and NOW had to be pushed to support lesbian rights, abortion, and rights of prostitutes. They lobbied instead for legislative changes for "Superwomen" who could have it all: career, marriage, and children, within the existing social-political-economic structure. They have concentrated on the sex-role debate rather than critiquing the unequal nature of the capitalist system.

Ms. magazine, started in 1973» reflects this Liberal- Reform branch of feminism as well. 55 Several other literal women's rights groups formed after NOW, sometimes by women not willing to address the more controversial issues, sometimes as single issue groups. In 1968, FEW (Federally Employed Women) was established to work for equal employment opportunity for women in government. The Women's Equity Action League (WEAL) was founded to address sex discrimination in employment, education, and tax equity. They had been unwilling to tackle the issue of abortion rights and saw it as damaging to the image of the movement. By 1971» there were WEAL chapters in 40 states, recruiting women with power who could exert pressure on behalf of women's rights.

The Liberal/kadical Split

By the fall of 1968, the Radical Women's Liberation Movement was growing. There were splits over the issue of working with men. From the beginning, NOW had included men as members and officers. NOW feared the labels "radical," "lesbian," and "man-hating" which were used against them. Betty Friedan, although condescending, was aware of the importance and vitality of the younger, more radical women and attempted to incorporate them or at least maintain an alliance with them. She wrote in a 1969 NOW memorandum:*“ 56

...be especially careful to bring in on the planningj from the very beginning, the young leadership from which the main troops are going to have to come in our continuing battle... [I urge NOW to] ...form a power bloc or alliance with groups whose style, origins, structure and general ambience may be quite different from ours, but who have come from various directions to understand the need for concerted action to give women a decision­ making and self-determining voice in our society....As a rule of thumb, those people who already think NOW is too activist may be less important in the future than the youth who only need a little more experience to understand that the gut issues of this revolution involve employment and education and new social institutions and not sexual fantasy (Hole and Levine, 1975:91-92). These attempts were largely unsuccessful. By Spring

1970, it was clear that an alliance between NOW and the Radical Women's Liberation Movement was not possible. Diverse groups did unite for the Women's Strike for Equality on August 26, 1970— the 50th anniversary of women's suffrage. NOW did much of the preliminary planning and coordinative work across the country for this demonstration. The New York march has been frequently described in both movement literature and fiction, for example by Rita Mae Brown in A Plain Brown Rapper (1976: 53-60), Leah Fritz in Dealers and Dreamers (1970), by

Friedan (1977) and Morgan (1978), and in Alix Kates Shulman's novel, Burning Questions (1978). The strike had three demands: 24 hour child care, abortion on demand, and equal opportunity in employment and education. After the demonstration, the coalition disbanded. 57

In 1970, Gay Liberation emerged and lesbians within the women's movement and outside of it started going public. They demanded support and acceptance from the movement. Aileen Hernandez, then national president of NOW,issued a moderate statement saying "...the struggle in which we are engaged is part of the total struggle to free all persons to develop their full humanity (Hole and Levine, 1973:94)." She accused those trying to discredit the movement; It attempts to turn us away from the real business of the movement and towards endless and fruitless discussions on matters which are not at issue....We need to free all our sisters from the shackles of a society which insists on viewing us in terms of sex (Hole and Levine, 1973:94). The statement was attacked from both sides as either giving too much recognition to the issue or as not being explicit

enough in supporting lesbians. Lesbianism did not fully surface as an issue until a confrontation in May, 1970 at the Second Congress to Unite Women. A group of forty women staged a demonstration in matching T-shirts with the logo "lavender menace." There were enough partici— pants to impress the conference that it was not an issue

which would go away. There was further attention directed to it by an article in the December 8, 1970 issue of Time, reacting to Kate Millett ' s statement that she was bisexual; 58 The disclosure is bound to discredit her as a spokeswoman for her cause, cast further doubt on her theories, and reinforce the views of those skeptics who routinely dismiss all liberationists as lesbians (quoted in Hole and Levine, 1973:241). This devaluing of Millett's intellectual credentials based on her sexual identity was followed by a press conference called by members of NOW, Radicalesbians, Daughters of Bilitis, and Columbia Women's Liberation. On December 12, in a freezing drizzle, Betty Friedan was confronted with lesbianism as an issue. The following discussion is based on her description of what happened (1977:207-213). The Women's Strike Coalition planned a second action to confront the mayor of New York on abortion rights and child care centers. Friedan's name appeared as convenor of the coalition but she was out of town during much of the planning. Several thousand women and some men marched; Kate Millett, Gloria Steinem, Flo Kennedy, and Friedan were to speak at the Mayor's Mansion. Suddenly, women started distributing purple armbands and leaflets signed by the Women's Strike Coalition, explaining "why we're AT.T. wearing lavender lesbian arm­ bands today." The leaflet said in part: If they succeed in scaring us with words like "dyke" or "lesbian" or "bisexual" they'll have won. AGAIN. They'll have divided us. AGAIN. Sexism will have triumphed. AGAIN....That's why we're ALL wearing lavender lesbian armbands today— to show that we stand together as women. 59 regardless of sexual preference* They can call us all lesbians until such time as there is no stigma attached to women loving women. SISTER­ HOOD IS POWERFUL!!! (Friedan, 1977:211).

Friedan admitted that by 1975 she might have felt the validity of the act but that at the time, in 1970, "it only aroused the creeping horror in me...(1977:211)." For me, for everywoman— or most women, surely — the women's movement, women's liberation, the equality we now demand, had nothing whatsoever to do with lesbianism. Or giving up, renouncing, denouncing the love of men (1977:211;. Friedan refused to put on a purple armband. When she spoke to the marchers, she urged them to use the strength of the movement "...for the real needs of women, to not let it be diverted by sexual irrelevances, to not let it be divided (1977:212)." She said "the women's movement was too important...to be sacrificed to such a cause (1977:212)." She did not succeed in dissuading them. "And in fact that sexual red herring of lesbianism did preoccupy and divide— or was used and manipulated to divide— NOW and the women's movement for months, for years thereafter (1977:212)."

Friedan is frequently accused of calling the issue of lesbianism a "lavender herring"— thus the "lavender menace" T-shirts. 6 0 Radical Feminism The second branch of the women's movement to be considered here is the one most often described as a "liberation” movement— rather than a movement for equality. It is critical of the existing social structure and institutions. It stresses issues of sexuality and exploitation by males. Radical Feminism grew out of the experiences of young women in the new left, civil rights, and peace movements who repeatedly found men in the movement trivializing women's oppression and critique

(cf. Evans, 1979; Hole and Levine, 1975; Morgan, 1978). In the early 1950s the civil rights movement attracted many women and men concerned with social justice and equality. The women soon found themselves to be second class citizens within the movement. By 1954, a small group of SNCC (Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee) women started meeting to talk about their role. They were responded to with the scorn and fury of the men. This has been discussed in detail by Evans

(1979). Meanwhile, women in the new left were being treated in the same way— limited to performing menial tasks and offering sexual gratification to their male "comrades."

In 1955» at an SDS (Students for Democratic Society) meeting, an attempt by women to have "women's issues" discussed was met by catcalls, ridicule, and verbal 61

abuse* The next year, the SDS women demanded a plank

on women's liberation. They were pelted with tomatoes and thrown out* Some women started forming caucuses to discuss their role in the left.

A National Conference for a New Politics (NGNP) was planned by new left groups for September, 196?* It

was the first event where it became obvious that a split existed between "women's issues" and "new left politics" and that a separate Women's Liberation Movement might develop. Heather Booth and Naomi Weisstein had led

a seminar on women's issues as a free university program at the University of Chicago, and a small group of the women prepared a list of demands to present at the conference. They were the first known independent radical women's group (Hole and Levine, 1975:112). This appearance of the radical women at the conference was very important because it inspired the beginnings of serious efforts to organize women. At NCNP when the ad hoc radical women's caucus tried to get the women's resolution accepted, their concerns were pushed aside as "trivial." Jo Freeman returned from this experience to organize a women's liberation group in Chicago. They had heated debates over the exclusion of men. Was the group— indeed, the movement— to be autonomous or part of the new left politics? The seeds of the politico/ 6 2 p feminist split were apparent in the Chicago group.

Freeman published a mimeographed newsletter entitled Voice of the Women's Liberation Movement; at that point, the radical branch consisted of a network of friends.

By the end of October, 1967, Shulamith Firestone had left Chicago for New York. She and Fam Allen started Radical Women, later called "New York Radical Women." The principles upon which they were founded stated in part: We take the woman's side in everything. We ask not if something is "reformist," "radical," "revolutionary," or "moral." We ask: is it good for women or bad for women? We ask not if something is "political." We ask: is it effective? Does it get closest to what we really want in the fastest way? We define the best interests of women as the best interests of the poorest, most insulted, most despised, most abused woman on earth.... Until Everywoman is free, no woman will be free.... We are critical of all past ideology, literature and philosophy, products as they are of male supremacist culture. We are re­ examining even our words, language itself.... We regard our feelings as our most important source of political understanding. We see the key to our liberation in our collective wisdom and our collective strength (New York Radical Women, 1973:520). In June, 1968, at a Washington peace demonstration. New York Radical Women tried to pull women together on specifically women's issues. They held a mock funeral

P For a discussion of this split, see pages 80 to 83, in this chapter, 6 5 as "The Burial of Traditional Womankind (Amatniek, 1970)." This was the first public action which radical women undertook to "raise the consciousness" of other women and the slogan "Sisterhood is Powerful!" was first used there. That same month, New York Radical Women published

"Notes from the First Year" containing several essays which became feminist classics.^ It spread from city to city and many women read about women's liberation for the first time. Groups started springing up across the country; some of the early organizers moved and sparked interest in new cities. In August, 1968, in Sandy Springs Maryland, thirty women from several states and Washington, B.C. met. This was the first attempt to bring together radical American women. In September, "women's liberation" was used in the mass press, And there was premature talk of a "movement.” A protest at the Miss America contest that month drew mass media attention; for the first time the public was made aware of the Women's Liberation Movement. The point of the protest was that all women are hurt by beauty contests (Morgan, 1 9 7 0 : 5 2 1 - 5 2 4 ) It was not equal rights at issue— but sexism.

^ Many of these articles have been republished in Radical Feminism (Koedt et al., 1975)• ^ For a critique of this action, see Hanisch, 1970: 152-156. 6 4 Soon afterwards, New York Radical Women (NYRW) began to "rap" about personal experiences and problems and feelings. They were slowly moving toward recognizing that what had been assumed to be individual troubles were important social issues. This was the beginning of the idea "the personal is political." Jo Freeman said "... what was thought to be a personal problem has a social cause and probably a political solution (Hole and Levine, 1975:125)." These discussions became the important process of Consciousness Raising (OR) vital to the growth of Radical Feminism. It also influenced the decision to organize in small groups to facilitate CR. Thus, Consciousness Raising shaped both the form and content of much of the Women's Liberation Movement (Hole and

Levine, 1973:125-126). On Thanksgiving, 1968, over 200 women from 37 states and Canada came to Chicago for the first national Women's Liberation conference, organized by the Chicago women. Feminists still lacked a well developed analysis; they stressed sexuality, using Koedt's (1970) article on the myth of the vaginal orgasm, and Consciousness Raising, especially as described by Kathie Sarachild (1970:154-

157; 1975:131-137)• The politico/feminist split was very apparent at the conference. Marlene Dixon has written: "The conference ended in the atmosphere in which it had 65 begun... [with] the sure knowledge that one's consciousness raising or one's socialist ideology was the single truth

(Hole and Levine, 1973:153)•” After the Thanksgiving conference. New York Radical Women split into three new groups. They had grown too large and factions were developing, crystallized by the conference. The important groups which developed in New York

in 1969 were Redstockings, The Feminists, and New York Radical Feminists. Each group wrote a manifesto, stating

its position and aims Redstockings, started by Shulamith Firestone and Ellen Willis, stressed the widespread use of Consciousness Raising as an organizing and educational tool. They were the first group to clearly articulate the function, purpose,

and process of Consciousness Raising and advocate its use. They also formulated a "pro-woman" line: not to place blame on the woman or expect her to change, rather men must bear the blame and change. This line, when pushed to its extreme, blocked women's struggle for personal change. Feminist Revolution was published by Redstockings (1975) with articles by Sarachild, Willis, Carol Hanish, Patricia Mainardi, and others.

^ The Redstockings manifesto is reprinted in Sisterhood is Powerful (Morgan, 1970:533-536) and the other two manifestos appear in Radical Feminism (Koedt et al., 1973:3680383). 66 Ti-Grace Atkinson, president of New York NOW, developed a profound disagreement with the hierarchy and power in NOW. She broke off in 1968 and started "The October 17th Movement." They later renamed the group "The Feminists," and some dissatisfied Redstockings and New York Radical Women joined them. They were committed to theory development leading to action, and made two important contributions: first, they began a rigorous theoretical analysis of women's social role, stressing sex roles and institutions; and second, they worked to develop an egalitarian structure within the group, using the lot system. The development of knowledge and skills was for all women; there was to be no hoarding of infor­ mation or abilities. Jobs were divided into creative and menial, and were to be shared equally. Their work made important contributions to the Radical Feminist branch. Later, difficulties arose as Atkinson moved more and more into a "leader and spokesperson" role based both on media attention and her own writings, which were a source of income to her. The Feminists became increasingly anti-male, and established a quota allowing no more than one-third of their membership to be married or living with men. A number of such restrict­ ive resolutions were passed while some members were away, and consequently some women left the group. 67 Shortly afterwards. New York Radical Feminists was founded by Anne Koedt— who had left The Feminists, and

Shulamith Firestone— who left Redstockings. They hoped for it to become a city-wide organization with Conscious®' ness Raising, theory building and analysis, and action. Their writings show the growth and development of Radical Feminism. They rejected politico arguments, Redstockings' pro-woman line, and The Feminists' rigidity of theory and structure. They attracted new members and attempted mass organization of Radical Feminists. Debate over the issue of elitism and leadership finally splintered the group.

These shifting alliances show the process of feminism and the searching for the right combination of women and principles. Alix Kates Shulman's (1978) novel on these developments in New York City, Burning Questions, describes the excitement within the groups and the importance they had for the women involved. During 1970, the stress by the mass media and the Liberal women's rights groups was on the Equal Rights Amendment and the August 26th Women's Rights March. Radical women tended to go "underground" and the media stressed the Liberal-Reform groups. The period 1969-1971 was one of extraordinary growth for the Women's liberation Movement. There were serious attacks on leadership and 68 g elitism; and the women had to re-think skill building versus elitism, organizational strength versus individual power.

Lesbian Feminism Although Lesbian Feminists belong to and have made contributions within all the branches of feminism, their most concentrated work as lesbians has been in Radical

Feminism— the autonomous Women’s Liberation Movement. The fear within the Liberal-Ref orm branch that arose when lesbians "came out" in the movement has been discussed above. In a 1971 essay entitled "Lesbians and Women's

Liberation," Vivian Gomick wrote against the position that the women's movement would be damaged by recognizing lesbians. In the end, the feminist movement is of necessity the work of a radical feminist sensibility, and the fear of open recognition of lesbianism is the work of a liberal feminist sensibility. The falseness of the liberal's position is that while she apparently sorrows over the pain of -the world, she offers only distant sympathy, when what is needed is partisan courage. By offering sympathy instead of courage, she increases rather than reduces the pain of this world (Gornick, 1978:74-75). A "lesbian/straight split" developed in the movement and persists among extremists who take either the position

Friedan took that lesbianism is not a feminist concern or

^ A response was written by Joreen (jreemanl entitled "Tyranny of Structurelessness," (Koedt et al., 1973: 285-299). 69 the opposing view that all "true" feminists are or should become lesbians. Many feminists felt pressured into trying to become political separatist lesbians. This was later often resented as a false identity by both lesbians and "straight" women. Many feminists are lesbians, and some became lesbians as they encountered supportive women. Others recognized bisexuality in themselves and still others, including many Radical Feminists, are and continue to be heterosexual. The Radical Feminist position stresses the right and necessity for self-definition and choice in one's own sexual identity. In 1970, Radicalesbians wrote "The Woman Identified Woman;" it appeared in Notes from the Third Year and has been widely reprinted. They explained: It should first be understood that lesbianism, like male homosexuality, is a category of behavior possible only in a sexist society characterized by rigid sex roles and dominated by male supremacy.... In a society in which men do not oppress women, and sexual expression is allowed to follow feelings, the categories of homo­ sexuality and heterosexuality would disappear. ...Lesbian is a label invented by the Man to throw at any woman who dares to be his equal, who dares to challenge his prerogatives (including that of all women as part of the exchange medium among men), who dares to assert the primacy of her own needs. To have the label applied to people active in women's liberation is just the most recent - instance of a long history... (Koedt et al., 197$: 241-242). 70 In response to those who, like Friedan, wanted to dismiss lesbianism as an irrelevant issue, a "lavender herring," they wrote: But it is no side issue. It is absolutely essential to the success and fulfillment of the women's liberation movement that this issue be dealt with. As long as the label "dyke" can be used to frighten a woman into a less militant stand, keep her separate from her sisters, keep her from giving primacy to any­ thing other than men and family— then to that extent she is controlled by the male culture. ... Insofar as women want only more privileges within the system, they do not want to antagonize male power. They instead seek acceptability for women's liberation, and the most crucial aspect of the acceptability is to deny lesbianism...(Koedt et al., 1975:2^3)» Another essay, "Lesbianism and Feminism" deals with lesbian-baiting and the view of some lesbians that they are the Radical Feminist vanguard (Koedt, 1973a). Rita Mae Brown in "Take a Lesbian to Lunch" (1976b) describes the oppression she has experienced as a lesbian. She defines herself as woman-identified and says that lesbians preceded the women's movement in questioning the oppression of sex roles. Lesbianism is a political rather than (only) a sexual identity. She found heterosexism in the women's movement and saw NOW purges of lesbians. She worked within NOW for a time while searching for more radical groups. In the last NOW newsletter she worked on, in January 1970, she blasted the leadership for sexist, racist, and class biased attitudes (Brown, 1976b:91)» 71 When she joined the Redstockings, she found them also fearful of lesbians. She still shunned separatism but said, "I can't work with people who degrade me; don't deal with behavior that is destructive to me and who don't share their privilege (1976b:95)»" The hetero/lesbian split intensified and was at a peak when in Los Angeles in 1973 there was a West Coast Lesbian Feminist Conference. Robin Morgan describes the situation in the movement as "a tangle of correct lines as might have befitted a shag rug ( 1 9 7 8 : 1 7 0 ) Fifteen hundred women from all over the country and some from France attended what started out as a regional conference. In her speech, Morgan confronted the split and the need for the Women's Liberation Movement to be inclusive of the diversity of women, not exclusive. Charlotte Bunch has written: Lesbian feminist politics is a political critique of the institution and ideology of heterosexuality as a cornerstone of male supremacy....It is a commitment to women as a political group which is the basis of a political/economic strategy leading to power for women, not just an "alternative community" (Bunch, 1975:51)• She points out that ...the particular material reality of lesbian life makes political consciousness more likely ...the politics and analysis of women's oppression coming out of the lesbian's life experience has got to be integrated into the politics of socialist-feminism and the rest of the women's movement (Bunch, 1975:55)- 72

She does not want to work for civil rights so that it will he acceptable to be lesbian in capitalist-patriarchy — but wants instead to replace that system of hetero­ sexual domination.

Koedt's article (1973b) on the myth of the vaginal orgasm opened the question of sexuality. It stressed that female sexuality has been defined and controlled by men in terms which maximize their control and male pleasure, i.e., penetration and labeling women "frigid" who. fail to have "vaginal orgasm." She points out that men are "sexually expendable" as far as women's pleasure is concerned. She continues: Aside from the strictly anatomical reasons why women might equally seek other women as lovers, there is a fear on men's part that women will seek the company of other women on a full, human basis. ‘ The recognition of clitoral orgasm as fact would threaten the heterosexual institution. For it would in­ dicate that sexual pleasure was obtainable from either men or women, thus making heterosexuality not an absolute, but an option. It would thus open up the whole question of human sexual relationships beyond the confines of the present male- female role system (Koedt, 1975b:205). Lesbian Feminists have been especially able to develop the analysis of "men are the enemy" which runs parallel to the Socialist Feminist analysis of "capitalism is the enemy." They point out that all men benefit from sexism, including Black men, socialist men, working class men, and gay men. This is not to deny that these men 73 also siiffer oppression of racism, classism, or restraints of sex roles, but women experience these as well.

Heterosexual women with intimate ties to men are less likely to develop this perspective.

Important Americah Lesbian Feminist writings include Jill Johnston's Lesbian Nation. The Feminist Solution (1970), Sappho was a Right-on Woman; A Liberated View of Lesbianism (Abbott and Love, 1972); Lesbianism and the Women's Move­ ment (Bunch and Myron, 1975); A Plain Brown Rapper (Brown, 1976a); Amazon Odyssey (Atkinson, 197^); and Lesbian/

Woman (Martin and Lyon, 1972). Many lesbians have also contributed to the Women's Liberation Movement by putting in up to full time work in the movement. Much of the work of women's projects, feminist art, and women's spaces has been created and sustained by lesbians to the benefit of all women, often unacknowledged.

Black Feminism In both the historical feminist movement in America and the contemporary Women's Liberation Movement, there have been important Black women (cf. Russell, 1978; Hull et al., 1982). Harriet Tubman, Mary McLeod Bethune,

Sojourner Truth, Ida B. Wells Barnett, Rosa Parks, and Fannie Lou Hamer, are only a few examples.^

^ See Gerda Lemer, Black Women in White America (1973) for historical writing by Black women. 7 ^ Black women are doubly oppressed, by sex and race,

or more often triply oppressed by sex, race, and class,

and Black lesbians experience additional discrimination. There are no liberated women until all women are free of

oppression, and there cannot be a feminist society or group which oppresses people because of race or class.

The issues of racism and classism within the Women's Liberation Movement have been raised by Black women. "Women Respond to Racism" was the theme of the 1981 Q National Women's Studies Association national conference.

Many Black women have left such organizations because their O M d s were not being met— indeed, not even being under­ stood. Black and white unity in the Women's Liberation Movement depends on white women facing their racism.

In 1975» a separate Black Feminist group was formed, mostly by New York women, called National Black Feminist Organization (Ms.. May, 1974-:97-100). By 1979, they had ten chapters in major metropolitan areas. In 1976, the National Alliance of Black Feminists, a political action group, was founded in Chicago. Black Feminism is related to and grew out of the struggle for Black liberation. Black women have been met by sexism in the Black movement and racism in the

Q See Off Our Backs, July 1981, for coverage of the conference. 75 women's movement^— and therefore, have had to organize separately as Black Feminists to address this. The National Black Feminist Organization statement of purpose says:

...As black feminists we realized the need to establish ourselves as an independent black feminist organization. Our aboveground presence will lend enormous credibility to the current Women's Liberation Movement, which unfortunately is not seen as the serious political and economic revolutionary force that it is. We will strengthen the current efforts of the Black Liberation struggle in this country by encouraging all of the talents and creativities of black women to emerge, strong and beautiful, not to feel guilty or divisivej and assume positions of leadership and honor in the black community....We will continue to remind the Black Liberation Movement that there can't be liberation for half the race. We must together, as a people, work to eliminate racism, from without the black community, which is trying to destroy us as an entire people; but we must remember that sexism is destroying and crippling us from within (Ms.. May, 1974-:99). *10 The Combahee River Collective is another group which started meeting in 1974- to struggle against racial.

^ Many women have written about racism in the women's movement, and a collection of articles on this by a diverse group of women of color appears in This Bridge C^led My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color, edited by oherrie Moraga and Gloria Anzaldüa. 1981. 10 "The Combahee River Collective is a Black feminist group in Boston whose name comes from the guerrilla action conceptualized and led by Harriet Tubman on 2 June, 1863, in the Port Royal region of South Carolina. This action freed more than 750 slaves and is the only military campaign in American history planned and led by a woman (Smith, 1979:8)." The collective disbanded in 1980 (Smith, public lecture Ohio State University, October, 1982). 76 sexual, heterosexual, and class oppression (Smith, 1979). These major systems of oppression are interlocking for them— the synthesis forms the conditions of their lives. Black Feminism is the political form to combat these. Their unique position is obscured by the racism and elitism in the white women's movement. V/omen of the

Combahee River Collective came to also confront hetero- sexism and the economic oppression of capitalism. They do not want to be an adjunct to someone else's cause, but focus on their own needs. They are not separatist and seek solidarity with Black men to fight racism. However, they also fight sexism within the Black nation­ alist movement, which sees males and females as complemen­ tary and unequal. Accusations that Black Feminism is divisive to the Black struggle is a strong deterrent.

It is difficult to organize around Black Feminist issues; Black women typically lack resources and power and the fight must be fought on so many fronts. Their freedom would necessitate destruction of all systems of oppression. The Combahee River Collective has worked on Consciousness Raising, lesbian rights, sterilization abuse, abortion rights. Third World Women's issues, and refuges for Black women. They broke off from the National Black Feminist Organization because they felt it was too bourgeois and non-political (Smith, 1979). 77

The collective was contacted to attend the National Socialist Feminist Conference in Yellow Springs, Ohio in 1975 and one member attended. This influenced their economic analysis. The group, like the larger movement, experienced lesbian/straight splits, class, and political differences. Some women dropped out. The remaining members wanted to go beyond Consciousness Raising to political action. They formed a study group, writing and speaking to organize Black Feminists. They work on a unified analysis of racism, sexism, and classism, where there is simultaneous oppression, for example in day care, welfare rights, or abortion rights for Black women. They have pressured white women in the Women's Liberation Movement to face and deal with their racism (Smith, 1979)# Barbara Smith, a member of the Combahee River

Collective, decries both the lack of writing on and from Black women's perspective and the distortions in much of the paucity that is written by whites. She calls for the development of Black Feminist analysis: For whitesj this specialized lack of know­ ledge is inextricably connected to their not knowing in any concrete or politically trans­ forming way that Black women of any description dwell in this place. Black women's existence, experience, and culture and the brutally complex systems of oppression which shape these are in the 'real world' of white and/or male consciousness beneath consideration, invisible, unknown....It seems overwhelming to break such a massive silence....It is galling that ostensible feminists and 78

acknowledged lesbians have been so blinded to the implications of any womanhood that is not white womanhood and that they have yet to struggle with the deep racism in themselves that is at the source of this blindness (Smith, I979d: 18$). Smith calls attention to the work of Alice Walker who "In her landmark essay, 'In search of our mothers' gardens,' ...discloses how the political, economic and social restriction of slavery and racism have historically stunted the creative lives of Black women (Smith, 1979d:18d)."

Walker has written several works which deal with Black women's lives and show her feminist insights

(cf. Walker, 1967, 1970, 1976). She points to the failure of white scholars to include Black' women in their research and writings. fln| .. .work after ambitious work issued from the country's presses...white women feminists revealed themselves as incapable as white and black men of comprehending blackness and feminism in the same body, not to mention within the same imagination (Walker, 1979:72). Walker points out that Ellen Moers' book Literary Women; The Great Writers has a token mention of Lorraine Hans- berry. Moers refers to her as "young, gifted, and black" but to Sylvia Plath as "young, gifted, and a woman." It is, apparently, inconvenient, if not downright mind straining, for white women scholars to think of black women as women, perhaps because "woman" (like "man" among 79 white males) is a name they are claiming for themselves, and themselves alone (Walker, 1979:75). 11 Walker distinguishes between white women who are truly feminist— "for whom racism is inherently an im­ possibility" and average American white women who are racist and may call themselves feminist. She calls upon women of color to l e a m to distinguish and not waste energy working in women's groups and organizations that do not confront their racism. But, work they must. To the extent that black women dissociate themselves from the Women's Movement, they abandon their responsibilities to women through­ out the world. This is a serious abdication from and misuse of radical black herstorical tradition; Harriet Tubman, Sojourner Truth, Ida B. Wells, and Fannie Lou Hamer would not have liked it. Nor do I (Walker, 1979:74). Black women and other women of color are contributing their perspectives to Women's Studies and all strategies of the Women's Liberation Movement. This Bridge Called My Back (Moraga and Anzaldua, 1981) is an important new collection of "writings by radical women of color." All the Women Are White. All the Blacks Are Men, But Some of Us Are Brave; Black Women's Studies (Hull et al., 1982) makes available a new text for Black Women's Studies.

11 Libraries have the same problem, e.g., Ohio State University has a Women's Studies Library and a Black Studies Library, but they are not cross-referenced. If one wants materials on Black women, one must research both. 80

A new women's press. Kitchen Table: Women of Color

Press, will publish the works of Black and other Third World women.

Andre horde has courageously confronted white feminists about their racism— for example in "An Open

Letter to Mary Daly" and "The Master's Tools Will Never Dismantle the Master's House," both in Moraga and Anzaldua (1981:94-101). The reason racism is a feminist issue is easily explained by the inherent definition of feminism. Feminism is the political theory and practice that struggles to free all women: women of color, working-class women, poor women, disabled women, lesbians, old women— as well as white, economically privileged, heterosexual women. Anything less than this vision of total freedom is not feminism, but merely female self-aggrandizement (Smith, 1982:49).

Socialist Feminism Until 1970-1971, and to some extent today, there were two "liberation" movements, distinct in their origins, politics, tactics, and style. Already before a movement can be said to have existed, a split occurred between those who saw women's issues as part of socialism and those who saw sexism as the prime oppression. These have been called "politicos" and "feminists" 81 12 respectively. The split is based on a profound disagreement over the source of women's oppression.

"Politicos" are women steeped in the theories of Marx and Engels who see the source of women's oppression in the family, as a form of private property, and in the division of labor— i.e., in capitalism (cf. Eisenstein, 1979). They see socialism as necessary for women's liberation and work largely within the socialist movement. "Feminists," although critical of capitalism, stress that women were oppressed in patriarchal, pre-capitalist

societies and are also oppressed in non-capitalist societies today, e.g., in Cuba, Israel, and Russia. They believe that male-defined and controlled social institutions and values, and the resulting stereotyping of sex roles

lead to women's inferior status. This politico/feminist division has influenced the organizational development, characterized much of the literature, provided the basis for conflicting theoretical formulations, and caused internal dissension within the move­ ment, the long-range effects of which can only be speculated upon. This distinction, implicit in the origins of the movement, became explicit during the movement's growth and development. It is important, however, to keep in mind the fact that many women forming new small

12 Like all labels, there is not universal accept tance of these definitions; they are used here for historical clarification and not to imply that socialist women are not feminists. 82

groups in 1971 have either no knowledge of, or are confused by, references to these divisions within the movement. That despite this ig­ norance small groups continue to form may well he a testament to the fact that the idea of women's liberation apparently touches a raw-nerve sensitivity in women regardless of their political orientation or lack of one (Hole and Levine, 1971:109)* We have seen that most Liberal-Ref orm groups, like NOW, were open to male members and sought inclusion of women in the existing structures of business, government, and educational institutions. The Radical branch was autonomous and often established alternative structures like women's bookstores, alternative health services, and rape crisis centers. Socialist Feminists were women within the left, working with men, who stayed in the left and did not become part of the Radical Feminist exodus. In general, experience in the civil rights movement led to "feminism," i.e.. Radical Feminism, which lacked a clear cut theory, and drew upon personal experience and sociology for its framework; and new left and peace work led to "politicos," i.e.. Socialist Feminism, using Marxist theory. Hole and Levine (1971) do not discuss the organiza­ tional developments among Socialist Feminists or "politicos." They say that, based on the politico/ feminist split, there was, during the early 1970§, in­ filtration of the Women's Liberation Movement by the

Socialist Workers Party (SWP) and the Young Socialist 83 Alliance (YSA). Because they were well organized and the Women's Liberation Movement was largely unstructured, this was facilitated. They made efforts at control within the Radical branch— with little such effort in the Liberal- Ref orm branch, since the basic premise of the need for revolutionary change in the institutions was lacking.

They worked in women's centers and were sometimes banned because of their efforts to control newsletters and other activities. They saw feminism as an important part of socialism. In their own writings, it can be seen that what Hole and Levine called "infiltration" is seen by them as "organizing." We turn now to their words. An interview with four feminists in Boston who became members of the Young Socialist Alliance (YSA) and were active in both feminist and socialist movements shows the situation from the socialist perspective (Lund, 1972). The Young Socialist Alliance was serious, stressed member commitment, and was highly organized. The entire YSA, with men, supported the women's movement. In the summer of 1970» the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) and YSA had a conference. Women's liberation was explained as an integral part of the revolutionary process: ...if you are a consistent and uncompromising feminist, willing to go all the way, by any means necessary to achieve female liberation, you will be drawn in the direction of revolu­ tionary socialism (Lund, 1972:14). 84- At the 1971 National Convention of the Socialist Workers Party, a resolution was passed entitled "Towards a Mass Feminist Movement" which outlines a socialist program for women's liberation (Jenness, 1972:129-160). The following discussion is based on this resolution, the SWP'8 first comprehensive document concerning the feminist movement. It represents an important point of view within the Women's Liberation Movement, presents a Marxist analysis of women's oppression, and suggests a program to fight it:

The key question facing the revolutionary socialist party, then, is how to help mobilize masses of women to fight for their own interests. Around what demands and throu^ what forms can this be done, related to the immediate needs and level of understanding of masses of women? No full program for the women's liberation movement has yet been worked out, and it is impossible, at this time, to develop such a full program of demands. However, the broad outlines of such a program have begun to emerge and some of the key demands are already clear (Jenness, 1972:14-0). The following key demands are discussed in detail in the resolution and are presented here in condensed form, 1. The right to control one's body (abortion and birth control) 2. Freedom from domestic slavery (24- hour day care, food services, laundry, housecleaning and housing) 3 . Economic freedom (equal pay, ERA, enforcement of Title VII, legislation to protect both women and men, guaranteed jobs with union wages, full paid maternity leaves, full unemployment pay) 85 4. Equal educational opportunities (women's studies, self-defense training, right for married and pregnant women to stay in school, provide child care, and combat sex tracking and stereotypes)

5* Women prisoners (abolish special penalties for women, decriminalize prostitution, conjugal visits for prisoners, and peer review) 6. Imperialist war (withdraw from Vietnam, abolish the drâft, no intervention abroad, war funds to be used to finance child care, abortion clinics, hospitals, schools, housing, and union wages) 7» Women of oppressed nationalities (recognize their triple oppression as minority members, as workers, and as women) 8. A perspective of mass action, unite across class and race lines (relate the feminist movement to other mass movements, build action coalitions and mass mobilizations) The Socialist Workers Party felt they were the only hope for a mass feminist movement and dismissed other branches as opponents of such a mass movement. They included in these opponents reformists, sectarians, and ultralefts, and several other "socialist" tendencies including the Communist party. They were critical of reformists for their basic acceptance of capitalism and their belief that women can receive "equal rights" within the existing system. Ultraleft groups, such as SDS, rejected the women's move­ ment as not being "radical" enough. The small-group model of organization used by Radical Feminists was seen as anti-mass movement. In 1968, SDS went so far as to issue leaflets warning young people against the Women's Liberation Movement (Lund, 1972). Other socialist groups. 86 including the Communist Party, Progressive Labor, and International Socialists, have all "exhibited one or another degree of hostility towards the Women's Liberation

Movement (Lund, 1972:15^)•” This left the Socialist Workers Party as the organization best suited to mobilize women for action. They dismissed charges of attempting to "infiltrate" or "take over" the movement as red-baiting. They see red­ baiting and the resulting exclusion as dangerous because it prevents democratic discussion of the issues and tactics.

In outlining tasks to mobilize a mass feminist movement, they have participated in action around the U.S. focused on central issues of the Women's Liberation Movement, e.g.. Women's Studies, job discrimination, sexist advertising, and organizing minority women's groups.

The SWP recognized the tactical importance of the issue of abortion rights. The issue was attracting the most women and had a broad based appeal to church groups, unions, poor and minority women. Success on that issue would have great organizing power. ...It could serve as an inspiration and an example for struggles over other issues and enable the movement to take the next powerful step forward around further demands (Jenness, 1972:157). 87 The SWP saw as their "most important task in the period ahead [working to educate people about the^ . central political importance of the abortion fight, and building a nationwide abortion movement... (Jenness, 1972;

157» emphasis added)." Other strategies were to work with minority groups to stress that feminism and Black nationalism are com- patable. They saw campus organizing of women's liberation groups as important because that was the fastest growing area, especially among anti-war groups. They used the

1971-1972 socialist election campaigns as a vehicle to reach •«•literally millions of women with - the ideas and demands of the feminist movement. SWP candidates, both men and women, have become known as campaigners for women's liberation; and our campaigns have played an important role in winning new women to ideas of the SWP. Through women's support committees for the 1972 campaign in particular, we will be able to win many women to the revolutionary socialist movement ÇJenness. 1972;158. emphasis added). It can be seen how a case could be built that they were "using" the Women's Liberation Movement to gain recruits to the socialist revolution. ...Finally, significant numbers of activists in the women's liberation movement have begun to join the SWP and YSA. We have an especially important job in educating these new forces, giving them a thorough grounding in our program and integrating them into all aspects of SWP activity. The best of the new generation of feminists will be attracted to the Socialist Workers Party and the Young Socialist Alliance; 88 within the SWP they can develop into revolutionary socialist politicians in the fullest sense....So long as capitalism exists, it is impossible for either women or men to gain full dignity and humanity, other than by fighting against oppression. It is with that perspective that we try to win the best of the new generation of feminists to the Socialist Workers Party, to raise their con­ sciousness, and to organize and inspire the masses of women to fight to change society (Jenness, 1972:'159-'! 60).

Women who were active in both the Women's Liber­ ation Movement and the left were trying to integrate these two important aspects of their lives. Too often they were dismissed as feminists by their Marxist brothers and as socialists by their feminist sisters. They sought a theoretical synthesis. In 1975, "Marxist-Feminist 1" was started; it was the first of five such groups, mainly in Boston and New York. They meet several times a year to discuss theoretical developments (Petchesky, 1979)» A conference held in Yellow Springs, Ohio, in 1975 marked the first organized attempt to call together American Socialist Feminists (Socialist Revolution, 1975)• The conference, organized by women from New American Movement (NAM) and several East and West coast Socialist Feminist groups, was attended by 1600 women. In an effort to promote unity, the organizing committee issued the following principles:

I. We recognize the need for and support the existence of the autonomous women's movement throughout the revolutionary process; 89

II, We agree that all oppression, whether based on race, class, sex, or lesbianism, is interrelated and the fights for liberation from oppression must be simultaneous and cooperative; and III. We take our movement seriously; discussions at the conference should be in the spirit of struggle and unity, to move socialist feminism forward.

Members of groups which have taken stands contrary to our principles of unity and groups whose practice does not promote open discussions are not welcome and should not come (Eisenstein, 1979:5^9)- But many women did come representing groups of established socialists, not autonomous Socialist Feminist groups ; they came as socialist women, not socialist feminists. The commitment to socialism was more developed theoretically, and there were at the conference, clearly, more Marxists than feminists. The women wanted to establish a dialogue between male Marxists, socialist women, and Socialist Feminists. They sought the theoretical relation­ ship between patriarchy and capitalism and how to use that knowledge to build praxis. The conference can be considered the beginning of socialist feminism as a political force because it was there that the commitment to the feminist part of socialist feminism surfaced as a self- conscious political statement (Eisenstein, 1979: 350). By 1977, there had been considerable growth and theoretical development on the relationship of patri­ archy and capitalism and its importance to socialism (cf. Eisenstein, 1979). Conflict over how to use the 90 ideas created splits and factions within Socialist

Feminism, and today many groups exist working to develop a body of theory. FEMINISM IN EUROPE

Now that we have seen some of the complexities of American feminism, we tnrn to consider the V/omen's Liberation Movement in a few European countries. An important difference between the social contexts of European and American feminism is the viability of socialism as a political reality in Europe. A higher percentage of the European feminists refer to themselves as Socialist Feminists and can work politically as socialists. ...the left's visibility has meant an uninter­ rupted tradition of class consciousness among working-class men and women, and perhaps a greater political awareness among the educated middle class and intellectuals than in the United States....feminist consciousness was b o m second to class consciousness and thus... there continues to be very real class conscious­ ness within the (y/omen'sl movement itself (Stewart, 1980:350).

Also, Liberal Feminists in Europe are less organ­ ized than in America; most of the conferences and meetings of groups I attended in Europe were openly critical of bureaucratic organization and hierarchy. The state of the national economy affects the Women's Liberation Movement and the comparative affluence

91 92 of West Germany and economic crisis of Britain are reflected in the economic underpinnings of the Women's Liberation Movement. However, even in Germany, most feminist activists are economically marginal. By limiting the study to West Germany, Great

Britain, and the United States, only a portion of the global web of feminism can be revealed. I include very brief material on France, Italy, and Spain to show that the contacts go beyond the sample countries. Contacts are being made between women on all continents, and I will consider some of these in the concluding chapters. GREAT BRITAIN

There have been three important collections of papers published from the British Women's Liberation Movement.

The Body Politic; Women's Liberation in Britain. 1969-1972. compiled by Michelene Wandor (1972) covers the early development of the movement in Britain and introduces an array of feminist issues. Conditions of Illusion; Papers from the Women's Movement (Allen et al., 197^) includes articles written the following two years.Most recently, No Turning Back: Writings from the Women's Liberation Movement 1973-80 has been edited by the Feminist Anthology

Collective (1981). Hannah Gavron's book The Captive Wife (1966) had a very great impact on British women's con­ sciousness of their common situation. In the Autumn of 1968, feminist ideas and vague rumors of the women's movement in America and Germany were reaching Britain (Rowbotham, 1972:91-102). These ideas were partly carried by students returning from the United

^ The title refers to a quote from Karl Marx: "The call to abandon their illusions about their conditions is a call to abandon a condition which requires illusions."

95 94-

States (Liimhoff, 1974-). Women in the left were talking about feminist issues but not yet organizing. They too were experiencing the belittling and negative attitudes of the male left. Rowbotham argues, however, that the real impetus for organization came from elsewhere: early in 1968, in Hull, women had been brought to action by Lil Bilocca, a fisherman's wife. Two ships had been lost in January, and Bilocca organized fishermen's wives to demand safety standards on the trawlers. The women were ridiculed by the trawler owners who found the idea of women organ­ izing to be ludicrous. The campaign resulted in the women of Hull forming an Equal Rights Group.

Another strike of sewing machinists at Ford gave women a feeling of strength from taking action on equal pay issues. The strike raised hope among trade union women for equal pay and equal rights, and led to in­ dustrial militancy by women. The NJACVffiR (National Joint Action Committee for Women's Eiqual Rights) grew out of these actions. This trade union activism empowered other left women. Trotskyists, and IMG (International Marxist Group) women to bring up sex oppression within the left. They had some contact with the American Women's Liberation Movement, but shunned the name "feminists" at first. Eventually, they produced Socialist women, a 95 journal based on broad Marxist perspectives. The first issue stated:

We are not anti-male, a charge often thrown at those concerned with the woman question. We are opposed to private pro­ perty, the■alienation of labour under capitalism, the exploitation of the entire working class, we are opposed to men who do the "gaffer's" job and assist him to do the dirty on women workers - whether in the home or in industry (Rowbotham, 1972:93)- During the Winter of 1958-1969, the equal pay campaign for trade union women continued, culminating in an Equal Pay Rally at Trafalgar Square in the Spring. The Night Cleaners' Campaign was another struggle for women workers to organize. It occupies an important place in the British Women's Liberation Movement history.

It was the first time, at least in London, that feminists became openly and actively involved in an effort for women to organize at their place of work. In October, 1 9 7 0, May Hobbs, a night office cleaner who had been trying to organize women for eight years, asked the Women's Liberation Movement for help. The International Social­ ists Group and later the Ralston Women's Liberation Workshop helped with leafletting night cleaners as they went into their workplaces. The Liberation Workshop set up CAG (Cleaners Action Group). They had a dual front— needing both to persuade women to join the union and to convince the union to take women and women's issues seriously (Alexander, 1972; Wandor, 1972;224ff.). 96

In the Summer of 1972, cleaners at the Ministry of Defense building went out on strike; cleaners in two more government buildings joined them. The Civil Service Union recognized the women's strike, paying strike benefits to them and supporting their action. Women from the Women's Liberation Movement helped with the picketing. They helped because of the direct appeal made by May Hobbs, developing policy and strategy as they gained e:^erience.

This forced them to consider the relationship between women's liberation and working class women's issues, and to redefine class struggle in feminist terms (Alexander,

1972). During these same months and years, other events were occuring which were to bring together feminists.

In 1969, Essex University had a weekend workshop: "The Festival of Revolution!". Women organized one session on feminism. Two weeks later, a meeting was held in a flat in London, advertized only by word of mouth... seventy women came. This meeting led to the formation of a feminist group in Essex and the Women's Liberation Workshop in London, which started meeting twice a month to co-ordinate feminist activities and information in London. They have had several locations in London, and now called "A Woman's Place" are still in operation as 97 a walk-in information center and meeting place,A network of groups made up the Workshop; they stressed local actions around such issues as abortion rights, the Night Workers' Campaign, and low wages paid to temporary office workers. In 1969, they had two groups, one of which was the Tufnell Park group to be discussed below.

By early 1971, they had grown to 13 groups, and later that year there were 44 (Bluh, 1974-: 72-74-, 64— 67). In September, the "politicos” dropped out and formed Socialist Women, Maoist Women, and the International Socialist caucus.

The Tufnell Park (an area in London) group was one of the earliest to form. The women were predominantly American, many were involved in efforts against the Vietnam War. Rowbotham credits them with great importance, particularly their effect on the London Women's Liberation

Workshop. It emerged as a coordinating center of the movement.

14- A Woman's Place publishes The Women's Liberation Newsletter. The center is run by a small collective of women, some commiting full-time energy to the women's movement. The center is financially marginal. They maintain international files of contact addresses of feminist groups and individuals, sell books and materials, and provide space for meetings. The newsletter publishes exchanges of ideas sent in by readers, announcements of events, and essays on feminist issues. 98 The Workshop had from the start a cheerful eclecticisms Any woman was welcome, ’communists, along with maoists, trotskyists,- syndicalists, Seventh Day Adventurists,•nuns,•anarchists, Labour Party members, etc.; in short, feminists’ (Rowbotham, 1972;95, quoting Irene Pick). In May of 1969, they issued their first newsletter. The second issue, called Harpies’ Bizarre reported on leaf letting at the Equal Pay Rally and the formation of a group which grew out of Juliet Mitchell's classes at the Anti-University. It later came to be called Shrew and is published by a different group each issue. The

Tufnell Park group produced the October, 1959 issue. Groups were starting all over the country; a massive sticker campaign against sexist advertising was mounted; and a demonstration was held outside the Miss World Pageant in 1970. In February of that year, the first national women’s liberation conference was held in Oxford. Six hundred participants came, mostly women with a few children and fewer men, from all over the country. Some foreign women were there as well, as we shall see later. Special interest groups were formed to study women’s history, sexuality, education, and art. Pour demands of the movement were formulated and agreed upon at that conference: 1. equal pay for equal work 2. equal opportunities and equal education 99 3. free contraception and abortion on demand 4. 24- hour free community controlled child care In March, 1971, an International Women's Day rally and demonstration was held in London. The first women's newspaper was distributed with the four demands and a national campaign was launched to work for their implementation. These four demands became the common denominator of the diversified local women's groups. Each year a national women's liberation conference was held to plan strategy, share experiences, work on theory, and support each other. At the 1974- conference, two more demands were added:

5. legal and financial independence for women 6. the right to self define one’s sexuality In 1978, the sixth demand was rewritten and split: 6. an end to discrimination against lesbians 7. freedom for all women from intimidation by the threat or use of violence or sexual coercion, regardless of marital status. An end to the laws, assumptions and institutions that perpetuate male dominance and men's aggression towards women. The rewording of the demand reflects division in

the movement over the question of lesbianism; it is important to reiterate the ongoing struggle and oppression 100 that lesbians experience in society and often within the Women's Liberation Movement itself, in all the sample countries. The British Women's Liberation Movement (Radical

Feminists) and Socialist Feminists both have rejected the ideas of hierarchical structure, membership, dues, and mailing lists. They have some difficulty reaching, in any organized way, the women who identify with the movement. News is communicated through a number of local newsletters, and Scarlet Women, W.I.R.E.S., and Red Rag. Spare Rib, a national magazine readily available at kiosks, has been published monthly since 1972. It is used by British feminists as a place of contact and information exchange for starting local groups, finding housing, lists of upcoming events, and a discussion forum of issues within the feminist movement. Spare Rib has much coverage of international women's news and women's

lives in other countries. The seven demands have come out of national con­ ferences after great debate and discussion both at these gatherings, in local groups, and through the journals, newsletters, and magazines. Red Rag, Shrew, and Catcall, a journal of theoretical essays open to women of all persuasions, publish articles sent in by readers. 101 The Women's Liberation Movement national conferences are open to all women. There are no delegates; there is a different emphasis and setting for each conference. At the end of each conference, it is decided where the next will be. The 1975 conference was held in Manchester. It was then decided to establish W.I.R.E.S. (Women's Information, Referral and Enquiry Service) to serve all of Great Britain as an information exchange forum. It is published monthly by a moving collective which changes city every year or two. In 1979, there was no women's liberation conference as such. Instead, a Socialist Feminist National Con­ ference was held, followed by a smaller Radical Feminist day-meeting. There is a great deal of debate between the Radical and Socialist Feminists. These issues will be dealt with in Chapter Four, as well as developments in

Women's Studies. PRANCE

Already in 1919, Prench women had a "strike of the 16 womb" against forced motherhood and postwar natalist propaganda. The government responded in 1920 by placing a ban on the sale of contraceptives— which remained law until 1967» French women were granted the vote only in 1944 and equal constitutional ri^ts tv;o years later. In the early 1960s the vestiges of Napoleonic law repressive to women were abolished. Several writers, including Evelyn Sullerot (1965, 1966a, 1966b) had written his­ torical and sociological analyses of the position of women before the May 1968 uprisings in Prance.

^ Because it is directly related to developments in West Germany and is a part of the metaculture, the Women's Liberation Movement in Prance will be considered. New Prench Feminisms, an anthology of translations edited by harks and De Gourtivron (1980) is a good source in English and a reference to works in Prench. I have drawn upon ' the introduction to this work for much of the material here, as well as another helpful article by Dani^le Stewart (1980). I have not carried out any research in Prance, nor have I interviewed French feminists. I have had to utilize secondary sources. I will only sketch the developments to help indicate international similarities and contacts. 16 This v;as used again in 1980 as an intemational tactic (Courage, March 1980).

102 103 The 1960s were a period of growing radicalism.

French youth, concerned about the Algerian rebellion and war, became activists. The student movement led to rigorous analyses of institutions, a reassessment of theory and knowledge, and demands for se If-management.

Already in 1967» a group called "Féminisme .Marxisme. Action" was started by leftist women (Linnhoff, 197^)» During the Summer of 1970, diverse Radical Feminist groups emerged which the French press dubbed MLF— Mouvement de liberation des Femmes (Women's Liberation Movement). These groups had been evident in Paris, Lyon, and Toulouse since the Autumn of 1968. The original groups were composed of women students who had participated in the May revo­ lution and who were dismayed to discover that the vast majority of their male comrades were as deeply phallocratie as the bourgeois enemy (Marks and De Gourtivron, 1980:30). This "dismay" was felt at the same time in West Germany, the United States, and Britain. The group "politique et psychanalyse" (Politics and

Psychoanalysis), which started in 1968, became the cul­ tural and intellectual center of the MLF. They established the publishing house editions des femmes, started the journal des femmes en mouvement (1977-1978) and the feminist bookstore in Paris, des femmes. They have since isolated themselves and split from the rest of the Women's Liberation Movement in legal battles. 104 «Féministes révolutionnaires” was started in October, 1970 and included Monique Wittig, author of les Guerillires (1975). As Radical Feminists, their aim was the total destruction of patriarchal order. They adopted the American model of Consciousness Raising. Some lesbian members have separatist demands, and the group has had internal struggle between their lesbian and heterosexual members. The first major publication from the French MIF appeared in Paris in 1970. It was a special double issue of Partisans entitled liberation des femmes; annee zéro (No. 54/55). The journal included over a dozen French articles (Delphy, 1977). It was sold out within a few weeks and in 1972 republished as a book. Abortion rights have been one major rallying point for the Women's liberation Movement because it unites women across factional lines. In 1971, women marched in Paris for contraception and free abortion on demand. The march was part of the campaign in which French women signed a petition which stated: "I had an illegal abortion." The list, which included prominent actresses, writers, and doctors was published in le nouvel observateur. Simone de Beauvoir was among those who signed and she marched in the demonstration. In 1974-, there was a five- year repeal of the law forbidding abortions. 105 That same year, Choisir (Choose) was founded by Gisèle Halimi and de Beauvoir as a legal defense group with limited reformist goals. Its first concern was to defend the 545 women, including Halimi and de Beauvoir, who had signed the abortion petition; it later also defended rape victims. The work of Choisir was important

in bringing about the 1974 contraception and abortion law. Early in 1974, the Ligue du droit des femmes (League of Women's Rights) was formed by a group of militant feminists who were dissatisfied with politique et psych­

analyse and Féministes révolutionnaires. Simone de Beauvoir is the president. They are Marxists who denounce patri­ archal oppression. They publish a newsletter called y / ^7 Nouvelles féministes and Questions Féministes, ' a monthly journal, with de Beauvoir as editor. A subsidiary group, SOS Femmes-Alternatives. worked to establish refuges for women who are victims of male violence. Since 1976, much of the energy of the movement has been addressed to the issue of rape. Much of the debate—

even in the courtroom— has been

^ Both Monique Wittig and Christine Delphy write for it. It is a Radical Feminist journal, which started an English translation edition. Feminist Issuer in 1980. The first English issue includes iDelphy's article "The Main Enemy" which appeared in the 1970 Partisans and has been reprinted elsewhere (Delphy, 1977). 1 0 6

...that the root of the problem was a fundamentally sexist society....These trials concretized the conflict between class issues and feminist issues in a way which has not occurred in the United States...(Stewart, 1980:353). In October 1979, as the five year abortion law repeal was about to run out, 55,000-50,000 French women again marched in Paris for free abortion on demand. The msrch was made up of a collective from the autonomous Women's Liberation Movement, MLAC (Mouvement pour la liberté de 1'avortement et de la contraception— movement for free abortion and contraception, founded in 1973), women's rights groups. Choisir, family planning organ­ izations, and members of women's leftist parties. They sought the repeal of abortion laws, full coverage of abortion on hospital insurance plans, free abortion to those women without insurance— mainly foreign workers— and repeal of the parental consent requirement for minor women (Courage, November, 1979). In Paris, behind the scenes and at the demonstration, a struggle went on and continues in European Women's Liberation Movements. An important split occurred among the women which is duplicated in England and Germany, Spain and Italy, and the United States. The split is between women of the left, who work with men, within socialism and the workers' movement ("politicos") and Radical Feminists. The question of whether men should 107 take part in the demonstrations and whether parties, leftist organizations, and trade onions should be represent eel, divided the women (Courage, November, 1979)* Following the march, a meeting was held at the University of Vincennes to discuss the state of the

French Women's Liberation Movement, its foundation and its goals, and whether to take part in a mixed (with men) demonstration in the name of the Women's Liberation Movement. This would place the autonomous (Radical) women's movement in question. This is the serious split between the left and Radical Feminism which must be understood to understand European and American feminism today. French feminists have been supportive of the American Women's Liberation Movement. On the final day of the struggle to ratify the ERA in the United States,

100 French women demonstrated in Paris in solidarity with American sisters. They represented most of the French

18 An abortion demonstration in London in 1980 had an identical dispute over which banner should lead. The demonstration was organized by trade union women (TUG) and supported by men. Groups from the Women's Libera­ tion Movement attempted to'lead with their banner. In the United States, large scale demonstrations, e.g., for the Equal Rights Amendment, are often led by NOW and other Liberal-Reform groups— Radical and Socialist Feminists must decide whether to join and on which issues. 108 Women's Liberation Movement groups and carried a huge effigy of the Statue of Liberty. They explained that the Statue of Liberty had been a gift from the people of France to the people of the United States but America no longer deserves this great symbol of liberty. They were asking the French government to demand its restitution (Guardian. July 28, 1982:11). WEST GERMANY

As in other countries, German feminists have been concerned with reclaiming their history and heroines.

There have been republications of classic feminist writings, biographies, and short feature articles on foremothers in feminist magazines and newsletters. Ala Verlag, a feminist publisher in Zurich, Switzerland,

Frauenoffensive Verlag. and others have published writings of several early German feminists. Ursula Linnhoff's book Zur Freiheit. Oh zur einzig Wahren (n.d.) (Toward Freedom, Oh, the Only True Freedom) covers the early women's movement, selected biographies, and essays. The

Feminist Movement in Germany 189^-1933 by Richard Evans (1976), is available in English. German feminists from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries include; Louise Otto-Peters, who worked for education and employment ri^ts for women and published the Frauenzeitung (184-9) (Women's Newspaper); she is seen as one of the founders of German feminism; Hedwig Dohm, important in the Radical wing of the bour­ geois women's movement; Minna Cauer, Anita Augspurg, and Lida Gustava-Heymann— all Radical Feminists; Clara Zetkin,

109 110 a Socialist Feminist; Rosa Inxembnrg, German socialist revolutionary, assassinated in 1919, and Mathilde Franziska Anneke— who fled to the United States after the 1848 revolution and worked further here, founding a girls' school in Milwaukee (biography forthcoming).

Feminists from other countries have also been recognized as "unsere Schwestem von Gestem” (our sisters from yesterday), for example: Mary Wollstonecraft, Flora

Tristan,oiymp de Gouges, and Alexandra Kollontai. The beginnings of the current Women's Liberation Movement (Frauenbefreiungsbewegung— FBB) in West Germany

are as difficult to pinpoint as elsewhere— and grew from the efforts of diverse groups and individuals. A descrip­ tion by Jutta Menschik in Feminismus: Geschichte. Theorie.

Praxis (1977) (Feminism: History, Theory, Praxis) attributes it to the campaign which started in 1970 against the abortion law. Article 218 in the German penal code, which makes abortion a crime.

As we have seen, in 1971 the French Women's Liber­ ation Movement campaign over the issue of abortion led to the signing of petitions to repeal abortion laws. At the time, Alice Schwarzer was a correspondent in Paris and became excited over the prospect of a similar campaign in Germany. Through her impetus. Stem magazine in 1971 published nearly 400 names of German women saying: "I have had an abortion." In the next few weeks, several 111 thousand women from all social classes (and men, in­ cluding 230 doctors and professors, saying ”I was an accomplice in abortion") added their names. The campaign sought the repeal, not reform, of Article 218; access to contraception; and health insurance coverage of abortion. The petition read; Every year approximately one million women have abortions in Germany. Hundreds die and tens of thousands are made ill and sterile at the hands of bunglers. If performed by qualified physicians it is a simple procedure. Women with money can get safe abortions here and abroad. Article 218 forces poor women onto the kitchen tables of bunglers. It makes criminals of these women and they can be imprisoned for up to five years. In spite of that, millions of women abort under demoralizing and life endangering circumstances. I am among these. I am against Article 218 and for "Wunschkinder" [."wished for children"] . We women’lrânt no charity from the lawmakers and no piecemeal reforms. We demand the repeal of Article 218 and comprehensive sex education for all and free access to contraceptives. We demand the right to abortions covered by medical in­ surance (Menschik, 1977:93-94, translated by Gillespie-Woltemade). Half the signatures came from Schwarzer's work, together with socialist women in West Berlin, and Munich emancipation groups (Sozialistische Arbeitsgruppe zur Befreiung der Erau— Socialist Workgroup for Liberation of Women). The other half seeped in through snowballing from small towns and villages. The ensuing scandal was great and the results equally disappointing. The need to organize resistance became obvious. 112 In the weeks of May, before the publication of the lists, new women's groups formed in Cologne and Duesseldorf. After the publication, more groups spon­ taneously formed throughout Germany, around a wide array of issues. They worked on various women's problems such as marriage and children, professions and work, relation­ ships with men, competition, jealousy, and fashion de­ pendency. They discussed, set up Selbsterfahrung groups (personal experience, i.e., Consciousness Raising, groups) and started action projects. All of these groups together see themselves as the autonomous (Radical) women's movement. They reject the idea that their oppression and exploitation will be overthrown through political parties, unions, parliament, or left groups which are dominated and run by men. They work with organizations of women for women. They are not "man haters" but rather fight against misogyny (woman- hating) whenever and wherever it is found (Menschik,

1977). The Rrauenzentrum (women's center) in Berlin set up Selbsterfahrungsgruppen (OR groups), theme groups, and projects. The theme groups worked on sexuality, women against violence against women, rape, harassment on the street, pornography, theatre, self-health, education, immigrant women, wages for housework, pregnancy and birth. 113 theoretical Marxism/femiiiism, spirituality, and writing. Projects included opening a feminist health center based on an American model, publishing Hexengefluester (Whisper­ ings of Witches)— a journal on self-help started in 1975, and a feminist therapy center, as well as a house for battered women. Many German cities now have women's centers, book stores, and houses of refuge. Involved women generally pledge 1^ of their incomes to support these women's spaces.

The 1970 abortion action raised the consciousness of many German women for the first time. By appearing in S t e m , the issue was brought before a mass audience. But, two years earlier a more radical beginning had occurred— largely underground and outside the mass media. Hilke Schlaeger's discussion of these developments is available in an English translation (Schlaeger, 1978). She says the Women's Liberation Movement evolved directly from the student movement as it was becoming more socialist. Marxism is the perspective of many German feminists, using socialist theory with its materialist orientation. At the 1968 Congress of Socialist German Students'

Organizations (SDS), German women were limited to the same support roles as elsewhere— typing, serving coffee, and providing "free sex" at night. Filmmaker Helke Sander presented the congress with a statement of the need to 114. address the inclusion of women at all levels. This need was totally dismissed by the male leadership and the reactions of men of the left were even more violent than in the United States. They dubbed women's concerns a "Nebenwiderspruch” (secondary contradiction).^^ This split the autonomous Women's Liberation Movement off from the male dominated left and led to widespread distrust of the socialist position. Feminists took a totally negative stance toward leftist politics, which led to ghettoization and depoliticization of the movement. For years the German Women's Liberation Movement was highly theoretical and literary. In the past few years, however, much more emphasis has been placed on action projects. Ursula Linnhoff (197^) distinguishes several basic tendencies in German feminism: feminist, orthodox Marxist, social/liberal, radical feminist, and socialist.

She also dates the beginning of the German Women's Liberation Movement at 1968 and reprints early theoretical documents from several feminist groups. Linnhoff (1974:38) suggests the following develop­ ments within the German Women's Liberation Movement. The earliest tendency was a feminist anti-authoritarian one.

^ The primary contradiction being the exploitation of wage laborers in capitalism. German feminists started a university newspaper called "Nebenwiderspruch." 115 among women SDS members, around 1968-1969» Some SDS women's groups moved to orthodox Marxist theory in late

1969-1970. The third development was a social/liberal- feminist one, partially growing out of some of the anti- Article 218 groups. The 1970 defiance of the abortion law reflected the changed political climate after the social/liberal coalition in the 1969 election. By 1970- 1 9 7 1 , a Radical Feminist tendency could be seen in some groups based on American Radical Feminist theory. Consciousness Raising became strong after 1972. And finally, a Socialist Feminist tendency parallel to the

Radical (autonomous) faction developed since 1970-1971, partly through further development of political self- awareness of many Article 218 groups. Out of these tendencies developed groups with local differences and some overlap— for example, socialists who set up Consciousness Raising groups. Abortion has continued to be a major rallying point of the feminist movement in Germany (Frauenzentrum Frankfurt,

1 9 7 4 ; Pro Familia Bremen, 1978; Schwarzer, 1971). Much effort has been put into a campaign for the repeal of Article 218, which now allows abortion only with complex legal procedures, with power and control in the hands of the doctors— whether or not to allow an abortion and what method to use, including controversial experimental 116 methods, e.g., using prostaglandin. On February 25, 1975, the Supreme Court made the decision not to repeal Article

218 and women have continued their resistance to it since. Two weeks after the decision, the names of 6,000 women were published in S t e m magazine saying they reject the law and will assist women to get safe abortions. Counsel­ ing centers were set up and clinics were planned; buses took women across the border to Holland for faster, simpler abortions; and mass demonstrations were held. Restrictive regional laws have since been passed and one- third to one-half of the German women getting abortions have done so outside the country. Women's groups have been trying to help women utilize the law to its fullest extent and demand that abortions be provided m Germany. The organized trips to Holland have been discontinued in an effort to apply more pressure on the government and medical establishment. In June, 1980, 1,500 women gathered in Frankfurt for a tribunal, "Frauen klagen gegen Paragraph 218" (Women Protest Article 218) against the abortion law (Emma, July, 1980:16).

^ For a discussion of the current legal status of German women, see: Von Muench, 1978 and an important, recently published handbook and action plan edited by Marielouise Janssen-Jurreit (1979). ITALY

In Italy, as elsewhere in Europe, the end of the

1960s brought new organizations among women. One important group is UDI (Unione Donne Italians— Union of Italian Women) UDI is a Socialist Feminist organization with a general emancipation program. By 1977, they had 40,000 members. In 1975, they sought integration into the production pro­ cess, shared household duties and responsibilities, and legal equality. UDI pushes for these within the parlia­ mentary left, communist party, and trade unions, seeking social structural changes. This is seen as "Doppia mili- tanza. " (double militancy)— because they work in the left and in the Women's Liberation Movement.

Italian Radical Feminists formed MLD (Movimento per la liberazione della donna— Women's Liberation Move­ ment) . Their stress is more on sexual and psychological repression, free contraception and free abortion on demand, and anti-authoritarian child care.

20 The Italian Women's Liberation Movement has been very inspirational to women in other countries. Since I do not know Italian, I have used a German source of documents from the Italian Women's Liberation Movement (Chotjewitz- Haefner, 1977)• Several articles in Courage and elsewhere have reported on feminist activities in Italy (cf. Klett, 1977; Usai and Ravera, 1978).

117 118

In 1973, Consciousness Raising groups (gruppi dell* auto-coscienza began and the following year Effe.

the Italian feminist magazine, came out with an article "The Small Group; End of Isolation." By 1977, Effe was selling 27,000 copies. Another group, called :'"lotta femminista" (Feminist Struggle) joined the women's movement.

In 1975, the Italian abortion campaign became radicalized. Feminist grafitti is heavily evident in the large cities, including on the walls outside the Colosseum and on Catholic cathedrals. There were demon­ strations with Italian housewives marching through the streets beating pots and pans. These demonstrations led

to media coverage of feminism and general discussion of such issues as divorce, abortion, rape. Catholic and communist oppression of women, discussion of work and pay, violence— including fascist and police— and wages for housework.

In 1976, Movimento liberazione della donne (MLD) in Rome took over Govemo Vecchio 39, a 40 room building, in

"Effe" is the Italian pronunciation of "f the initial of feminism. 119 22 a spontaneous squat. There was no place in Rome for women, so they took over the building. Thirty women occupied it and stayed there without electricity or water for months; mounds of candle wax remain today. After six months, they opened to other women's groups, as Casa della Donna (The Women's Building). Four thousand women went to the mayor of Rome and asked that the building be turned over to the Women's Liberation Movement. My last information was that they were close to acquiring legal possession of the building. They now do pregnancy advising, abortion counseling and referrals, and teach self-examinations, Eighty groups use the building, including students from colleges and high schools, house­ wives, theatre groups, and discussion groups. Work groups have started refuges for battered women, a news­ paper, and have organized against violence. Radio Donna started in 1976 and broadcasted for three hours a day on women's issues. Listeners could call in and take part in the broadcasts, ask questions, and get

information. They used studios in a left wing radio station and the programs were planned by different feminist

pp Squatting is used in many Euibpean countries as either a legal or illegal take-over of property in which no rent is paid. Squatters are often evicted by officials and there are frequent confrontations, with squatters barricading themselves in the building. 120 groups. The collective met weekly at Casa della Donna. The broadcasts meant a breakthrough in the isolation of Italian housewives.

One group of broadcasters was a housewives collective with 30 to 4-0 participants. They spoke every Tuesday morning on topics such as isolation of housewives, unpaid labor of housework, the need for social programs for mothers and children, contraception, and abortion. In

1979, five women aged 35-60, while on the air, were attacked by fascists with gasoline, fire, and machineguns. That night, 30-50,000 angry women marched through the streets of Rome, chanting "We will not stop the struggle!" The next Tuesday, the broadcasts continued, with Nunni Miolli, one of the attack victims, at the microphone. The attack aroused an international response in-the feminist press. The Italian Women's Liberation Movement is now facing a re-evaluation of their stand on non-violence which had led them to be ill prepared for such an attack. The gang rape of Claudia CaputU, Easter of 1977, was also a rallying issue for many Italian women. She took the case to court, which was rare, and withstood much ridicule and harassment. She was later raped again in retaliation. The case drew support from feminists in many other countries.

por further discussion of this case, see page 2 5 7 » 121

A reform bill on abortion was passed in Italy in

May, 1978. It is quite restrictive, however; fines for illegal abortions include up to five months in prison, or if performed aftei? the 90th day of pregnancy, up to four years. Doctors still often refuse to perform abortions on conscientious grounds. Italian women have organized around the issue of control of their sexuality and reproduction, violence against women, wages for housework, and equal pay. They have had success in quickly mobilizing masses of women for demonstrations. They were the first to organize Take Back the N i ^ t marches which spread to Germany, Britain, the U.S., and elsewhere. A popular slogan of their movement has been "lo sono mia," i.e., "I belong to myself." They are taking control of their lives. SPAIN

Feminism was latent during the repressive Franco regime and developments have been later in Spain than in other countries considered. Since Franco's death in 1975» there has been a growth of women's magazines, groups, demonstrations, and conferences. At the 1975-1976 feminist conference, a split emerged— as in Italy— between Radical Feminists (single militancy) who work in women-only groups and reject the existing political parties as being male dominated, and those women working in both a political party and within feminism (double militancy)— largely socialists, involved in women's sections of their political parties. This split has led to a proliferation of non-centralized groups, concerned with rape, wages for housework, reproduction and abortion, and Marxian analyses of class oppression. The Spanish government has set up an Office of Feminine

Affairs, but this is rejected by some feminists as tokenism.

State structures in Spain oppress women: there is no divorce, no legal abortion, contraception is only avail­ able to married or "mature" women, no equal rights, no social security or welfare— which makes the demand for wages for housework even more urgent. This issue is 122 125 hotly debated, because some feminists feel it would solidify women's place in the home.

There is repression of homosexuals— with up to five year prison sentences; they are prohibited from bars, public places, and generally stigmatized. There have been recent militancy, demonstrations, and conferences around gay rights. Lesbians are beginning to organize separately from the male led gay rights movement. The state does not recognize any legal, medical, ethical, or social grounds for abortion. Six thousand women die every year of illegal abortions; another 14,000 go to London and even more to France for abortions. This choice is obviously limited to those women who can afford it. In Barcelona, the first Spanish feminist magazine

Vindicacion Feminista was published from July 1976 until

October 1978, with another special issue in 1979. Bar­ celona has a women's bookstore, press, bar, and restaurant. These are important because they offer a place for women to meet and discuss women's issues (Off Our Backs. April, 1980). There have been conferences, demonstrations, and meetings in Madrid and feminist groups have organized. One hundred and fifty women have been involved in organizing and realizing a feminist bookstore there— Libreria de Mujeres 124.

.7 Centro de Encuentro (women's bookstore and meeting place). It opened in October, 1978. There are also bookstores in Sevilla and Valencia. But, feminist ideas have not yet affected most women in rural areas. The first feminist demonstration since 1958 was held in Madrid in 1978 on issues of rape, contraception, and equal pay. The government denied permission to march and arrested five women.

In May of 1979, the Radical Collective Partido Feminists started a women's party in Spain. They have published Partido Feminists; tesis. based on a Marxian analysis of women's exploitation (Courage, 1979). Spanish feminists held their second national con­ ference in Granada in December, 1979 with $,000 women attending. There is among the Spanish women great energy, excitement over new ideas, and a strong desire for freedoms they see elsewhere in Europe. And again, there is a conflict between women from CPE (the communist party) and other political organizations stressing reforms, and

"Mujeres Independientes” (Independent Women) stressing new relationships and building practical support among women. At the conference, in spite of legal risks and a sense of fear of expressing radical ideas publicly.

24 • Available from Libreria de les Dones, Calle Llado 10, Barcelona 2, Spain. 125 discussions were held of such topics as collective child­ care, and the crucial fight for legal abortion. Women in Madrid have just received up to 11 years in prison for performing and obtaining abortions. Two women, from Britain and Chile, wrote of their impressions of the conference: We left the conference elated by the • atmosphere and strength and activity there, but also quite depressed at seeing exactly the same problems and conflicts experienced by the women's movement here a few years ago, and still going on to some extent. We felt we had a lot to say to Spanish women about our experiences here, and they were interested to l e a m about the practical forms of support we've developed. Building international links is clearly going to enrich women's movements in all countries (Fortune and Anandea, 1980:13). These international links between feminists will be the subject of Chapter Five. CHAPTER THREE MAJOR RESEARCH OBJECTIVES AND METHODOLOGY

In this chapter, I discuss the objectives and ration­ ale of the research, the methodology of data collection and analysis, and issues of reliability and validity.

Major Objectives I intend to systematically explore the processes through which women unite to create and sustain alternative feminist organizations to change society, and how and why these are developing into a global feminist metaculture. The research

examines; I. The influences in building a global body of feminist theory and praxis, II. The similarities between the Women's Liberation Movements in Western Europe and the United States, including the extent, types, and methods of contacts between the move­ ments, and

III. Feminist issues shared by women in the sample countries.

126 127 Research done thus far on feminists has been largely of two types. First are those which have constructed or applied quantitative measurement techniques to test specific hypotheses (cf. Dempewolff, 1974; Follingstad, 1977; Gordon and Hall, 1974; Hjelle and Butterfield, 1974; Kirkpatrick,

1937; Larsen, 1976; Liberman and Bond, 1976; and O'Neil, 1975) A second descriptive, historical approach is exemplified by four important works by Carden (1974), Cassell (1 9 7 7 ), Freeman (1975a), and Sara Evans (1980), all of which place considerable emphasis on the organizational, structural aspects of the contemporary women's movement. None of these studies looks outside the United States for comparison. Richard Evans, in his historical research on German feminism from 1894 to 1933, says; Historians know a great deal about feminist move­ ments in England and America, but there have been no scholarly studies of feminism on the European continent. This is a first attempt at filling this gap in our knowledge of what is rapidly coming to be regarded as one of the most important and significant of all movements of social reform and human emancipation. It seeks to contribute to the comparative study of feminism...(1976a:ix). Although in recent years much interest has developed in

Women's Studies, most of the research has not been on femin­ ists and although feminists have written a great deal— from diaries, poetry, and plays to local newsletters and theo­ retical treatises— there has as yet been little con^arative, international study of these materials. Ironically, althou^ 128 the metaculture is emerging, there is not yet widespread awareness of it. This research, itself, should serve to facilitate the development. A new social context is being shaped as women undergo personal change through feminism. Social settings are be­ ing created which provide feminists emotional support and refuge within anti-feminist societies and serve as bases for direct action. This research analyzes the extent to which the movements are interrelated through travel and developing personal ties, reading the same materials, attending conferences, directly supporting feminist campaigns in other countries, and creating feminist art and women's spaces. It also lays a foundation for further study. Longitudinal studies of feminists and their children are crucial to follow both the societal and personal developments. Other geo­ graphical areas and languages need to be researched. The present research will help in understanding feminism as a force for social change.

/I The German Frauen Kalender 1981 (Frauen Kalender Selbstverlag, 1981) lists 14-t such groups in W65t G'ël'many and Tne women's Directory (Faulder et al., 1976) gives addresses Of women's centers throughout England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales. Most American cities have one or more feminist groups (of. Williamson et al., 1979; Grimstad and Rennie, 129 A study of feminists, their strategies and techniques of coping with anti-feminist societies while trying to change them, and the emergence of a global feminist meta­ culture is important. The Women's Liberation Movement is challenging world wide oppression based on sexism, racism, and classism as well as heterosexism and ageism. Surely no one can question the importance of efforts tounderstand such a massive critique of societies. There has been very little empirical research on this topic. Several short reports on developments in selected countries have been v/ritten, for example, in Juliet Mitch­ ell's (1973) book Woman's Estate. Chotjewitz-Haefner's (1977) collection of feminist documents from the Italian v/omen's movement, and Bonnie Bluh's (197^) report Woman to Woman. None of these books presents a comparative analysis, al­ though Bluh and others stress women's desire for contacts with feminists in other countries and the support derived from knowing of women's struggles elsewhere. Why has there been so little research in this area? Many of the Radical and Socialist Feminists have "dropped out" of traditional institutions, academic and others— or have been pushed out— so that they do not have access to resources and support for research. Feminists are often sceptical of social scientists, especially traditional, non-feminist scholars "doing research on them." They may 130 not cooperate, deny access to settings and materials, or refuse interviews. I was frequently asked how my work was funded and what I intended to do with the findings; I was encouraged to make the findings readily available to the feminist community through publication. Until only recently there was general academic disinterest in the social worlds of women and little research conducted on women's experiences. This research was costly and time consuming, requiring several years of experience in preparation, extensive travel, foreign language ability, and collection and analysis of diverse materials. 2 For the non-feminist, there are severe obstacles to carrying out this research. People can live in a city for years and not know that feminist bookstores, women's centers, or action collectives exist. Many of the events and settings are for women only and many of the materials are only made available to women. If one does not understand feminist settings, symbols, and meanings, s/he may be overwhelmed by feminist gatherings and in conversations will quickly have her/his "cover" blown.

2 It would be especially difficult for any man to do this research but problematic for non-feminist women as well. Wilma Scott Heide refers to these women as "not-yet feminists." 151 Becker and Geer (1969) discuss the importance of learning the native language and the problem of the degree to which the interviewer really understands what is said; social group, to the extent that it is a distinctive unit, will have to some degree a culture differing from that of other groups, a somewhat different set of common understandings around which action is organized, and these differences will find expression in a language whose nuances are peculiar to that group and fully understood only by its members (1969: 5^4-, emphasis added}. My own feminist critique of society and sociology were an important prerequisite to this research» It allowed me access to and a better understanding of feminist events and organizations. One needs to be trusted in the setting to see and hear what is important (Becker, 1970). The desire of European women for information on the American movement created an opportunity for exchange of information, not a one-way interview. This allowed for horizontal communication, rather than vertical, hierarchical exchange. The "insider- outsider" dilemma is further discussed in the section on validity below. The research was limited to three countries to keep it somewhat manageable. West Germany, Great Britain, and the United States were selected based on language and because I was most familiar with them. The United States is my home; I have visited West Germany frequently since the early 1960s 132 and Great Britain several times.^ My ability in the German language allowed me to participate in events and conduct interviews and discussions in German. As is true of all cross-cultural research, a "perfect" understanding of the language is never possible. Phillips (1960) points out that the best we can hope for are approximations, assump­

tions, feelings, and values, i.e., connotative meanings.

Methodology This research is an exploratory case study. My in­

tention is not to test and confirm or reject specified quantifiable hypotheses, but rather to generate sensitizing concepts, data, and information which will be of use in

theory building and increasing our understanding of the feminist movement for social change. The concept of meta­ culture was generated by the research process and data. It

emerged from experiencing feminist events over several years, discussing with women their relationships to the Women's Liberation Movement, and from intensive content analysis of feminist writings. Many such case studies will be needed to more fully understand global feminism.

5 Some materials in either German or English on other countries have also been used, and I did brief research in Italy and Holland as well, e.g.,at ISIS in Rome and the International Vrouwen Festival in Amsterdam. The metaculture is a very tangled web and I utilized all opportunities in Europe to seek out feminists, women's spaces, and feminist events. 153 Descriptive sociology has been greatly undervalued.. We need new descriptions of what is, from a feminist perspective,

to challenge the old androcentric understandings. Seeing and describing with a feminist sociological imagination will give us new views of social structure; it will illum­ inate the global oppression of women, feminist responses to that oppression, and efforts to develop new social structures. I have studied feminism through the eyes of feminists, not those of the patriarchal society and sociology. This violates the hierarchy of credibility, i.e., gives credence to the perspectives of a subordinate group in a hierarchy and thus opens the research to accusations of bias (Becker, 1 9 7 0 :1 2 5 ). It is no more biased than research which reflects the values of those with power, only more likely to be labeled biased. Such work is necessary to more completely describe reality and to allow the oppressed the same access to the public as their oppressors. Thus, rather than being biased, it is corrective.

One purpose of this study is to focus attention on specific areas of needed research and to develop theoretical generalizations where no theory yet exists. It seeks to lay a foundation for understanding the feminist metaculture and to generate insights, for example: Because feminists live in anti-feminist societies and are in a minority in all societies, they reach beyond their immediate political level; local struggles draw regional or national support and 134 national issues attract international support. Coalitions form to build strength; for example, minority women and lesbians often support each other. Feminism can unite women, overriding cultural and philosophical differences. The research further seeks to contribute to a feminist transformation of oppressive social structures, placing it within the perspective of critical theory. Becker rejects the idea that it is "...possible to do research that is une ontaminat ed by personal and political sympathies...we cannot avoid taking sides for reasons firmly based in social structure (Becker, 1970:123).*' The methodology I have used to investigate these devel­ opments is derived from the theoretical tradition of Symbolic

Interactionism, requiring a direct examination of the social phenomena themselves. Participant observation is the approach, making use of an array of techniques and methods: observing, informant and respondent interviewing, document analysis, and participation in diverse activities of the Women's Liberation Movement. Carden found this methodology especially ...appropriate to the phenomenon under scrutiny. Active social movements in general cannot be studied by conventional social-scientific methods. The women's movement in particular is too fluid, its members too hostile to the impersonal approach of hi^ly quantitative sociology, which they feel loses sight of the total picture (1974:178). 135 Quantitative methods might be useful at a later stage, if the researcher is interested in a quantifiable question or relationship of variables. I was not trying to measure, rather to dis-cover how feminists are helping one another, communicating with one another, and on what issues.

The research remained rather unstructured, at first, to allow for discovery and descriptive data rather than testing preconceived hypotheses or systematic theories. Months of intensive involvement and interviewing were necessary by someone who could gain access and be respon­ sive to the data. This is a study of social processes rather than of static data, involving genuine social interaction with the subjects as pairt of the data gathering process. The research was conducted in natural, real life settings. I was an active participant— fully participating and clearly identified as a researcher. I always introduced myself as an American feminist sociologist researching feminism and our international ties. I was often asked to explain further, frequently about my funding. Since I funded the research myself, with the exception of two small grants from Ohio State University Women's Studies, most of these apprehensions were allayed. Respondents gave informed consent to be interviewed and had control over personal information and their privacy. I was able to utilize two kinds of expertise— sociological and feminist— in a combined research and activist role. This 136 allowed better accessibility on the scene to see and hear what is important and insight into how it feels. These would not have been accessible to the non-feminist social scientist. Dilorio has said feminist ...researchers will utilize first-hand, immediate and intimate contact with their subjects through direct observation and reflective analysis drawing upon her or his own experiential information (feelings, fantasies, thoughts) as well as her or his observations of what others say and do in order to relate the subjective and objective dimensions (1980:21). The access was relatively simple because the settings lacked hierarchical power structures and I usually was able to offer help: work in a collective, march in a demonstra­ tion, check tickets for a conference, type a newsletter, answer the telephone, present a guest lecture, attend a conference or play, or run the bookstore. I have worked together with women in both routine, repeated events and activities, and special, one-time events. I have been an active member of feminist collectives in both London and Columbus, Ohio. Women in West Germany, Britain, and America who are self-defined as feminists were interviewed, using intensive interviews with open-ended questions (Appendix B). I must agree with Mary Daly, who says of her discussions with women:

The free-floating creativity in these discussions has outreached in the quality of its intellect­ uality most of the scholarly material I have read... (1973:xi). 137 I had been involved in the women's Liberation Movement for several years before beginning this research. However, the development of the research and iny feminism were a dialectical process, demonstrating how one's personal perspectives are social in origin. This involves interaction between insight and praxis, not in the sense of "reflection" upon "social action" (a false dualism), but rather in the sense of a continual growth, flexibility, and emergence of new perceptions of reality— perceptions that come from being where one is (Daly, 1973:11)• Conducting the research, I spent six months living alone in London, reading feminist theory, and participating in the Women's Liberation Movement there, taking part in activities, conferences, demonstrations, classes, and feminist collectives. Thus, my feminism was allowed the time and space and inter­ action to further develop as it would not, had I been doing research on some other topic. I was able to l e a m in the field— including developing a commitment to global feminism. I became an international contact myself through the research. The method was emergent in the process. The research and methodology could not be artificially separated from the feminist process. As Mary Daly (1973:11) has said, method is a false god of academics— often "...the choice of a problem is determined by method instead of method being determined by the problem." This subjects thought to invis­ ible tyranny and hinders discovery. 138 It should be noted that the god Method is in fact a subordinate deity, serving Higher Powers. These are social and cultural insti­ tutions whose survival depends upon the class­ ification of disruptive and disturbing information as nondata. Under patriarchy. Method has wiped out women's questions so totally that even women have not been able to hear and formulate our own questions to meet our own experiences. Women have been unable even to experience our own experience (Daly, 1975:11)» I am committed to the use of a feminist methodology — so that I do not have to separate my sociology and my feminism. I have used the feminist perspective as an interpretive mode; the problem as defined by that inter­ pretive mode defines the data. I began meeting with a group of women in London, each doing research on a topic related to women, to discuss what is meant by feminist methodology. This question is being discussed in many places. Thus, the development of an appropriate methodology itself is part of the feminist metaculture. Helen Roberts (1981) has edited a collection of essays on doing feminist research.

Dutch social scientist Maria Mies (1978), drawing upon the work of Freire (1971), has outlined requirements of a feminist methodology. Using my own translation and that of Hans Kleipool (1980:18), I have adapted Mies' model:

1. The researcher should utilize conscious partiality in place of value free science, while maintaining a critical stance (including toward feminism). 139 2. Utilize a view from below rather than the view from above— the goals and subjects must be oriented to the needs and interests of most women. There should be horizontal, non-hierarchical relationships between the researcher and subject; as in co-counseling, each gains. Only dialogue is truly communication (Freire, 1971)-— do not take from the subjects without giving in return. Vertical organization is the way oppression is constituted and the feminist researcher should be a co-leaj?ner, not an expert imposing a framework on others. The researcher needs respect and concern for the well-being of the subjects. 3. Actively participate in liberating actions and projects instead of being a disengaged observer-researcher.

This opens us to personal experience as a valid source of information (of. Reinharz, 1979). 4-. Our choice of research topics should be dependent upon the needs of the social movement to end exploitation and women's oppression. 5. Change of the status quo should be a starting point for scientific inquiry; change the normal life; give women a chance to understand their position. ...if one wants to know something, one has to change it. Fighting against the oppression and exploitation of women and creating alternatives, we can learn about how patriarchy has pervaded our lives, how it manifests itself and what its consequences are. Science is human, rooted in concrete, dynamic social processes filled with contradictions (Mies, translated by Kleipool, 1980:18). 140 6. The research process should lead to a change of consciousness of all researchers and subjects. The find­ ings should be made available to help formulate problems that manifest oppressive social relations. Subjects should have review and input in the research process. Critical understanding can lead to critical action, i.e., praxis; it goes beyond theory building. 7. "Our experience too has to be collectivized in order to overcome the structural isolation of women and to discover the social causes of our problems (Mies, translated by Kleipool, 1980:18),"

I have found these feminist guidelines most helpful in carrying out the research. I utilized them in the following ways: 1. No science or research is value-free, it is grounded in the social and scientific values of its time. Conscious partiality is preferable to unexamined belief in value neutrality. The decision to study a movement which is critical of and attempts to transform both society and sociology was a conscious choice, grounded in my belief in the necessity of that transformation. 2. Choosing to study women, especially Radical and Socialist Feminists, is utilizing a view from below. My description of the Women's Liberation Movement is based 141 largely on non-academic, alternative and underground publications. My interviews were dialogues in which I responded to questions as well as asked them. I developed close relationships with many of the women and continued correspondence over a period of several years. Ann Oakley, in an article entitled "Interviewing Women: A Contradiction in Terms," (1981) describes interviewing as a masculine paradigm. She shows how traditional methodology textbooks describe interviews as taking, but not giving, information, with the interviewer in control of the inter­ viewee and the situation. This is manipulative; sisterhood demands a non-exploitative relationship. Oakley explains (1981:41):

...when a feminist interviews women: (1) use of prescribed interviewing practice is morally in­ defensible; (2) general and irreconcilable contra­ dictions at the heart of the textbook paradi^ are exposed; and (3) it becomes clear that, in most cases, the goal of finding out about people through interviewing is best achieved when the relationship of interviewer and interviewee is non-hierarchical and when the interviewer is prepared to invest his or her own personal identity in the relationship. I asked women to participate in whatever way would be most comfortable for them. Some women vn?ote lengthy responses to my questions, others taped responses and sent me the tape; some of these women I never had the opportunity to meet. Still others sat dovm and talked with me individually or in small groups and we taped our discussions of the 142 questions. These were often social events, with the sharing of meals or perhaps a weekend visit. 3. My participation in the ongoing work of several feminist collectives and in street demonstrations contributed to the Woman's Liberation Movement and gave me first hand knowledge that feminist analyses and collective organization principles are transferable internationally and that feminists are open to the participation of women from other countries— I did not experience any negative cases where I was not allowed entry or participation. 4. My choice of topic was made to further rather than hinder the spread of feminism. In spite of the metaculture, which is emerging, most feminists have little information available to them about what is happening in other countries. 5. Making available information on the Women's Liberation Movement in several countries should help women to understand their position. Oakley (1981:48-49) says that she regards sociological research ...as an essential way of giving the subjective situation of women greater visibility not only in sociology, but, more importantly, in society, than it has traditionally had. Interviewing women was, then, a strategy for documenting women's own accounts of their lives. What was important was not taken-for-granted sociological assumptions about the role of the interviewer but a new awareness of the interviewer as an instrument for promoting a sociology for women — that is, as a tool for making possible the 143 articulated, and recorded commentary of women on the very personal business of being female in a patriarchal capitalist society. Note that the formulation of the interviewer role has changed dramatically from being a data-collecting instrument for researchers to being a data- collecting instrument for tHose whose lives are being researched (second emphasis added).

The information presented in this research can empower women to further action. By including the Resource List (Appendix C) this should make a practical contribution to facilitating contacts within the metaculture. Publication of a book and wide distribùtion of it will bring this to many feminist activists. It should also help in the development of feminist sociology. The research changes the status quo of sociology and how it describes women (or fails to) by presenting information on the widespread discontent with the system. It is still true today that most sociology students do not get exposed to the writings of women or research on women unless they take courses from feminist sociologists. They can go from B.A. to M.A. to Ph.D. without being exposed to feminist ideas. There is great need for feminist research and publication of it.

6. The research process led to change in my consciousness, how I teach Sociology of Women and other courses, my activ­ ism in the movement, and how I will publish the findings— to make them widely available to non-academic feminists as well as scholars. 144 Women have read and commented on the work throughout the research process* British feminists read the section

on Britain and made suggestions for revisions. A German feminist in London helped me revise the German questionnaire to better fit the German movement. What I have learned will be put into effect in ongoing activism in the Women's Liberation Movement. I gained much

more understanding of Radical and Socialist Feminism by- reading works of European, Indian, and American feminists during this research; also attending the European conferences was very informative. 7. If the information is made widely available, it

should help overcome structural isolation of feminists in different countries; indeed, that is the function of the metaculture and this work should be a part of it.

Collection of Data The primary method of data collection in this research was participant observation— in the broadest sense, using direct participation in feminist events including confer­ ences, meetings, demonstrations, festivals. Women's Studies classes; and formal and informal interviews. Careful content analysis of a collection of diverse feminist materials was especially important. These materials included; 14-5 l’or Britain; A Woman's Place Newsletter, V/.I.R.E.S.

(Women's Information and Referral Exchange Service), WRHC (Women's Research and Resources Centre) Newsletter, Spare Rib, Working Class Women's Liberation Newsletter, and other publications.

For West Germany: Emma, Courage. Frauenkalender (1976- 1981), and many single issues of local newsletters. For the United States: Off Our Backs. Ms.. Heresies. Signs, and local newsletters. For over a year before I went to Europe, I subscribed to most of these and carefully gathered names and addresses for contacts as well as information on the groups and move­ ment. Single copies of many newsletters and other journals such as Effe. Auf. Big Mama Rag. Scarlet Women, and scores of local newsletters were also read. I went through hundreds of copies, cover to cover, to discover the important issues and tactics and to leam of meetings, conferences, trans­ lations, and women's spaces. Slowly, specific issues and contacts emerged as important examples. The comparison of the women's movement in the United States, Great Britain, and West Germany is not new to me. I have made numerous visits to Germany in the last 20 years and several to England. Prior to this study, I had ob­ served and informally discussed the women's movement with people there and obtained feminist books and movement 146 literature. Twice before 1978 I visited the Women's Research and Resources Centre in London to get materials and I have been a member and received their research bulletins for several years. I also made a trip to Bristol, England in 1977» visited the women's center and stayed with a member. We have corresponded since then and she responded to the interview questions. I have been involved in the women's movement in the United States since the early 1970s. Attendance at feminist events before the research conceptualization was helpful to clarify and formulate the interview questions. The initial conceptual framework was modified over several years of work on the project.

I sent approximately 50 letters to European feminist groups and centers to establish contacts before I went. Out of preliminary contacts and correspondence emerged lists of women and groups to visit.

The middle phase of the research consisted of a year in Europe, during which I refined the conceptual framework, carried out participant observation, conducted interviews, collected feminist literature, and had intense brainstorming sessions with other feminists. The sampling was theoretical rather than random. There is no way to estimate the number of feminists in a community, city, or country. I placed notices about my research in 147 feminist newsletters reaching a variety of political types and social classes, and posted notices in bookstores and women's centers. The published notices were sometimes reprinted in other publications without my knowledge, and the entire interview schedule was printed in one. I received some responses from these. I visited many centers and left copies of the interview questions. This involved getting the permission of collective members. I passed them out at conferences, meetings, and in feminist cafes; and mailed them to women who responded to my notices. I dis­ cussed my ideas with women and they often were eager to arrange an interview, introduce me to other women, or take home a questionnaire and mail me a written or taped response. The interviews themselves were often sessions of sharing international information, and discussing theory and tactics. They were in-depth, lasting for at least an hour, often half a day or longer. Some women became my friends and we discussed the issues repeatedly over several months. Most of the women I interviewed helped me participate in their group activities, so not only did I get the infor­ mation per se, but a connection with the metaculture as well. I completed approximately fifty interviews in Britain, West Germany, and the United States. The European research started in Italy; I took advan­ tage of a trip there to make contacts with Italian feminists 148 and talked with several women in Padua and Rome. In Rome, I met with the editor of ISIS, an international women's newsletter, and used their files of international feminist

groups to find additional contacts in Britain and West

Germany. For West Germany, I used the magazines Emma and Courage to learn addresses of groups, Prauenzentren (women's centers), bookstores, and galleries. I posted notices, asking interested women to contact me for discussion and passed out questionnaires at the women's spaces. Those women interested and willing to talk often introduced me to feminist friends; thus, I utilized snowball sampling. Based on which groups answered my letters, I traveled extensively to visit Frauenzentren in Munich, Bonn, Cologne, Tuebingen, Aachen, and Duesseldorf. At each center, I inter­ viewed members, took part in various activities and events,

and spent several days discussing feminism with local members. In Munich, I visited the Frauenoffensive Verlag. a feminist publishing house, and spent two days with a member of the collective who has translated several American feminist books into German for publication. I attended a week long feminist university session at the Free University of Berlin.

The Berlin conference of workshops, papers, and celebration now attracts several thousand women and offers opportunities

to exchange information, gain support, and develop strategies. 149 The first night I was in Berlin, I stayed with two women who had earlier lived in the Berlin house for battered women. They showed me a book the women there had produced and talked about what the refuge had meant for them. I then stayed for several days with another feminist active in the Berlin movement; we taped a discussion of the interview questions. Another woman, a filmmaker from Hamburg, was also staying there for the conference. I later visited her in Hamburg, taped an interview, and she arranged for me to use the darkroom in a women's collective. I lived for several months in Cologne and attended the Frauenzentrum regularly. I made many contacts there and traveled with a young woman to the Amsterdam Vrouwen Festival. I interviewed both her and her mother. Later, I returned to Cologne to attend a meeting of the feminist social science organization Sozialwissenschaftliche Forschung und Praxis fuer Frauen e.V. I stayed with a feminist artist who had re­ sponded to my notice. She has stayed in contact and sends me materials from time to time. In Great Britain, I spent several months in London and took part in many feminist activities. I joined a women's art collective, attending collective meetings, helping to put out the newsletter, set up a cafe, work on exhibits, and run the bookstore. During this work, I had opportunities to discuss with many women their views of feminism, listen 150 to their concerns, and see Italian, German, British, and

American women all working together. I marched in an international abortion march in London, attended many conferences including the Socialist Feminist National Conference, a Radical Feminist Conference, a

Women's Aid conference, seminars and collective meetings at the Women's Research and Resources Centre, a conference on women and writing, feminist poetry readings, and photo­ graphy exhibits. I attended a reader's meeting at Spare Rib, the national feminist magazine. I took two university courses there, one on Teaching Women's Studies and another on Feminism and Photography. I also traveled and met with women in towns and cities in England and Wales, some who had written to me and others I had met in some of the various conferences and settings above. Often these women arranged for me to meet with other feminists in their town. During my year in Europe, I saw many living settings of feminists and stayed overnight or longer with many women. They lived alone, in lesbian relationships, in collectives and communes, and in nuclear families. They were single, divorced, married, with and without children. By working in the feminist community, I have gained insight into the ease with which women, including those from different countries, move in and out of feminist groups. 151 In large cities in Europe, e.g.,Berlin, London, and

Amsterdam, I found activists quite used to having American women appear at their events and centers. There were usually other American women there as well. This had both, advantages and disadvantages. I was more likely to be left

to "fend for myself" and there was some feeling that Americans are comparatively advantaged and can travel more than Europeans. On the other hand, since they were accus­ tomed to it, no change in activities ensued.

In smaller towns, it was more likely that my arrival and participation was seen as a special event and women were more eager to hear about American feminism. There are always limits on research. I spent one year in Europe, attended as many events as I could, and discussed the Women's Liberation Movement with as many women as I could. I attended conferences in Berlin, Bremen, Cologne, Cornwall, Canterbury, three in London, Amsterdam, and in the United States in San Francisco, New York, V/ashington, Bloomington, and Storrs. Because the Women's Liberation Movement is in process, it was difficult to cut off the research at any point and I have continued to incorporate new sources up to the last typing. In the United States, I have participated in the Women's Liberation Movement and collected feminist materials for many years. I have been active in the campaign to ratify 152 the Equal Rights Amendment and taken part in numerous demonstrations. I have attended the Michigan Womsm's Music festival twice, two national NOW conferences, three

National Women's Studies Association conferences, and countless lectures by feminists. I have been involved in local organizing and campaigns. I have been a collective member in a feminist bookstore (Fan the Flames) and the Women's Action Collective. In Washington, D.C., New York, and Boston, I have visited feminist bookstores, art galleries, and action centers and discussed their organization prin­ ciples and activities with the women there. I visited both the International Women's Tribune Centre and the Women's Action Center in New York and discussed their work and my research. I was able to provide European contact information to both of these groups. When I returned from Europe, with many boxes of books and other materials, and many hours of tapes, I spent a year reading and organizing the materials. I transcribed all the interview data; doing this myself and thus re- thinlcing all the discussions. I interviewed several American feminists, comparing their responses with those of European women. By this point in the research, it had become obvious that I was dealing with such complex material that it would be best to set aside the interview data themselves 153 for a separate study— which I now want to make a longi­ tudinal study of specific respondents— and to concentrate instead on the written materials. Therefore, I did not travel as extensively in the United States nor did I attempt to interview as many American women. Instead, 1 began the process of content analysis of books, journals, magazines, and newsletters. The final phase of the research has been the content analysis of the collected materials and qualitative analysis of the data from the interviews, and my observations, which all document the emergence of a feminist metaculture.

The research process affected me as a feminist and a sociologist. I have spent the last five years reading feminist theory, discussing feminism with women from many countries, and participating in the Women's Liberation Movement. My ideological position has been changed from one of Liberal-Reform Feminism to a synthesis of Radical and Socialist Feminism, This occured through the process of ray research. This is incorporated into my teaching, lecturing, and writing. If teaching and vn?iting influence those whose lives they touch— and class consciousness assumes they do— then what I present here can make a contribution to the process of change. In practical terms, it also presents resources, addresses, and materials, where interested feminists can connect with the metaculture. 154 Reliability and Validity To the best of my ability, I have analyzed the con­ temporary feminist movement in Europe and America and have found that global bonds of mutual support and concern are emerging and that feminists share certain understandings of reality and experiences which limit the lives of women in essentially the same ways. I document this by presenting numerous examples of how international contacts are being made. It has been debated whether observations of the insider or the outsider are more valid. I feel I have the requisite marginality to enable me to see with sociological insight. I am an insider to the extent that I am a feminist, having undergone the life changes, raised consciousness, and political activism that I was studying— so that I know those experiences. However, I have frequently been an outsider as well, and could take a more distanced view. In Europe, I had the perspective of an American (although one who has traveled). I was often in settings where most women present were lesbians, and I viewed the event from the perspective of the non-lesbian. I have often been the only married woman, the only mother of sons, the only woman over 50. Language and nationality were to some extent a problem, but I was able to utilize both German

and English languages. Some American women have been 155 active in the European Women's Liberation Movement since the late 1960s; so it is not strange for an American to be in these settings. I have been comfortable in the diverse research settings, felt as though I belonged there, was not trespassing or spying, and that there was mutual trust between me and the other women. The reliability of my assertions rests upon the quantity and diversity of materials I have analyzed. These are open to analysis by others. Participant observation gave me the opportunity to compare verbal and actual behavior, and the differing techniques of data collection give mutual support to my assertions. My own experiences and insights from living and working in the feminist community support my assertion that feminists are open to women from

other countries. There were not systematic samples or precise measure­ ments. I am not.saying most feminists are globally aware;

I am saying some are and that a feminist metaculture is emerging which is necessary for the requisite strength and numbers to effect social change. I used "simultaneous comparison and evaluation of data secured from a wide variety of instruments in a given context (Vidich and Bensmann, 1960:189»" The findings offer support and corroboration. 156 The same phenomenon can be studied with different theories and different questions and yield differing results. This difference does not indicate that the infor­ mation is faulty— rather that the observers are observing different things (Becker, 1970:41). Field research is less manipulative than laboratory experimentation. Field workers, by continuous presence, gather much more data than when more formal methods are used. The data are very rich, collected over a long period of years, from many kinds of materials and settings. The final con­ clusions can be tested more often and in more ways than with more quantitative data (Becker, 1970). Being committed to a particular analytic perspec­ tive involves viewing reality selectively and focusing only on a few aspects of the observed phenomena. Sen­ sitizing concepts allow one to see patterns and decide what to regard as relevant and disregard as irrelevant. Becker, in considering reliability in field work, reminds us that

"neither the theoretical framework nor the major problem chosen for study is inherent in the group studied (1970:83)." Only if these are the same for two researchers can we be justified in expecting the same results. However, refu­ tation of the findings would indicate need for continued study. 157 Becker says there is validity when the diversity of

observations in field work— talk, action, behavior in public and private— reveal the same thing (1970). By making numerous observations over years, we confront our­ selves with the essential features of the collective activity. We are, thus, unlikely to avoid recording

important matters. This diversity allows for cross checks, and in addition one uses one's own experiences as data. One cannot describe feminism so that all the sub­

factions will agree— feminism is diverse, representing different realities for different people. This is a valid report of my understanding of the feminist metaculture.

Analytic Framework As discussed in Chapter One, there has been development

in sociology of such concepts as subculture, counter­ culture , and "networking, " but not the idea of a metaculture which transcends national and cultural boundaries and unites "members" due to their shared oppression, consciousness of and theoretical analysis of that oppression, and commit­ ment to working for social change. The concept would be useful in understanding similar phenomena, for example Pan-Africanism. Such a metaculture is inherent in feminist theory and praxis. 158 Similarities of the Women's Liberation Movements in

Western Europe and the United States have been discussed in Chapter Two. The following chapters will support the contention that a feminist metaculture is emerging. Chapter Four will be an examination of the influences in building a global body of feminist theory and praxis, including: 1. Common societal features and historic precedent, 2. Social protest movements,

3. Marxism, and 4. Feminist core values. Also, the three major feminist theoretical tendencies— Liberal, Radical, and Socialist— will be discussed and the feminist metaculture will be further described. Types of international contacts between these movements will be documented in Chapter Five: 1. Personal ties, face-to-face contact throu^ travel and living abroad; 2. Feminist theoretical writing, translations, re­ search, and information centers; 3. Feminist organizations, conferences, and festivals; and 4-. Women's spaces and feminist art. 159 Chapter Six will document some of the feminist issues shared in the sample countries;

1. Violence against women, 2. Women's health issues and the feminist self-help movement,

5« Personal/political issues of consciousness, sexuality, and feminist therapy.

To summarize, this chapter has outlined the major objectives of exploring the processes of feminist social organization and how and why a feminist metaculture is emerging. It described the methodology used, the diverse research settings, and guidelines for feminist research. The efforts to assure reliability and validity within a qualitative study were discussed, and the analytic framework was outlined. CHAPTER POUR

BUILDING A GLOBAL BODY OF FEMINIST THEORY AND PRAXIS

There are several reasons why globally shared feminist theories and praxis are developing. I will consider four examples of influences which support a global feminist theory and praxis: societal features and precedent, protest movements, Marxism, and feminist core values.

Common Societal Features and Historic Precedent Similarities in the patriarchal nature of the sample societies in their legal systems, economies, religion, and other major social institutions, create a shared experience of oppression of women. Thus, feminist theoretical analyses have applicability across national lines. Historically, women cooperated internationally on such issues as abolition of slavery, peace, suffrage, birth control, and women's rights. Feminist writings on these issues circulated back and forth across the Atlantic and women from Europe and America traveled to meet together (cf. Schiller, 1974)»

160 161 The 1.848 American women's conference in Seneca Falls, New York, grew out of the experiences of women at an international anti-slavery meeting in London where women were forced to sit in the balcony behind a curtain and were not allowed to speak before the group. Such contacts set the stage for exchanges of support and theoretical writings on women's rights. March 8 is celebrated as International Women's Day in many countries. It dates from an 1857 strike of New York women textile workers. In 1909, a New York demonstration for votes for women and a women's strike in Chicago marked the day. The following year, Clara Zetkin, German feminist, declared it an international day at the International

Congress of Socialist Women in Copenhagen.

Social Protest Movements Between the second world war and I960, colonial liber­

ation movements had some successes in overthrowing imperialist control and became a model for other liberation movements. Anti-colonial ideologies of Franz Fanon, Che Guevara, and others provided rhetoric for Black Power, the student movement, and the Women's Liberation Movement (Caplow, 1975)» During the 1960s American war protestors emigrated to Canada, Sweden, and elsewhere in Europe and came together with

other young people who shared their world-views. There were 162 parallel student liberation movements in over a dozen countries (U.S., Europe, Japan) which shook the social structure. There were student rebellions in countries with quite different political systems and national issues (Czechoslovakia, Rumania, Spain, Colombia, and China among others). Caplow (1975) says that no plausible explanation has been given for this concurrence, although direct imitation seems to have played some important part. The Sorbonne Revolt of May, 1968 followed the Columbia actions a few weeks earlier.

Closely associated with the student libera­ tion movement was the project of achieving a new social order by adopting new ways of perceiving and reacting to the external world and one's own experience. The elements of this new conscious­ ness were innumerated in the projects's most influential manifesto, Charles Reich's The Greening of America. Included in these were the liberation of the individual from automatic acceptance of the imperatives of society; recognition of the individual self as the only reality; a refusal to compete with others or to evaluate them by general standards ; a view of the whole world as a community; the rejection of coercion, authority and fixed roles, ...a personal commitment to the welfare of the community and to social change; openness to any and all experience,...(Caplow, 1975:196, emphasis added). Incorporated in this are many of the tenets of feminism, including openness to international connections. Women activists on both sides of the Atlantic found that within these movements their concerns as women were shunted aside. Having experienced the same rejection of feminist issues by "radical" men in Europe and the United 165 States, these women were receptive to one another's writings. Some women traveled abroad and shared their experiences— joining or helping to establish Consciousness Raising and other autonomous women's groups.

Marxism Marxist social theory has been vital to the development of Socialist Feminism, giving a common set of conceptual tools to socialist women in Europe and America. American social science has strong European foundations as well, including Marxian theory, which contributed to common theoretical models. Many feminists have written within the Socialist tradition, drawing from and adding to classic Marxian theory. The writings of Evelyn Reed, Sheila Rowbotham, Zillah Eisenstein, Mich&lle Barrett, Juliet Mitchell, Annette Kuhn and AnnMarie Wolpe, and many women writing in Radical America and Scarlet Women, have worked toward construction of a

Socialist Feminist theory. Evelyn Reed (1970) traces the intellectual influences on Socialist Feminism through anthropology to Marx and

Engels, especially Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State, (Engels, 1975), written in 1884. J. J. Bachofen's Das Mutterrecht, written in 1861, described a

matriarchy in which the means of production were communally 164 owned, and the group was a self-governing, democratic society of equals— incorporating the goals of socialism. These pre-history matriarchies had communal and equal provision for children in a classless society. The rise of private property and the state, monogamous marriage and the family, left women powerless. A wealthy, privileged class controlled and exploited the working class and the state gave the new class structure its legal basis. The Romans codified laws of private property and "patria potestas”— all power to the father. The patricians used patrilineal descent and property inheritance— ensuring the dependence of women (Reed, 1970). .. .Thus male domination and power did not come from any superior biological, physical or mental attributes of males over females, but from a social-economic source~their newly acquired monopoly of property ownership and its trans­ mission through the patriarchal family line (Reed, 1970:24).

Reed uses anthropology and pre-history to show that patriarchy is neither natural nor inevitable. But, our history and much descriptive anthropology stress that it is. This leads to the view that society based on private pro­ perty has always existed and that "human nature" is self­ ish and greedy. But from comparative (not descriptive) anthropology we know that in primitive society a collectivist society existed and a different "human nature." Reed also dismisses the idea that women have been assigned an inferior 165 position due to their child-hearing function— a widely held assumption.

It was not nature hut class society which is responsible for sexual inequality. It was only when their own communal society was overthrown that these former governesses of society were defeated and sent, dispersed and fragmentized, into individual households and the stifling life of kitchen and nursery chores (Reed, 1970:26).

...The very term "family," which came into existence along with the system of private property, originally signified...domestic slavery (Reed, 1970:25). Law and religion supported the new economic dependence of women and the responsibility of men to support "their" families. The "nature" of women and the "nature" of the family are decreed by ideology. Marx and Engels introduced an analysis in The German

Ideology which was further developed by Engels (1975) in which women were seen as both productive and reproductive, i.e., procreative— the labor theory of social origins. According to the materialist conception, the determining factor in history is, in the final instance, the production and reproduction of immediate life. This, again, is of a twofold character: on the one side, the production of the means of existence, of food, clothing and shelter and the tools necessary for that pro­ duction; on the other side, the production of human beings themselves, the propagation of the species (Engels, 1975:71). Women propagate the species both physically— by giving birth, and socially— by nurturing husbands and children, including unpaid household labor. 166 Eisenstein and others have critiqued Marx and Engels for not further developing an analysis of women's specific oppression. Marxian analysis would need transformation to deal with the sexual division of labor and oppression of women, the specificity of the subordination of women in capitalism.

...The point is not that the family doesn't reflect society, but that through both its patriarchal structure and patriarchal ideology the family and the need for reproduction also structure society. This reciprocal relationship, between family and society, production and reproduction, defines the life of women. The study of women's oppression, then, must deal with both sexual and economic material conditions if we are to understand oppression, rather than merely understand economic exploitation. The historical materialist method must be extended to incorporate women's relations to the sexual division of labor and society as producer and reproducer as well as to incorporate the ideological formulation of this relationship. Only then will her existence be understood in its true complexity and will species life be available to her too (Eisenstein, 1979:15-16).

Feminist Core Values Certain feminist values, ideas, and symbols facilitate the emergence of a feminist metaculture. They are not agreed on by all feminists, and often are not met in practice, but most feminists embrace them at least in theory.

Examples of these ideas are: sisterhood and sisterhood is powerful, models of feminist social structure, Consciousness Raising, and the idea that no woman is liberated until all women are liberated. I will consider each briefly: 167 First, the idea of sisterhood stresses that all women are sisters. The related slogan "sisterhood is powerful!" calls for unity. In Germany, they say "Frauen zusammen sind stark !." i.e., "women together are strong!". Similar social structures and common oppression bind women together, regardless of differences of nationality, race, class, and sexual identity. In reality, there may be strife within the movement, but the ideal of sisterhood helps pull women together to confront the institutions of patriarchy. It is this ideal of sisterhood which has inspired the outpouring of international support in demonstrations, fund raising, and letters of protest for such women as Claudia Caputti, an Italian rape victim; Bessie Woods, Joan Little, and Inez Garcia, American women on trial or in prison; and the Three Marias ,Portuguese writers imprisoned for publishing their work. International Women's Day events and international abortion marches are other examples of this ideal of sisterhood. The realization by feminists that they are always in the minority and that only by supporting one another beyond the immediate community can they hope for victory, has led to their willingness to contribute to each other's drives and to travel to demonstrations. For example, in Paris, when Women's Studies was threatened with withdrawal

of funds, an appeal went out to the United States and else­ where for letters of support. When the Italian feminist 168 magazine Effe needed funds to continue, it appealed in the German magazine Courage and other feminist periodicals for financial help. A second set of ideas developed in the Socialist and Radical "branches has been a critique of hierarchical social structures and rigidly defined positions and jobs. A

British feminist vn?ote: ...The danger of informal leadership structures has been much discussed in the women's movement internationally....Despite these real difficulties, the women's movement has still created ways of organizing in which leadership has been much more widely dispersed than in left organizations.... Individual women have synthesized ideas but the sources of these ideas have been innumerable discussions and the shared experience of hundreds of women. These initiatives and ideas have flowed and combined in countless shapes and forms... (Rowbotham, 1979:81). This led to the development of feminist collectives which stress the acquisition of a broad range of skills by all members rather than specialization and differentiated authority and status. This organization model requires growth because each woman is encouraged to l e a m all the jobs necessary. It seeks to develop in all the members leadership skills, speaking ability, and other proficiencies and stresses sharing both the creative and menial jobs*

This tends to lead to openness rather than possessive­ ness about what is involved in a job and demystification of the work. Each woman develops teaching abilities as she trains others. This makes a group more receptive to 169 sharing tactics and skills even across national lines, rather than possessively turning in upon itself. When Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press started, women from Persephone Press, Spinsters Ink, and Crossing Press agreed to meet with the founders to share information and skills.

Third, Consciousness Raising (CR) as a technique of women's liberation was developed in the Radical wing of the American movement. It is essential to the definition of feminist used here that a woman be conscious of the

oppression of women, and it has been through gaining this consciousness that women have been roused to action. The technique spread by word of mouth, mimeographed tracts, and by women traveling and living abroad. It was adopted

early in England and later in Germany (Selbsterfahrungs- gruppen), Holland (Praat-groeps), Italy (gruppi dell'auto- coscienza), and elsewhere. The analyses in these groups have concentrated on various issues of autonomy. The shared experiences of having gone through CR with others has helped women find their common ground; these groups were sometimes made up of women from different countries— especially in large cities. Vivian Gornick has written that Consciousness Raising

...is the phenomenon most often referred to in the movement, the flash of insight most directly re­ sponsible for the feminist leap in faith being made by hundreds of women everywhere— the intensely felt realization that what had always been taken 170 for symptoms of personal unhappiness or dissatisfaction or frustration was so power­ fully and so consistently duplicated among women that perhaps these symptoms could just as well he ascribed to cultural causes as to psychological ones (1978:51). Finally, another idea which underlines the inter­ connectedness of the lives of women is that there are no liberated women until all women are liberated. Socialist and Radical Feminists, critical of the inherent class in­ equalities of capitalism, urge the Women's Liberation Move­ ment not to lose sight of this. The lives of women are thus linked, and such issues as the exploitation of Asian women by Western capitalist micro-chip industries become a concern of American and European feminists. As long as women as a category are devalued, no woman— not even the

"successful" woman— is liberated. FEMINIST THEORETICAL TENDENCIES

There is not a monolithic feminist theory or even perspective; in each country there are splits, divisions, and tendencies along philosophical and personal/political lines. For example, Zillah Eisenstein (1981;230) proposes the following spectrum: Black Feminism, Socialist Feminism, Lesbian Feminism, Radical Feminism, Anarcha-Ferainism, Radical Liberal Feminist Tendency,* Status Quo Liberal Feminism,* Antifeminist Traditionalists. These divisions are theo­ retical types, not separate categories; a Black lesbian socialist might be placed in any of the first three. There are at least the Liberal, Radical, and Socialist branches within feminism in each of the countries considered and finer gradations exist depending on individual views. There are also non- and anti-feminists in each country who ignore or oppose the Women’s Liberation Movement. However, feminists often pull together on specific issues like abortion rights, rape prevention, or equal rights and are frequently united against the anti-feminist forces. Coalitions do form and do work, e.g., lesbians and minority women voted as a bloc to support each other at the Houston

International Women’s Year meeting in 1975•

The two starred (*) types are labeled "legitimized liberal" by Eisenstein.

171 172 Feminists are of a great diversity, and there are ideological factions, as well as class and race divisions, within the movement in each country. Some unity has developed along the tendency lines between countries.

These branches unite on some issues and have on-going debates on others. The splits are based on priorities of theoretical and practical nature, what one understands as the source of women's oppression and the appropriate strat­

egies for change. Women who identify with the various tendencies see the divisions differently— there are myriad interpretations. Even within a category, there is not agreement on meanings. These may divide along lines based on age, class, race, sexual identities, marital status,

motherhood, or other differences within each tendency. The view from within a branch identifies a richer, more fully developed body of theory than that described from outside. There are three major divisions into which the move­ ments are most often sub-divided: Liberal (Reformist) Feminism, Socialist Feminist, and Radical Feminism. Linnhoff (1974), writing about Germany, says that all the branches are by definition feminist but represent different ideological positions: sozial-liberale. sozialistisch-marxistische. and radikale-feministische. i.e., the same three major

divisions. Liberals stress equality and inclusion within the existing system. They tend to see themselves in a women's movement, whereas Socialist and Radical Feminists see a 173 Women's Liberation Movement* My research has concentrated on the latter two, i.e., the liberation movement. Socialist Feminists stress economic, materialist oppression and use a Marxist class analysis. They work within the left, often with men. Radical Feminists are more often separatists, working in autonomous women's groups. They stress the oppression of sexism and patriarchy. Black feminists often work together with Black men against racist oppression. Many feminists attempt to pull these issues together in a radical synthesis. Evelyn Reed (1970:11) has said of this diversity: It is only natural that there should be differences and even conflicting opinions within so young and fluid a movement embracing women with varying outlooks from so many different backgrounds. She stresses that there is "...dialogue and tentative explorations now going on in these highly complex and controversial areas (1970:11)." Although a decade has passed since she wrote this, it is still true. Theory building is in process; it is a dynamic, a dialectic- involving women of all ages and stages of feminist development.

...the Central issue is the question of self­ definition for all women....radically different truths inform different lives...[thi^ must be respected. If feminism is to have any historical significance, it certainly will be because it has taken an important place in this latest convulsion of the humanist movement to remind civilization that human lives become painful and useless when they cease to feel the truth of their own experi­ ence (Gomick, 1978:7^-75)- 174 If we consider the early years of the contemporary

Women's Liberation Movement in the United States, these splits are apparent. They are typical of the ideological factions in Europe as well. The National Organization for Women (NOW) is probably the largest Liberal Feminist organization in the world. Their statement of purpose shows their moderate stance: ...to take action to bring women into full participation in the mainstream of American society now, exercising all the privileges and responsibilities thereof in truly equal partner­ ship with men (Hole and Levine, 1971:85). Most Liberal-Reform groups, like NOW, are open to male members and seek inclusion of women in the existing structures of business, government, and educational insti­ tutions. This has been critiqued both in the U.S. and in Europe; a woman writing in Britain commented: I think the next few years are going to test the Women's Movement very severely; we will have to fight, not only for our rights, but to retain the ones we have and the entry of a handful of middle-class, educated women into the managerial elite isn't going to help; it's going to create a whole new class of women with as deeply vested an interest in the deplorable status quo as most men...(Spare Rib 61:17). Radical Feminists are not content to reform society, but seek a total transformation of it. Feminism does not mean women in corporate power— it means no corporate power. However, Liberal Feminists would argue that getting women 175 into positions of power and influence presents the oppor­ tunity to shape policy, laws, and curricula to benefit women# Andrea Dworkin (1981:11-12), in an article entitled "Renouncing Sexual Equality," criticizes this ideology from a Radical Feminist perspective, saying:

[somel of us...do not see equality as a proper, or sufficient, or moral, or honorable final goal. We believe that to be equal where there is not universal justiceJ or where there is not universal freedom is, quite simply, to be the same as the oppressor....Many of us would like to think that in the last...ten years, we have reversed, or at least impeded, those habits and customs of male dominance. There is no fact or figure to bear that out.«.statistics show that women are poorer than ever, that women are raped more and murdered more. I want to suggest to you that a commitment to sexual equality with males, is a commitment to becoming the rich instead of. the poor, the rapist instead of the raped, the murderer instead of the murdered. I want to ask you to make a different commitment— a commitment to the abolition of poverty, rape,, and murder; that is, a commitment to ending the system of oppression called patriarchy; to ending the male sexual model itself. Socialist Feminists and Radical Feminists are converging in many ways. However, each group sees itself differently from the way it is seen by the other. There is a diversity of women in each category, who stimulate one another's thinking. Through discussion and publishing debates, the theories are developed.

There is confusion and sometimes clashes occur over tactics. Women-only events have been a divisive issue but some who condemned them have come to demand them— as they 176 met frustrations of working with men. Some separatists have become willing to work with men in certain circum­ stances. Revolutionary Feminists have broken off and retain some of the early radical ideas. Carol Douglas, writing a book review of Women and

Revolution; A Discussion of the Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and Feminism by Sargent, speaks of both the theoretical convergence and the perceived policy difference on working with men; It surprises me that while socialist feminist theory seems to be growing much closer to a radical feminist analysis and while our lists of issues and demands are very similar, nevertheless the organiza­ tional approach seems very different....The difference is working in feminist groups with men. Not that they write about this theoretically. They almost seem to avoid the question of working with men. But it is, after all, the main difference between us that I can see, and I think it is a significant one. Isn't it a difference that implies that they feel that ultimately sex class differences are less important than economic class ones? After all, they aren't working with capitalists (Douglas, 1981; 13). Evelyn Reed, a Marxist, on the issue of working with men, has stressed re-educating them; Women must maintain their independent struggle for liberation but must not fall into the trap of believing that men per se are the enemy. "No segment of society which has been subjected to oppression...can delegate the leadership and pro­ motion of their fight for freedom to other forces— even though other forces can act as their allies." During the course of the struggle men can and must be reeducated. Male workers must learn that 177 "their chauvinism and dominance is another weapon in the hands of the master class for maintaining its rule." (Deckard, 1979:449, quoting Reed),

Both Radical Feminists and Socialist Feminists attempt to synthesize Marxism and feminism within their own branch of the movement. Amanda Sebestyn, a staff member of Spare Rib, says "of course" Radical Feminists are socialists: But where inside the whole Women's Liberation Movement can you find one woman who would defend a class society, either as women integrated with men at the highest levels of power or as a separate female nation with its own hierarchy? We call ourselves a liberation movement because we all want a revolution, don't we? (1979:n.p.) Douglas writes:

If feminism and marxism are as one, who is to s ^ that "the one" might not be feminism, not marxism?...We are all, radical, socialist, and anarchist feminists alike, "socialist" in the sense that we oppose capitalism and want a more communitarian society (1981:12). There are political distinctions as well between socialist women and Socialist Feminists. Socialist women work against capitalism with left men, often under their leadership. Evelyn Reed (1970:9) says "...women [caiQ secure full control over their lives and reshape their destinies only as an integral force in the world socialist revolution." Socialist Feminists oppose capitalist patriarchy, they see a mutually reinforcing dialectical relationship between capitalist class structure and hierarchical sexual 178 structuring (Eisenstein, 1979:5)* Since private property and class divisions are at the root of women's oppression and since that oppression is useful for the capitalist system, a socialist revolution is needed to free women. But, Socialist Feminists do not believe socialism will automatically free women. It must be a feminist revolution. China, Russia, and Cuba are examples of countries with unequal treatment of women within socialist revolution. Men benefit from sexism even within socialism— they must give up power and privilege, thus the feminist struggle must be led by women. The Socialist Feminist tendency is often seen as theoretically more elaborate because they have had avail­ able to them Western socialist theory. Michèle Barrett

(1980), a British Marxist Feminst sees a synthesis of Marxism and feminism possibly demanding compromises by both. Eisenstein (1970) has made an important contribution to this synthesis. She says there must be a synthesis of

Marxist and Radical Feminist analysis, .. .redefining each through the conflict that derives from and between both traditions. The synthesis must formulate the problem of women as both mother and worker, reproducer and pro­ ducer. Male supremacy and capitalism are defined as the core relations determining the oppression of women today (1979:1)* She attempts to formulate Socialist Feminist questions by using the Marxist method, transformed by feminist commitments. 179 She says Socialist Feminism draws on Marxist thought but

moves beyond it as well as drawing on and moving beyond Radical Feminist thought. Eisenstein refers to Firestone, Atkinson, The Eedstockings, and other Radical Feminists. The synthesis of radical feminism and Marxist analysis is a necessary first step in formulating a cohesive socialist feminist political theory, one that does not merely add together these two theories of power but sees them as interrelated through the sexual division of labor. To define capitalist patriarchy as the source of the problem is at the same time to suggest that socialist feminism is the answer. My discussion uses Marxist class analysis as the thesis, radical feminist patriarchal analysis as the antithesis, and from the two evolves the synthesis of socialist feminism (Eisenstein, 1979:6). Eisenstein sees Marxist analysis as being important to the understanding of women's oppression in two ways— it provides the necessary class analysis for the study of power and a method of analysis which is both historical and dialectical (1979;6).

Marx was not sensitive to sexual dimensions of power relations. Eisenstein uses "...Marx's method to expand our present understanding of material relations in capitalism

to material relations in capitalist patriarchy (1979:7 )»" Capitalism and patriarchy are mutually dependent. There is economic exploitation based on class relations which affects both women and men and there is oppression of women of all races and minority men defined within patri­ archal, racist, capitalist relations (1979:2 2 ). 180 Eisenstein draws on de Beauvoir and Mitchell for analysis of the family in capitalism and how it supports the capitalist economic system. ...The family supports capitalism economically by providing a productive labor force and supplying a market for massive consumption. The family also performs an ideological role by cultivating the belief in individualism, freedom, and equality basic to the belief structure of society, although they are at odds with social and economic reality (1979:25). A hierarchical sexual division of labor structures both the family and the economy. This ...mutual dependence of patriarchy and capitalism not only assumes the malleability of patriarchy to the needs of capital but assumes the malleability of capital to the needs of patriarchy....patriarchy and capitalism become an integral process; specific elements of each system are necessitated by the other (Eisenstein, 1979:27-28).

She points out that many Socialist Feminists were first Radical Feminists. As they came to understand the role of capitalism in the system of oppression, they were also committed to socialism. (Of course, it is also true that many Radical Feminists were first socialists and as they came to understand the sexism of socialist men and theory— they were also committed to Radical Feminism.) Socialist Feminism seeks to integrate both Radical Feminist analysis and socialism, not based on one-dimensionality. This leads to the possibility for cross-class organizing of women 181 around, such shared issues as abortion rights, health care, rape and other violence, and child care.

Cross-class organizing is worth a serious try if we deal consciously with our class differences and set up priorities in terms of them instead of trying to ignore them (Eisenstein, 1979:35)• Certain economic issues, including child care, have led to efforts at cross-class and international work. For example, 24 CLUW (Coalition of Labor Union Women) members visited Israel, Sweden, and France "...to learn about those countries' programs and to transfer new ideas gained from the trip into appropriate programs for the United States." Experts from these countries discussed their policies and services for working women (Tetelman, 1978:36). Economic equality has been a rallying point, especially for liberal Feminist^ in both Europe and America. There are various campaigns for constitutional and/or legislative change, for example the long struggle for ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment in the United States. Germany has had equal rights in the constitution since after the second world war, but is now debating an anti-discrimination law to help enforce it. Equal and adequate pay is an important issue. German businesses have instituted so-called "leicht- lohn" or light wages for certain categories of work— into which women workers are placed. Thus, different wages may be paid in the same factory for making dinner plates— men's 182 jobs, and making salad plates— women's jobs, by labeling the manufacture of salad plates "light work." These equality issues appeal to women who might be put off by more militant or controversial demands. Both the contemporary Women's Liberation Movement and earlier feminism analyzed the exploitation of women through unpaid household labor and the alienation of women in isolated households. Much of the analysis grew from discussions women had in Consciousness Raising groups.

Lopata (1971) and Oakley (197^) have conducted sociological studies of housework and women's attitudes toward it in America and England. This theme is also discussed by

Priedan (1953) and Mainardi (1970) in the U.S.; Benston (1980), Males (1977), and Gavron (1956) in Great Britain; and Press (1975) and Stefan (1975) in West Germany, and many others. A critique of wives' economic functions as consumers, as emotional and domestic supports to male workers, and as producers of the future labor force, led to the formation of the controversial international campaign for "Wages for Housework" (of. Dalla Costa and James, 1972;

Edmond and Fleming, 1975)» Not only women's labor within the home, but also women's paid labor has been an important economic issue.

The International Labor Organization figures for 1980 show 185 that 33^ of the paid labor in the world is done by women, 66^ of all the labor— paid and unpaid— is done by women; women receive 10^ of the pay and own 1^ of the property (New Internationalist, July, 1980:10). Discrimination and public policies affecting employ­ ment, welfare, and child care facilities have kept many women dependent either on men, or welfare, or living at subsistence levels— thus, denying them control over their lives. Working class women have had to organize both within society and within the trade union movement in order to have their needs addressed. Divisiveness has been caused by the assertion that the Women's Liberation Movement is a middle class white movement. The accusation serves the interests of the status quo by keeping women separated.

However, such working class publications as the "Working Class Women's Liberation Newsletter" in England and Up From Under in America; organizations like CLUW, 9-to-5 (a labor organization of office workers), NCHE (National Committee on Household Employees) and campaigns such as the

Night Cleaners Campaign in London (Alexander, 197^) and Working Women's Charter Campaign (Lawrence, 1977) show that this is not true. Some of the issues working class women have been con­ cerned with are equal and adequate pay, work place safety and other working conditions, child care, discrimination 184 in hiring and promoting women, and fringe benefits. Ponow

(1977) and lawrence (1977) describe efforts of working class women to secure gains in these areas. In all of the sample countries, there are women who suffer economic problems due to the double oppression of racism and sexism, often limiting them to lives of poverty.

They face low wages, high unemployment, housing discrimi­ nation, and many must deal with language barriers and culture shock as well. Racially oppressed women are organ­ izing within the Women’s Liberation Movement, where they sometimes find allies but often face racism (cf. Lorde, 1981; Chrystos, 1981:68). Black, Hispanic, Asian, and Native American women, as well as immigrant women, e.g., from Viet Nam or Cuba in the United States; and Asian, Caribbean, and African women in Great Britain are working on theory and praxis grounded in their unique experiences (cf. Prescord- Roberts and Steele, 1980; Prischauer and Osamor, 1981 ; Hull et al., 1982; and Moraga and Anzaldua, 1981). Black women in London have opened a women's center with a news­ letter and groups working on issues of racism and sexism, i.e., specific problems they face as Black women (Off Our Backs. August-September, 1982:17)» In Germany, the euphemism of "guest worker" (Gast- arbeiter) disguises legal and social restrictions which have been very disruptive to the families and lives of migrant 185 workers from Southern and Eastern Europe, mainly Turkey,

Greece, Yugoslavia, and Italy» These women are beginning to address their problems as women. Lack of child care is defacto discrimination against women. The demand for child care and creches has been urgent in all the countries studied, but secured in none.

It is one of the original four demands of the Women's Liberation Movement in Britain. Charlton (1977) discusses the shortage of day care places for children and the ex­ periences of a group of British parents who established a day nursery. Urben (1977) looks at the alternative offered by registered child-minders who care for children in their homes. It is crucial to the economic autonomy of women that men, women, and society share child rearing responsibilities

(Gillespie-Woltemade, 1978). PEMINISOÎ METACULTÜKE

Women's lives are similarly oppressed around the world and feminists are directly supporting each other's struggles internationally. My research concerns transnational con­ tinuities in the issues and strategies of contemporary feminism. Women who define themselves as feminists share a common awareness of their oppression and a commitment to confront that oppression and work for societal change. Connections are being developed by feminists in many countries throughout the world, consisting of a body of theoretical knowledge; and a set of ideals, goals, and praxis. Through direct contact between women and indirect contact through their writings— emerge praxis and social networks.

I am examining the contacts between feminists in different countries, their influences on one another, their shared ideology, as well as their common strategies and mutual support. Social movements are not necessarily limited to a particular state or society and all important social movements have extended far beyond their geograph­ ical areas of origin (Heberle, 19^9)»

186 187 Some strong links have already been forged which in­ dicate some core agreement, for example in theory and research, especially in Women's Studies; advocacy for victims of rape and other violence, including refuges for battered women; Take Back the Night marches; political organizing for abortion rights ; opposition to forced sterilization, the self-health movement; music, ^ t , and women's spaces ; publications and archives. In all the countries I have visited, and in the many feminist journals, there is interest in women's lives and the growth of feminist awareness in other countries— most recently there have been articles about new feminism in Russia, Spain, and Greece. Extensive coverage has been given of women in northern Africa . organizing around the issue of clitori- dectomy; in India opposition to rape, purdah, dowry, and the position of widows has been reported. There is concern, communication, support, and friendship between v;omen from different countries. There is scholarship as well; Women's

Studies is becoming increasingly international. Feminists are everyifhere, working within their particular cultures, in their individual ways, and reaching out to each other to share. I expect there will increasingly be inter­ national networks around issues like abortion, rape and other violence, pornography, refuges for battered women. 188 self-health, women in trade unions, ecological survival, and peace— we will see the continuing growth of an inter­ national feminist metaculture. Feminist writers make direct reference to their con­ tacts with and indebtedness to women in other countries. A few examples will illustrate; Spare Rib ran a series of articles on feminism in the United States, to "...see what we can l e a m for our own movement in Britain (Spare Rib 74:6)." Such series are frequently published in feminist journals to inform readers of organizing in other countries and to facilitate exchange. In one article, they said: By 1970 the radical feminists of New York City fRedstockings^ had organized a great number of ideas that Women's Liberation Movements all over the world are using today (Spare Rib 79:15). Sheila Rowbotham (1975b:vii-viii) has said of her own development: In the process I was assimilating the ideas of women in women's liberation not only in - Britain but in France, Germany, Holland, Australia, Japan, Italy, Sweden and of course the USA, often without realizing where exactly thoughts came from.

Elsewhere, Rowbotham (1972:9^) quotes a letter from a member of the Tufnell Park (London) Women's Liberation Movement Group. This group was largely made up of young activist American v/omen married to men in the left. 189 Our experience and identification was American new left of the first half of the 60s type...We admired and discussed Helke Sanders' statement to the German SDS con­ ference. That piece also influenced our attempts to organize something for our ovm children and we met a number of times as adults and as adults with children with German SDS people in Golders Green. Sanders' piece has also been translated in the American collection From Feminism to Liberation (Altbach, first edition). Also, in the second edition (Altbach, 1980) is a translation of Bock and Duden's (1980) "Labor of Love— Love as Labor: On the Genesis of Housework in Capitalism." This article was read at the first German Women's Studies conference and published in Frauen und Wissenschaft (Berliner Dozentinnen, 1976). It is based on the United States since the mid-19th century and Europe in the lyth and 18th cen­ turies. The authors explain: ...we believe that the distances between our fields of study shrink in the face of our topic. Not because we see women as always being equally oppressed everywhere, but rather because the origin and development of capitalism has produced supraregional similarities in their situation, expressed in the internationality of earlier and present day women's movements (Bock and Buden, 1980:153).

Frauenoffensive Journal is a theoretical and cultural journal put out by West Germany's major feminist publisher. The journals are devoted to separate themes reflecting the direction of German feminism. Its first issue, December 190 1974, contained translations and graphics from American Radical Feminism. "The editors explained that they wanted the American radical feminist concept of a theory which functions in everyday life to influence the West German movement (Frank, 1978:184)."

These examples show the explicit, overt influences and desire to benefit from developments internationally. New French Feminisms (Marks' and De Courtivron, 1980) was undertaken to help fill the gap in knowledge in the U.S. about European feminist thought. In the introduction, the editors indicate international ties and influences on the French feminists:

Their contacts with English feminists during the English National conference at Oxford, the experience of a group of women at Vincennes in April, who were subjected to the jeers of young ■ men shouting "Power is at the tip of the phallus," and the women's general strike on August 26 in the United States all played a crucial and structuring role. The English contacts reinforced the feasibility of solidarity between different ideologies; the Vincennes events confirmed the suspicion that radical feminists would have to work, indeed must work, without men; the American manifestation suggested the possibility of a mass movement (Marks and De Courtivron, 1980:31). Juliet Mitchell (1971) explains that women's liberation started in France as a small group of Marxist women in Paris in late 1968. Some were Americans, others mainly

students who had been active in the May Revolution. 191 Just previously representatives had attended the first English National Conference (Oxford, March 1970). The two events— the attitudes of male "comrades" and the broad base of the English movement— determined the Paris group to open up....There have always been close links between the French and English Women's Liberation groups (Mitchell, 1971:49). Adams and Winston (1980:5), in the introduction to

Mothers at Work, an international comparison of child care, point out: Feminist political activity in the United States has often been linked to parallel activities in other countries; American participation in the International Women's Year meetings in Mexico City in 1975 was only the most visible symbol of an international "network" on women's issues in which Americans have been active for years.

Another good example of the network of communication occured in Spring, 1980 in Toulouse, France. Women began another "strike of the womb" (greve de naissance) against industrial and military nuclear development. They had already assembled 500 signatures by July, 1979 and sent them to the president. Women in Holland joined them and German women also took part. Women who signed, agreed not

to bear a child until after December, 1981. This was coordinated in Germany by a women's ecology group in Berlin. It came at a time when the German government was using pronatalist propaganda and incentives because of a

declining population. 192 In Spain, Eva Forest, psychoanalyst and author, was

sent to prison, ostensibly for adultery. Her case attracted international attention and she became a symbol of women's resistance. In an interview after her release— she spent two years and eight months in prison where she was tortured— she expressed solidarity with the women's movement, especially the MEF in France. Emma (August

1981:5^-36) published an interview with Forest, translated p from French.

The publicity given to Eva's case by the inter­ national Women's Liberation Movement was instru­ mental in her release as well as in the lessening of her torture. The international movement has also contributed to the growth of feminist consciousness inside Spain (Spare Rib 60:19)- The appearance of the Women in Russia Almanac caused reverberations throughout the feminist metaculture. It was translated at once into English, German, French, and other languages as well as being excerpted widely. Robin Morgan

(1980:49) introduced the Almanac to Ms. readers: Their life stories make clear that Russian and American women share the same basic conditions of powerlessness. Our pain differs more in detail

2 See also: Eva Forest: Tagebuch und Briefe aus einem Spanischen Gef^ejignTs" ’Weisman Verlag— !sva Forest: Diaries and Letters from a Spanish Prison. ÎHis has also been published in a French translation by Editions des Femmes and in English: Eva Forest, from a ^anisn jr'rrsoil, WeW' York: Random House/moon Hooks, 'lyyb. 193 than in kind, and our respective governments, while claiming major ideological distinctions from one another, share a similar patriarchal indifference to and suppression of their female citizens. All four women sent loving greetings to their sisters in the West, and each expressed the hope that we would support Soviet women in any ways we might wish; talking about them, demonstrating, writing to Soviet embassies and consulates, and most of all by writing to them the personal stories of our own lives, so that they might, through their respective magazines, share this stereotype-breaking information with women in the USSR and thus expose and strengthen what we have in common as women. German feminists were also aware of and influenced by developments in Women's Liberation Movements in other countries. In discussing the movement for repeal of abortion laws in Germany, Alice Schwarzer wrote: That was exactly the month, in which in America, Holland, and France women openly rebelled. In April, 1971? 34-3 French women publicly declared; We have had abortions...(1981:25, translated by Gillespie-Woltemade). She goes on to remember: By 1972-73 the German movement was gaining strength. "It was no longer as it had been two or three years earlier as we read jealously in the newspaper of the 'Pollen Minnas' in Holland and of 'Women's

Lib' in America (Schwarzer, 1981:37» translated by Gillespie- Woltemade) . " In 1973 women arrived in Germany from Paris with two French doctors and organized the first demonstrations in Germany of the suction method of abortion. Women began to ask if it didn't make sense to set up clinics as had been 194 done in Italy and France to provide illegal abortions. Most German doctors still refused to perform abortions. At this same time, OR groups began in Germany. At the Munich women's congress that year for the first time OR was on the program. "The principle of OR groups was there, the guidelines came from the USA (Schwarzer, 1981:38, trans­ lated by Gillespie-Woltemade)."

The first contemporary German feminist newspaper— Women Together are Strong— in October of 1973 had many articles on feminist activities outside Germany, e.g., on a women's strike in a shirt factory in Oerizsy, France; a feminist conference in the U.S.; the self-health clinic in Los Angeles; and the Scandinavian women's island Femjt^

(Schwarzer, 1981:40), American women have also expressed their awareness of connections with other women. I overheard the following comment in a women's collective in Ohio: "So, I told him there are no problems unique to Columbus, Ohio. These are world wide problems— women are facing them all over."

(March, 1978) Alice Wallcer, writing in Ms., has said: [l] recognized that to contemplate the Women's Movement in isolation from the rest of the world would be— given the racism, sexism, elitism, and ignorance of so many American feminists~extoemely defeating to solidarity among women as well as 195 depressing to the most optimistic spirit, [l] had traveled and had every reason to understand that women's freedom was an idea whose time had come and that it was an idea sweeping the world (1 9 7 9 :7 4 ). This awareness of common bonds is growing; in the following chapters we shall see how the global spread of feminist ideas is creating a metaculture. CHAPTER FIVE

INTERNATIONAL CONTACTS

I will now present specific examples of contacts within the metaculttœe, i.e., examples of cases where feminists in one country have been aware of, influenced by, called upon, or come to the support of, feminists from other countries. This happens in myriad ways, some more readily documented than others. I have selected four types of contacts to examine. No attempt is made to quantify the contacts, or rank them in terms of importance to the movement. Taken together, the types of contacts, sample issues, and selected countries are only a portion and illustration of the metaculture. Rowbotham (1979:^0-41) has written of the diversity of structures: ...networks, women's centres, conferences, publishing groups, theatre groups, folk and rock bands, film collectives, trade union caucuses, food co-ops are aspects of the women's movement. The structures which have arisen have been seen as serving partic­ ular needs. The making and communication of ideas have been an extraordinary collective process in which thousands of women have contributed. The organizational initiatives which have been spread through the movement have been extremely diverse, involving women in quite different ways. The women's movement has touched many areas of politics socialists have neglected and its hold goes deeper. It absorbs more of your being.

196 197 We tiom now to the four types of contacts; (1) direct face-to-face contact; (2) feminist writing and Women's Studies; (5) feminist organizations, conferences, and festivals; and (4-) women's spaces and feminist art. DIRECT CONTACT BETWEEN WOMEN

The first type of contact I will examine is direct face-to-face contact between women from different countries. This involves travel of one or more women, as individuals or in groups, from their country to another. The reasons for this travel vary, including vacations, fleeing one's country for political reasons— such as the exodus from the United States during the Viet Nam war, study or work abroad, trips made specifically to gather information or make contacts, or by resource persons to share information about the movement with other women. Well known speakers, writers, musicians, and theatre groups also make direct contacts. Women such as Simone de Beauvoir, Betty Eriedan, Juliet Mitchell, Kate Millett, Christine Delphy, and Alice Schwarzer frequently travel to lecture, attend conferences and tribunals, and to meet with foreign women. Once acquaintance is made, the exchange can take place through direct discussions, demonstrations (e.g., self-health), workshops, and exchange of literature, newsletters, and correspondence.

198 199 Many women have personally linked, feminist groups by sharing their experiences and contact resources with women from different cities and countries. These women occupy important locations in the intermeshing structure of the feminist metaculture because they have information and knowledge about issues and strategies in other areas. They are carriers of the metaculture and spread information to others. When feminists travel or live abroad, they are very likely to seek out feminist settings and women. They may go to women's cafes, restaurants, or bars, or shop at the local women's bookstore— where there is likely a bulletin board announcing events, meetings, and campaigns. They may attend local events or contact a group working on an issue with which they are concerned. Such contacts offer the chance for discussion among women from different cities and countries to catch up on what is going on in the women's movement elsewhere, to buy materials, newsletters, art, or records. It may lead to cooperation between groups or correspondence among women; addresses will be exchanged for future visits. Often groups will visit another country specifically for information sharing, to see how women are organized to work on specific issues and to discuss tactics. Skills and strategies are shared and both groups ususuLly benefit. Often an article will be published about events and conferences abroad, carrying the information to a large audience. 200 Throughout the preceding chapters, frequent mention has been made of individual women and groups who have been carriers of the metaculture across national lines. However, a few specific examples can be added, many of whom I had direct contact with in the course of my research.

Amanda Sebestyn, staff member of Spare Rib, traveled to America, met with and interviewed American women and published a series of articles in Spare Rib on American feminism. This facilitated a two-way exchange between her and the American women as well as bringing the American ideas to readers in Britain and elsewhere. One woman she inter­ viewed was Linda Gordon, feminist historian who is an editor of Radical America. She spent 1967-1968 in London, and says "...as often happens to Americans who go to London I became much more class-conscious... .When I came back here in 1968, everything in my life appeared in a new context (Spare Rib 75î 28). "

Marylee Karl lives in Rome and edits the English language edition of ISIS. She moved to Italy from America in the late 1960s. Susanna Kahn-Akerman, an editor of Frauenoffensive Verlag. a feminist publishing house in Germany, studied in the United States and has translated works from English to

German for publication. Dagmar Schultz, a German, attended the National Women's Studies Association founding conference in San Francisco and 201 the 1981 conference in Storrs, Connecticut. She is involved in Women's Studies in Germany and the self-health movement there. Edith Hoshino Altbach in her acknowledgments for From Feminism to Liberation (1981 :n.p.) says; "A whole circle of people in Madison regularly worked on the selection, editing and commenting on material." Dagmar Schultz is mentioned as one of these people. Sociologist Betsy Ettore, author of Lesbians. Women and Society (1980), was b o m and raised in Connecticut. She went to Britain as an adult, did post-graduate research at London School of Economics, and now lives and teaches in London. As mentioned before, the Tufnell women's liberation group in London had many American women as members and had contact with German SDS members. Alice Schwarzer, German editor of Emma, spent time working in Paris and carried French ideas for abortion actions to

Germany. Christine Delphy, a French sociologist, studied at the University of Chicago and the University of California at Berkeley. Her article "The Main Enemy" has appeared in French, German, and English. WRRC published it as a pam­ phlet. She is an editor of Questions Féministes which now has an English edition. Feminist Issues. She participated in the Radical Feminist day conference in London in 1979- These women all write and thus extend the influence of their "cross-fertilized" ideas. 202 My year of research in Europe brought me into direct contact with many of these women. At the Women's Free Arts Alliance in London, there were Italian, German, American, and British women who attended collective meetings and helped with the ongoing work. In Europe, I had entry to meetings, conferences, and women's spaces; I was accepted and participated. I have frequently been asked for addresses for women traveling to another city or country seeking lodging or women's spaces. There are often ads for contacts from visiting feminists in the bookshops, newsletters, and women's centers.

The Women's Research and Resources Centre (WRRC) in London often has visitors from overseas. They feel that one of their most important functions is to be a contact point for foreign feminists seeking information on research and teaching or to use the library. They have said "...we are encouraged to think that in addition to our original purpose of serving feminists in the UK we have built up this net­ work of contacts abroad (VJRRC 1981)." An American volunteer helped at the WRRC for some months and exchanged information about WRRC and the Institute for Research in

History, her "home institution." They have had other long term visitors; Carol Zavetz from the Canadian Women's Studies Newsletter worked with them and after she returned to Toronto, several members of the V/RRC collective visited her 203 at the Ontario Institute for Education. They said in their newsletter;

...it is also good to know that in the past V/RRC has acted as a model for groups of women in Holland, Germany, and Italy who have visited us and gone back to their countries with ideas of how they could adapt our organization and methods to their situation. In our own small way it seems that the Vi/RRC is involved in international sisterhood (WRRC #4-, 1981). FEMINIST V/RITING, INFORMATION SERVICES, AND WOMEN'S STUDIES

"...the women's movement is made up of readers and writers and our literature holds us together as a political movement (Off Our Backg,December, 1981:11)." ------

Writing and Publishing Writing has been crucial to the spread of feminist consciousness within particular countries and internation­ ally. There have been many feminist writers influential beyond the boundaries of their own countries. Earlier works have been rediscovered by today's feminists (cf.

Schneir, 1972; Rossi, 1973) and many works of more recent feminists have been translated and widely read. Even more women than those who have had the opportunity for direct face-to-face contact have been influenced by reading the words of other feminists. Often the authors live in other countries and their writings have been spread from publication to publication or by translation. Several books have had great impact internationally, such as those by de Beauvoir (1974), Friedan (1963), Row­ botham (1973a, 1975b), Millett (1970), Meulenbelt (1978), Mitchell (1971), Chesler (1972), Janssen-Jurreit (1976),

204 205 Stefan (1975), Greer (1970), and Daly (1973, 1978). These have been widely translated and many women, especially

Europeans, have read them in the original languages. The authors of Our Bodies. Ourselves, an American book with great success here, met with European women to prepare translated and adapted European editions. Other forms of writing have been important— diaries, poetry, fiction, plays— and connect feminist art and politics. Much of this work has been translated and republished by feminist presses. Books in French, Spanish,

Italic, German, English, Dutch, and other languages have been translated and made available to the women's move­ ments, helping create the international metaculture. Articles in the magazines are widely translated as well. The books and monthly newsletters and magazines have carried feminist analysis to women scattered throughout the world, offering them support as well as links to other feminists, especially for isolated women outside large cities. Sebestyn (1979, n.p.) notes the importance of newsletters to the movement: ...to remain ignorant of political positions expressed in a local newsletter as opposed to a published book...suggests a very real disrespect for the way most feminists develop their ideas. Feminist publications connect dispersed communities of women, alert them to issues, and provide a forum of discussion to develop theory and praxis, exchange of ideas 206 and perspectives, and formation of action groups. These have been much more widely distributed than originally intended or foreseen by the editors. Sales and subscrip­ tions to women from abroad, and duplication and reprinting of articles by local groups have spread written works greatly.

In Britain, Spare Rib, which started in 1972, has been the most widely distributed and covers events and issues in the Women's Liberation Movement. Scarlet Women, Catcall,

Shrew, and others have also provided a means of theoretical development.

West Germany has two national feminist magazines. Courage, published in Berlin, started in 1976; and Emma, from Cologne. The two represent different viewpoints within the movement. Emma is much more main-stream and liberal with a broader appeal and has received more attention from the mass media. In September, 1977 Ms. magazine ran an article on Emma; by October Emma had received many subscription queries from the U.S. Courage is more often socialist, radical, or lesbian in its approach. It is seen as a more scholarly and theoretical magazine than some of the others. There is coverage of women

in other countries and their struggles, and of feminist issues in Germany. By 1978, 4^ of the subscribers to Courage lived outside Germany. In Spare Rib (#91) there was a half-page

ad for Courage, in German. 207 Examples of direct adoption of ideas from abroad appear in Emma (May, 1977) and Frauenkalender 1976. Emma des­ cribed the U.S. New Women's Survival Catalog (Grimstad and Rennie, 1975) saying how useful it is and made an appeal to women who would like to work on one for Germany to contact Emma. The calendar describes the Dutch feminist women's telephone crisis line and that it would be a good idea for Germany. Another article explains that French feminists visited Jacques Servan-Schreiber of L'Express, protesting printing of pictures of nude women and "The Story of 0." The German women said it was high time that they visit Mr.

Augstein— publisher of Per Spiegel. In the United States, Off Our Backs, Quest. Heresies. Lesbian Tide. Ms.. Up from Under, and Big Mama Rag and others have served this function. Off Our Backs has been greatly expanding its coverage of international feminist activities in the last few years. Marti Scheel (July, 1981:7) wrote a report on a German feminist conference, saying "I hope this will help spin a tighter web between women in Germany and the U.S." In France, des femmes en mouvements, was started in 1977» It has heavy emphasis on art, recent French Women's Liberation Movement events, and theory, as well as articles on women in other countries. 208 The Italian magazine Effe has been published for a decade, but was recently in financial difficulty and appealed through the international feminist network for financial contributions from feminists in order to keep publishing. A sample issue (June, 1978) had an article on prostitution, with coverage of American activist Margot

St. James of COYOTE, pregnancy, abortion— which has been a vital issue to Italian and other European feminists— and an article on women in Argentina. Quotidiano donna, a weekly national feminist newspaper, is also available in

Italy. In Spare Rib (#86), Quotidiano donna requested news about the British Women's Liberation Movement and for British women to subscribe. Ms. (Wilson, 1976:101-104-) published an international

list of feminist periodicals. Two years earlier they had been asked by a reader to provide such a list and at that time knew of about a dozen publications. By 1976, the list had grown to 75 foreign feminist magazines, newspapers, bulletins, and newsletters from all over the world. The fact that so many groups publish such lists and that readers are eager for them is indicative of the metaculture. Wilson said: ...the variety of feminist activity and the cross-fertilization that's apparent bode well for the Decade for Women declared this year by the United Nations (1976:101). 209 They list 34- publications from 19 countries, including

Mexico and Canada, ten European countries, Japan, Australia, Latin American countries, and seven African nations. Addresses, subscription rates, and typical contents are described. Feminist presses have been established in all the sample countries, e.g. Virago, Womenonly Press, Sheba, and The Women's Press in Britain; Prauenoffensive Verlag, Frauen- selbstverlag, and Lesbenpress in West Germany; and The Feminist Press, Persephone Press, Spinsters Ink, and Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press, in the United States. These presses have published, reprinted, and translated books and articles, many of which would not have been published otherwise. ISIS published an issue (#15) on the feminist press in Western Europe.

In April, 1977 there was a meeting of European feminist presses in Paris, attended by women from England, France, Spain, West Germany, Holland, Belgium, and Italy. They exchanged information on what is being published, work organization, distribution, financing, and other common interests. A similar Women in Print Conference was held for the United States. Of course, these meetings also represent face-to-face contact and conferences. Examples of the awareness feminists have of what is being ivritten in other countries abound. Alice Schwarzer 210 (1981:51), writing in So fing es an (How It Began) says: In 1971 there appeared in Paris one of the earliest and most important analyses of economic factors— "The Main Enemy" (Feind Nr. 1) by soc­ iologist Christine Delphy, dealing with women's under-paid and unpaid labor. In 1973 Schwarzer's book Women's Work— Women's Liberation (Frauen- ^beiT^raue'nbefreiung) appeared. JT'few months later the left wing Merve-Verlag in Berlin published Italian Mariarosa Dalla Costa and American Selma James' book on Wages for Housework, "Die Macht der Frauen und der Umstur z. der Gesellschaft'* ~ Trhe Power of Women and the Subversion of the Communitry). '(.translated by Gillespie-Woltemade) This is the article by Delphy mentioned above; it is also reviewed in Off Our Backs (January, 1980:8). Dalla Costa and James' work has been translated and published in the United States and England as well. Jill Lewis, an American writer, in Common Differences (Joseph and Lewis, 1981:x) wrote: My thinking has been shaped out of the range of reading and experiences enabled by women in the women's liberation movements, particularly in Britain, the United States, and France. She thanks Helen Roberts, Michelene Wandor— both British feminist authors— and Sister V/rite Bookstore in London. The bibliography lists 25 European books and four European

journals. Marks and De Courtivron, editors of Hew French Feminisms (1980), see the publication of their volume of translated

French feminist writings as a beginning of an exchange— which had been basically one-sided too long, i.e., French 211 women had translated American feminist writings, or read them in the original, hut most of the contemporary French feminist vn?itings had not yet been translated. Amanda Sebestyn (unpublished, 1979) in a position paper for a Radical Feminist conference in London cites non- British ideas and groups, including Firestone, The Redstockings, de Beauvoir, Féministes Revolutionaires. and Daly. British writer Juliet Mitchell's article "Women, the Longest Revolution," "...appeared to many [American feminist^ a beacon of clarity and certainty in a time when radical women were seeking legitimation for their cause (Altbach, 1980:2)."

Information Centers and Bookstores Women's information centers and their publications have played a vital role in building the metaculture. A number of archives and current information clearing houses and exchange services have been developed. Many of these were established with the express purpose of facilitating contacts, for example ISIS, produced in Italy and Switzerlandj and published in English, French, and Spanish: The quarterly ISIS International Bulletin reproduces theoretical and practical information and documentation from women's groups and the women's movement around the world. It includes resources listings, reports and notices to help pass on information about what is going on in 212 the movement in other countries and continents and to help in the exchange of ideas, contacts, experiences and resources among women and feminist groups (October, 1977, ISIS #5:2). They cover issues such as clitoridectomy or the infant formula boycott in depth, including actions being under­ taken. They have had issues covering theoretical developments in Socialist Feminism. ISIS also coordinates the International Feminist Network (IFN), which grew out of the 1976 Inter­ national Tribunal on Crimes Against Women, held in Brussels. The network exists to "mobilize support and solidarity among women on an international scale...by sending telegrams and letters in support of rape victims, political prisoners, worker's struggles and court cases (ISIS Brochure)," ISIS serves as a clearing house and passes information rapidly to specific contact persons in 25 countries. W.I.R.E.S. (Women's Information and Referral Exchange Service) in Great Britain, WIN News (Women's International Network News) published in the United States, and Women's Research and Resources Centre in London, all produce monthly publications. These services have information about issues and what groups are working on them, laws, and international address files of feminist groups and individuals. They usually have current literature for sale and provide an important resource for women seeking contact with other feminists. Several groups have published directories or 215 periodical information sheets to facilitate contacts, e.g., The Women's Directory (Faulder, et al., 1976) in

England, Erauenkalender (Erauenkalender Selbstverlag, 1976-1982) in Germany, Women's Action Almanac (Williamson, et al., 1979) and The New Woman's Survival Sourcebook

(Grimstad and Rennie, 1975) in the United States, and issues 16 and 17 of ISIS. Frequently, women starting groups and information centers will appeal to feminists in other countries to send them

materials; a recent appeal came from women in Poland. As will be discussed later, women in Italy also appealed inter­

nationally for materials on rape and other violence. There are several European feminist archives and resource

centers. Amsterdam is home of the oldest international archives on the women's movement, dating from the suffrage movement and enjoying a new vitality since the 1970s (International Archief voor de Vrouwenbeweging). In England,

the Women's Research and Resources Centre has files on academic research— including works in progress, and by non- British women— and a lending library. All of these are examples of vromen's spaces as well. In both the United States and Europe, many small women's bookstores opened in the 1970s. I have visited a number of these in several German cities (there are over 25 in Germany 214- now), in Amsterdam, in London, and several in the U.S. They are vital centers for the Women's Liberation Move­ ment, and are often combined with cafes, galleries, or research institutes. Their names celebrate feminist figures or ideas and wit; Lilith, Nora, Lysistrata, Sister Write (with a new cafe called Sister Bite), Lila Laden

(Lavender Store), Xanthippe, Pan the Plames. They often carry international materials and books. Xanthippe, in Amsterdam, e.g., has an excellent collection of books in French, German, English— both British and American, and Dutch. A feminist bookstore opened in Madrid, Spain in 1978. The women who run the store were eager to get information on the Women's Liberation Movement in Britain. Spare Rib (?^78:12) printed a notice with the address so that British feminists passing through Spain might visit.

Women's Studies Much important feminist writing and organizing has been done within academia and for many women, a course in Women's Studies has led to raised consciousness and new activism. Women's Studies is a growing field in both Europe and America. It has drawn together scholars who have contributed through their research and theoretical analysis and has attracted growing numbers of students. Women's Studies is a scholarly 215 field, exposing sexist scholarship and building a body of knowledge and theory about women's lives in society. It also serves a political function in supporting women in struggle against their powerlessness within established institutions. Women's Studies has led to increased awareness of the global interconnectedness of women's lives (Gillespie- V/oltemade, 1980). The National Women's Studies Association 1981 conference "Women Respond to Racism" (cf. Off Our Backs. July, 1981) included sessions dealing with international issues. Women from several nations attended— even though it was an American national conference. Planners for the 1983 NWSA conference expect "...from 1200 to 2000 partici­ pants from throughout the nation and throughout the world...

(Sojourner. Vol. 9 #9, 1982)." Women's Studies in West Germany has been visible since the mid 1970s. Since 1976 there have been special summer university conferences for women at the Free University in Berlin. These conferences are attended now by several thousand women from academia, the Women's Liberation Move­ ment, and other interested women. The sessions are strictly limited to women and have fostered debate among various feminist factions. The proceedings are published each year and are available through the women's bookstores. 2 1 6 American women have discussed the German contributions, e.g., in New German Critique, numbers 13 and 14. As mentioned above, Altbach (1980) has included German works in her books (see also Gillespie-Woltemade, 1981). A review article of developments in West German Women’s Studies is available in English by Hanna-Beate Schoepp-

Schilling (1979)- By 1977, some Women’s Studies courses were being taught at nearly all German universities, most offered in the social sciences using the critical theo­ retical framework of the "Frankfurt School" from a feminist perspective. Women scholars in American Studies departments have also been actively involved. Women’s Studies has emerged in all the sample countries and has had cross-fertilization. In the 1978 Frauenkalender,

German women were informed how to order Signs. Women’s Studies Newsletter, and Women in German, all from the

United States. In December, 1973 there was a National Women’s Liber­ ation conference on Women’s Studies held at Essex University. A publication entitled Women's Studies in the UK (Fair- baims, n.d.) came out approximately in 1975, listing courses, bibliographies, and conferences related to Women’s Studies. In the introduction, they say developments in the UK followed those in the U.S. and parallel those in countries such as France. One of the compilers of the listings,

Hargherita Rendel, attended the founding conference of the

American NWSA in 1977. 217 Another example of how Women's Studies is bringing together women internationally is a long letter in the

IVRRC newsletter by a Swiss feminist. She had been studying and teaching Women's Studies at Berkeley and then had be­ gun research on Women's Studies in Britain. She said; I am undertaking this research project with Switzerland in mind: very little is done for women's education there and few people have heard of V/omen.'s Studies. I would like to return to Switzerland and work for changes in women's educ­ ation and I want to l e a m from British feminists what strategies you use and what concepts you develop to further women's education in your country (Buelli-Klein, 1981:3).

She describes the influence of Berkeley on her thinking and teaching and reviews the status of Women's Studies in the United States.

The M S A has increasingly included international activities in their newsletter and conferences. In Spring 1980, an editorial by Florence Howe (1980:2) discussed conferences and developing associations in West Berlin, Paris, Copenhagen, Italy, Britain, and Japan, involving participation by women from many more countries. There has also been established a Network and Resource Center for International Women's Studies. This is a project of The Feminist Press (Women's Studies Quarterly. 1981).

/I She has just published, together with Maresi Nerad and Sigrid Metz-Goeckel (eds.), a book: Feministische Wissenschaft und Frauenstudium. on Women's Studies in the U.Ü. (Hamburg ijlicxpunkt Hochschuldidaktik Nr. 72, 1982) 218 Translations and Bibliographies

I will now present examples of works which have either been translated or works published in one country and in­ cluded in the bibliographies of works written by feminists in another country. Feminist Issues began publications in 1980 of French feminist writings translated into English. Included on the editorial board are Simone de Beauvoir, Christine Delphy, and Monique Wittig. They explained their reasons for establishing an English edition in the first issue Feminist Issues is devoted to feminist social and political analysis. Its focus is on providing the theoretical framework that is crucial to dis­ secting and exposing the ideology and conditions within which women live and have lived historically. The same critical need for theoretical analysis was felt by the editors of Questions Féministes in 1977 when they launched their journal. Feminist Issues is dedicated to making this work widely available to English-speaking feminists, to expanding this kind of work, and to contributing to the creation of a forum for further international communication in the women ' s movement... .Feminist Issues will also make available for English-speaking readers important feminist articles published in previous years in various French publications. In addition to these translations it is the hope and expectation of both the editors of Feminist Issues and Questions Féministes that theoretical v;ork by lEnglish-speaking feminists...will be published in both journals, adding to the work done by French, African and British writers already publishing in Questions Féministes. In this way Feminist Issues will provide an opportunity for immediate communication between French and English-speaking feminists, which we hope will contribute to stren^hening and developing feminist theoretical analysis and the women's movement (Feminist Issues, 1980;inside cover). 219 A number of special, international issues have been published by Off Our Backs, Quest (1978), and other fem­ inist periodicals. Second Class/Working Class; An International Women’s Reader (1979) has translations from many lands taken from foreign women's presses. There are more articles from Western Europe than the "Third World," however feminist publishing is increasing there, such as Manushi in India.

The editors said: As much as women might start out with different ideas, they ultimately find themselves fighting against the same oppression and for the same rights (p.1). Connexions: An International Women's Quarterly grew out of that first effort and has provided both translations and a forum of international information exchange. Erauenoffensive Verlag. the feminist German publisher in Munich, in its catalog for 1978 offered 24- translated works and ten German works. The translated books, from Britain, the United States, France, Holland, and Italy were: Atkinson, Ti-Grace - Amazonen-Odyssee (Amazon Odyssee) Belotti, Elena Gianini - Was Geschieht mit Kleinen Maedchen? (What Happens to Little Girls?) Budapest, Z and Carol Clement - Selene Davis, Elizabeth Gould - Am Anfang War die Frau (The First Sex) d'EauDonne, Françoise - Feminismus Oder Tod (Feminism or Death; Ehrenreich, Barbara and Deirdre English - Zur Krankheit Gezwungen (For Her Own Good) and HeXen, Hebammen und Krankenschwestern (Witches, Mid­ wives, and Nurses: A History of Women Healers) Gilman, Charlotte Perkins - Die Gelbe Tapete (The Yellow Wallpaper) 220 * Gipoulon, Catherine - Qui Jin Havekamp, Katharine - ...Und Liebe Eimerweise Italian Collective - Ausgebeutet Sein Mander, Anica Vesel and Anne Kent Rush - Frauentherapie (Feminist Therapy) ** Meulenbelt, Anja - Die Scham ist Vorbei (The Shame is Over) Orbach, Susie - Fat is a Feminist Issue Rich, Adrienne - Von Frauen Geboren (Of Woman Bom) Rodewald, Rosemary - Magie, Heilen und Menstruation (Magic, Healing, and Menstruation) Rush, Anne Kent - Mond, Mond (Moon, Moon) and Getting Clear Smedley, Agnes -Tochter der Erde (Daughter of Earth) Starrett, Barbara - Ich Traeume Weiblich (I Dream in Female) Wilkins, Mary E. - Revolte der Mutter (Revolt of the Mother) Woolf, Virginia - Drei Guineen (Three Guineas) Based on a search of bibliographies in German v/orks and reviews and advertisements in feminist magazines and cal­

endars, all of the following works are also available in Germany, in German translations. Many of the authors have visited Germany, met with feminists there, and have been interviewed on German television and in the feminist press. The vast majority of the books listed are American, others

are British, French, Italian, and Russian. Arnold, June - Sister Gin Bloomer, Amelia - Biography Boston Women's Health Collective - Our Bodies, Ourselves (Unser Koerper, Unser Leben) Brownmiller, Susan - Against Our Will (Gegen unser Willen) Cardinal, Marie - Schattenmund

* This was translated from Chinese to French to German. ** This Dutch autobiographical work takes its title from an aritcle by Kate Millett. It has also been trans­ lated into English and published by The Women's Press in Britain and is sold at some U.S. women's book stores. Meulenbelt was also involved in the Dutch translation of Our Bodies, Ourselves. 221 Chesler, Phyllis - Frauen— das verrueckte Geschlecht (Women and Madness) Ueber Maenner (About Men) Chopin, Kate - The Awakening Daly, Mary - Beyond God the Father de Beauvoir, Simone - Das andere Geschlecht (The Second Sex) Fallaci, Oriani- Brief an ein nie geborenes Kind (Letter to an Unborn Child) Firestone, Shulamith - Frauenbefreiung und sexuelle Revolution (Dialectic of Sex) Fridayj Nancy - My Secret Garden V/ie Meine Mutter ( ^ Mother, Myself) Friedan, Betty - Der Weiblichkeitswahn oder die Selbstbefreiung der Frau (The Feminine Mystique) Greer, Germaine - Der weibliche Eunuch (Female Eunuch) Hite, Shere - Hite Report Jones, Mother - Autobiography Johnston, Jill - Lesben Nation (Lesbian Nation) Koedt, Anne - Myth of the Vaginal Orgasm Kollontai, Alexandra - Wege der Liebe Lessing, Doris - Die Memorien einer Ueterlebenden (Memoirs of a Survivor) The Summer before Darkness Mead, Margaret - Mann und Weib (Male and Female) Brombeerbluetin irj Winter (Blackberry Winter) Mill, John Stuart, Harriett Taylor Mill, Helen Taylor - Die Hoerigkeit der Frau (Subjection of Women) Miller, Jean Baker - Die staerke Weibliche Schwache (Toward a New Psychology of Women) Millett, Kate - Basement Sexus und Herrschaft (Sexual Politics) Sita Mitchell, Juliet - Psychoanalysis and Feminism Morgan, Robin - Frauen gemeinsam sind Stark! (Sisterhood is Powerful) "Goodbye to All That" Nin, Anais - Tagebuecher (Diaries) Oakley, Ann - Soziologie der Hausarbeit (Sociology of Housework) Pizzey, Erin - Schrei Leise (Scream Quietly or the Neighbors Will Hear)

* Also published in England, Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and in French, Spanish, Danish, Japanese, and other languages . 222 Plath, Sylvia - Bell Jar letters Santos, Emma - Ich habe Emma S. Getoetet (I Have Killed Emma S.) Sib ilia, Alerano - Una donna (A Woman) Solanas, Valerie - Manifest der Gesellschaft zur Ver- nichtung der Maenner (SCUM Manifesto) Wollstonecraft, Mary - Verteidigung der Menschenrechte (Vindication of the Rights of Women) Woolf, Virginia - Die Jahre To the Lighthouse Schwarzer, in her book on the first ten years of contemporary German feminism. So fing es an (1981), utilizes many of these documents and cites most of them in her bibliography.

British women have had access to American and other foreign works. Sister Write advertises as a source for British and American feminist books. Spare Rib (August

1980:40-43) discussed a year's reading by the collective members. Included in their reading and favorites were the following foreign works: theoretical writing by Simone de Beauvoir, Batya Weinbaum's The Curious Courtship of Women's Liberation and Socialism; Off Our Backs was mentioned by two of the women, and works by Margaret Atwood and Doris Lessing. Women and Russia, the first feminist "samizdat" (underground journal) smuggled out of the USSR, is included; one member had read it in French but said it would be out in Britain as a book soon. Others include Mary Daly's Gyn/Ecology. Patricia Jeffrey's Frogs in a Well (1979), about Indian women in purdah, and For Her Own Good by Ehrenreich and English. 223 In addition to these books, content analysis of Spare Rib for several years showed the following foreign books, many published in Britain, and journals reviewed or advertised; Baxandall, Rosalyn, Linda Gordon and 8usan Reverby America's Working Women Bernard, Jessie - Academic Women Boston Women's Health Collective - Our Bodies, Ourselves Brown, Rita Mae - Rubyfruit Jungle Chopin, Kate - The Awakening Portraits Daly, Mary - Beyond God the Father Dinnerstein, Dorothy - The Rocking of the Cradle and the Ruling of the World Ehrenreich, Barbara and Deirdre English - Witches, Midwives, and Nurses Eisenstein, Zillah - Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism French, Marilyn - The Women's Room Bleeding Heart Gilman, Charlotte Perkins - Herland Gordon, Linda - Woman's Body, Woman's Right; A Social History of Birth Control in America Griffin, Susan - Woman and Nature Heresies Kingston, Maxine Hong - The Woman Warrior Lotta Continua - Dear Comrades; Reader's Letters Miller, Casey and Kate Swift - Words and Women; New Language in New Times Morrison, Toni - The Bluest Eye Sula Omvedt, Gail - We Will Smash this Prison; Indian V/omen in Struggle Piercy, Marge - The H i ^ Cost of Loving Vida Woman on the Edge of Time Ponse, Barbara - Identities in the Lesbian World: The Social Construction of Self Rosen, Ruth and Sue Davidson - The Maimie Papers Ruddick, Sara and Pamela Daniels - Working It Out

* This has been widely translated and sold in 20 countries. 224 SCUM Manifesto Shange, Ntozake - l’or Colored Girls... Shulman, Alix Kates - Burning Questions * Stefan, Varena - Shedding Tanner, Leslie - Voices from Women's Liberation

Ann Oakley, in her book Subject Women (1981), has over 140 non-British works listed in the bibliography. She says (1981:ix):

The book, in most places, takes Britain as a case-study, but draws heavily on material from the United States. In many respects (particularly those that concern us in this book) the two societies are really not all that different. Moreover, the conditions of late twentieth- century capitalism are forcing an international similarity in women's lives that transcends many of the idiosyncracies of separate countries. The best known works listed include books by Rosalyn Baxandall, Maren Lockwood Carden, Joan Cassell, Phyllis Chesler, Mariarosa Dalla Costa, Mary Daly, Simone de Beauvoir, Barbara Deckard, Christine Delphy, Barbara Ehrenreich and Deirdre English, Betty Friedan, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, Shere Hite, Jean Baker Miller, Kate Millett, Robin Morgan, Tillie Olsen, Marge Piercy, Sylvia Plath, Evelyn Reed, Hanna-Beate Schoepp-Schilling, and Leslie Tanner.

Women in the Community (Mayo, 1977) has listed in the bibliographies works from Radical America, and by Mariarosa Dalla Costa, Betsy Warrior, Robin Morgan, Jean Baker Miller, and other non-Britains.

* Originally in German, this has been translated and published in the U.S. by Daughters and in Britain by The Women's Press. 225 Mary Coghill and Diana Scott in If Women Want to Speak, % a t languaRe Do They Use? (1977) include in their booklist works by Elizabeth Gould Davis, Kate Millett, Ellen Moers, Robin Morgan, Marge Piercy, Evelyn Reed, and Patricia Meyer Spacks. Some of these vn?iters are mentioned so frequently that it is obvious that the movements in many countries have been affected by their writings. The Women's Press Book Club (British) in October of 1981 offered four British titles and: Arnold, June - Sister Gin Boumas, Olga - Soie Sauvage Chicago, Judy - The Dinner Party Dworkin, Andrea - Pornography: Men Possessing Women Griffin. Susan - Pornography and Silence O'Paolain, Julia, Kate Cruise O'Brien, and Maeve Kelly - Three Short Stories (Irish) Shulman, Alix Kates - Burning Questions Sister Write, London feminist bookstore offered: Boston Women's Health Collective - Our Bodies, Ourselves Brown, Rita Mae - Six of One Hole, Judith and Ellen Levine - Rebirth of Feminism Morgan, Robin - Sisterhood is Powerful Orbach, Susie - Fat is a Feminist Issue Piercy, Marge - Small Changes Tanner, Leslie - Voices from Women's Liberation Redstockings - Feminist Revolution And Virago, British publishers, advertised: Boston Women's Health Collective - Our Bodies, Ourselves Chicago, Judy - Through the Flower Feminist Art Journal - New York Kollontai, Alexandra - Love of Worker Bees Millett, Kate - Sexual Politics Sita 226 Olson, Tillie - Silences Tell Me a Riddle Yonnondio Rich, Adrienne - On Lies, Secrets and Silences Smedley, Agnes - Daughter of Earth Spacks, Patricia Meyer - The Female Imagination Wittig, Monique - Lesbian Peoples Wolff, Charlotte - An Older Love Women Artists Newsletter - New York Although American feminists have probably sought out fewer foreign works and are less likely to read them in the original language, a number of European works have made it into use in the United States. American feminists have drawn upon the writings of British and European writers. The works of de Beauvoir, Sullerot, Mitchell, Rowbotham, Oakley, Dalla Costa, Meulenbelt, Stefan, Pizzey, and Kuhn and Wolpe, are well known and have been widely read. German author Marielouise Janssen-Jurreit's book

Seximus has just been released in English: Sexism: The Male Monopoly on History and Thought (1982). The following works, by women from Britain, Italy, France, Germany, and Holland, are examples of those which have been influential; Barrett, Michelle - Women's Oppression Today Belotti, Elena Gianini - What Happens to Little Girls Benston, Margaret - The Political Economy of Women's Liberation Dalla Costa, Mariarosa - The Power of Women and the Subversion of the community de Beauvoir, Simone - The Second Sex Delphy, Christine - "The Main Enemy" Kuhn, Annette and AnnMarie Wolpe - Feminism and Materialism Meulenbelt, Anje - The Shame is Over Mitchell, Juliet - Psychoanalysis and Feminism Woman's Estate 227 Oakley, Ann - Sociology of Housework Subject Women Women's Work Pizzey, Erin - Scream Quietly or the Neighbours Will Hear Rowbotham, Sheila - Hidden•from History Woman's Consciousness, Man's World Women, Resistance, and Revolution Rowbotham, Sheila, Lynne Segal and Hilary V/ainwright Beyond the Fragments: Feminism and the Making of Socialism Stefan, Verena - Shedding- Sullerot, Evelyne - Woman, Society and Change Several of the authors in Eisenstein's collection on Socialist Feminism (1979) use Rowbotham, Dalla Costa, Mitchell, and Oakley. Although there appear to be fewer translations into English, they are beginning, e.g.^ New French Feminisms and other works. And there are undoubtedly many American women reading original works in French, Spanish, German, and other languages. FEMINIST ORGANIZATIONS, CONFERENCES, AND FESTIVALS

Organizations and Conferences It is rare that reading alone will sustain a woman ' s feminist consciousness in isolation. She usually seeks contacts with other feminists. She may do this by talking with friends and associates or hy searching for or start­ ing a group. Consciousness Raising groups have been formed in all the countries studied, most based on the model developed by American Radical Feminists. There has been an important oral tradition among women (Laly, 197$:xi-xii), and Consciousness Raising and discussion groups have been crucial to the movement. They offer support to each member and a setting in which to discuss with others one's frus­ tration, pain, hopes, and plans. They stress that the source of the problems is in the oppressive system— not in the woman. Often after some time the group will move on to become a study or action group. There are groups based on many different issues working locally, nationally, and globally. Often these develop into more formal organizations such as Women's Aid in Britain and Frauen Eelfen Frauen in Germany, both working for refuges for battered women and

228 229 Women Against Rape, in the United States and Britain. The Non-Govemmental Organizations (NGOs) meeting in the Forum at the United Nations women's conferences in Mexico City and Copenhagen are examples of the spread of such groups. The International Women's Tribune Centre in New York publishes materials on the activities and networking of these non-govemmental groups (IWTC Newsletter). Feminist gatherings include conferences, e.g., the British Women's Liberation Movement conferences, national

U.S. Women's Studies conferen?\?s. Socialist Feminist con- ferences, and the Sommer Uni in Berlin; and festivals such as the International Vrouwen Festival in Amsterdam, FemjZ) in Denmark, and the Michigan Womyn's Music Festival.

Women go abroad to attend these conferences and festivals, and to take part in demonstrations— even when they are ostensibly only regional or national events. Again, these visitors are generally welcomed, and sharing of ideas and work takes place. At celebrative festivals, it

is very likely that politically concerned women will gather to discuss issues and actions— there is no clear demarcation between personal and political, between feminist art and politics, music and protest. After such national events, each participant returns to local groups, bringing back cultural items, norms, and behavior. These cultural items can be readily transmitted 250 if they are appropriate and functional for the other group.

Multiple group membership seems to be one of the most significant factors explaining the spread of feminism. Within Women's Studies, as is true throughout the women's movement, there is a diversity of women from conservative to radical. Most professional fields now have feminist caucuses or organizations, e.g., in the United States the National Women's Studies Association, and Sociologists for Women in Society; the British Socio­ logical Association Women's Caucus; in Germany the Sozial- wissenschaftliche Forschung und Praxis fuer Frauen e.V. (The Association of Social Science Research and Praxis for Women). International meetings have occured on the theme of Women's Studies in Copenhagen, Berlin, Bombay, and at NWSA.

Conferences provide the opportunity for large numbers of women to come together, often in intensive sessions, to discuss issues, hear speakers, see films, distribute and collect materials, review new books, meet each other, and exchange ideas and addresses. I have found that women travel to these conferences often beyond the geographical area for which they were originally conceptualized and often outside their own area of special­ ization. Many conferences are specifically designed as international, however. The contacts made at the conference may carry on throughout the year until the next gathering. 231 Such gatherings provide a means of solidifying and extend­ ing the feminist metaculture. Women new to the movement will meet and exchange ideas with more experienced women— each has the opportunity to learn. Often women who read about a group, festival, or action in another country plan one for their own area and needs. I will present examples I have found, either first hand

or in publications, of such international contacts. An important international meeting was the International

Women's Congress, held in Paris in 1977 to discuss: 1. experiences in the struggle recently developed in all European countries

2. consideration of an international coordination of women's struggle to develop a collective perspective on how women can work together with the worker's movement 5. development of possibilities of more far reaching exchanges between the women's movements to ensure that this beginning of a discussion process will continue and how international struggles and solidarity can be organized It was proposed by French Trotskyist feminists— socialists seeking exchanges with women of other tendencies, especially with Radical Feminists, and to discuss the relation­

ship of the autonomous women's movement to political parties, unions, and the worker's movement. They sought to bring the

Women's Liberation Movement closer to the class struggle.

In December, 1975, there was a call to meet which went out throughout Europe. This led to an exchange of papers in

Paris, Zurich, and London in 1976-1977 and preparatory meetings (Autorinnengruppe. 1970) • There was disagreement over the theme of this conference, which saw the women’s struggle within the class struggle, especially from Dutch women, A second conference was held in Amsterdam. A thousand women were expected to attend the Paris meetings, but 5,000 came from 15 European countries and another 15 countries outside Europe. Two hundred and fifty met the following month at the Vrouwenhuis (Women’s House) in

Amsterdam. They came from nearly all European countries and represented a diverse range of Socialist Feminism— the Amsterdam conference was seen as opposition to making a prior commitment to an agreed political line (See Spare #61).

In Paris, many topics were dealt with including: trade unions, housework, abortion and counseling, family and sexuality, violence against women, women's centers, women’s movement and the left, and Argentine women in the resist­ ance movement. Reports were given on each topic from a number of countries so comparisons could be made. There were

reports from Italy, Germany, Switzerland, Spain, Great Britain, France, Latin America, the United States, Holland, Finland, Denmark, Belgium, and Portugal. There was to be an exchange of information about differ­ ent struggles and formulation of plans for international initiatives on abortion and a manifesto to be discussed in each country before having an international campaign. 255 For many participants, this was the first time they had had detailed discussions with feminists from other countries. In Amsterdam, the small size allowed more personal contact with women from almost all Western European coun­ tries. Women from Denmark, Sweden, Portugal, Spain, Italy, Britain, Holland, and France attended. One British partic­ ipant noted; .. .we should not be seduced by the similarity of language into thinking that we have more to leam from our American sisters than from sisters very close to us geographically, economically and in terms of their political systems, but who happen to speak foreign languages....this conference was an encouraging first step (Spare Rib ^61:28). ISIS (No. 5) published the Amsterdam papers, and both Emma (July, 1977) and Spare Rib (#61) reported the conferences. The fact that ISIS published the Socialist Feminist papers shows the interconnectedness of the types of contacts, i.e., publishing and conferences. A suggestion was made to use

ISIS as a means of exchange.

ISIS International Bulletin No. 6 "Feminism and and Socialism Part II" will continue the discuss­ ion on feminism and socialism with contributions from other countries and continents. Articles, letters, comments and other materials from readers are very welcome. In the next ISIS Bulletin we will also include an extensive resource listing of materials available on all aspects of the issue of feminism and socialism from several different perspectives and situations ....We hope in this way to contribute to the 234- international exchange and analysis of the relationship between feminism and socialism and to the further development of feminist- socialist theory and practice (ISIS Inter­ national Bulletin. October, 19777?%% Other international conferences include these; In 1974 an International Frauen Kongress was held in Frank­ furt, West Germany. Five hundred women attended and an international "Strike of the Womb" (Qebaerstreik) was suggested during the "Year of the Woman." In 1975 there was an International Lesbian Meeting in Amsterdam. That year also saw the first national gather­ ing in Germany of self-help groups in Marburg. Tv/o years later, self-help groups from throughout the world met in Rome. Over 200 women attended from Europe, the United States,

Latin America, and Australia. They discussed how women can l e a m about their own bodies, through self-health, and work against the misogynist medical profession. Italy has several health centers, alternative clinics which give treatment and advice. Plans were made to open one in Berlin. Women at the Rome meeting agreed to have as a central address the Boston Women's Health Book Collective, who will produce a monthly newsletter. In 1977 feminist journalists in Paris called a meeting of European feminist presses. And in May of 1978 German women political scientists— following the foreign model— held their first national meeting to exchange experiences. 255 An historic gathering occurred in March, 1976 in

Brussels: the International Tribunal on Crimes Against Women. It had been planned the year before at a Prauen Kongress in Germany. It was the first of its kind. Women from throughout the world spoke out against crimes against women. Over 1200 women from more than 50 countries heard testimony on occurrences of exploitation of women's labor in and outside the home, legal discrimination, physical mistreatment (battering), rape, torture, and assaults and degradation. All men, including journalists, were barred so women could speak openly as women to women. Masses of materials were collected and distributed during the five days of the meeting culminating on March 8— International Women's Day.

Nationalism waned at the tribunal; for example, an Israeli woman said to an Egyptian: "Just because the men make war against each other should not hinder us from fighting together against our oppression as women." A Swiss paper summed up coverage of the tribunal by saying: ...all the :participants of the Brussels tribunal wished for more international contact. For most, who often enough live at home as a minority of pioneers, the meeting with so many like minded women from all over the world was an impowering experience (Brockhaus, 1976). 236 There have been numerous gatherings of women in­ volved in the development of Women's Studies. In June of

1975, there was a Dutch-Scandinavian Symposium on Women's Position in Society. It was a strongly political meeting as it had grown out of political activism in the several countries. Barbara Rubin (1976), an American doing re­ search in Amsterdam on international feminism,received an im­ promptu invitation to attend. This is an example of how women from broader areas make contact with the metaculture.

She reported on the meeting in Women's Studies Newsletter, thus spreading the effect through writing. I attended the 1978 Sommer Uni fuer Frauen (Summer University for Women) in Berlin. Dagmar Schultz convened a workshop on founding an international Women's Studies Association. After some discussion it developed as a West European group in spite of attendance by women from Korea,

Greece, the United States, and other non-Western European countries— this appeared to be due to strings attached to potential funding. (This is an example of how status quo institutions who have money to offer can interfere with solidarity among women— the argument made by those demanding an autonomous movement.) In April, 1980 there was a Women's Studies conference in Berlin (Women's Studies Newsletter VIII:4-, 1980) at the Free University of Berlin. There were invited participants 237 from Sweden, France, Italy, Holland, United Kingdom, and the United States. Margherita Rendel and Diana Leonard attended from the U.K. Both have been active in Women's Studies in Britain and Rendel has attended American UWSA conferences. This meeting was boycotted by several German autonomous feminist groups because they saw it as co-optation of the movement by the university and politicians who had called it.

In 1981, there was a Summer Institute "Towards a Feminist Transformation of the Curriculum" in Ann Arbor,

Michigan. Three women from the United Kingdom attended the three week residential conference on Women's Studies. Kirkup and Whitelegg (1982) wrote of their experience there. They went in the hope that being with women who had taught

Women's Studies longer could help them in developing their ovm courses. The value of both the formal and informal sessions was enormous. However, they found great differences in both feminist theory and Women's Studies in the United States and in Britain. The difference in political theory makes it dangerous to draw too close a parallel. There is a danger in using the U.S. as a model because the educational system is so different. They were struck by the lack of analysis and discussion about class and felt that the nature of political analysis and feminist theory differed radically. 238 They felt it is time for women in Britain to start having small work conferences and larger ones like the NWSA. Here is an example of idea transfer within the metacnltnre— although the content differs, they want to utilize the form. The third annual M S A conference, "Women Respond to

Racism," was reported on and critiqued in London's WRRC Newsletter, and Emma and Courage in Germany, by women who had attended, showing awareness and interest cross-nationally. The Modern Languages Association (American) meeting in

December, 1977 was discussed in the German Frauenpffenslve Journal "Lyrik" (July, 1978, Nr.11). One session entitled "The Transformation of Silence into Language and Action" which included papers by Mary Daly, Adrienne Rich, Audre Lorde, Judith McDaniel, and Julia Stanley was discussed at length. Lorde's paper is included in The Cancer Journals

(Lorde, 1980) and much of Daly's presentation was based on Gyn/Ecology which was about to be released. Frauenoffensive Verlag was to publish both Daly's Beyond God the Father and Rich's Of Woman Born in 1979, in German. The report dis­ cussed Women's Studies in the United States and the great increase of sessions on women in the MLA meetings— seen as building blocks of social change. 239 Festivals Festivals, as a form of feminist gathering, are a link between organizations and conferences and the next topic— feminist art and women's spaces. Festivals are celebrations of feminist solidarity and showcases of feminist creativity— films, dance, theatre, and visual arts. They bring together women across disciplines and internationally. The first women's festival in Holland was held in 1976. I attended the Vrouwen Festival in 1978 together with thousands of other women from throughout Europe, the U.S., and elsewhere. There were films, music, dance and theatre, impromptu jam sessions, and exhibits. The activity and discussions spilled out into Amsterdam— to Saarein, the women's pub; Xanthippe, the feminist bookstore; bars and cafes. It was joyous and fun; addresses and tactics were

exchanged. I sat alongside a canal with three Italian women eating lunch and we discussed the need for more translations at the festival, Italian and U.S. feminist projects, and exchanged addresses. In 1977 was the first International Women's Film

Festival held in Copenhagen (Spare Rib #55)» Also that year a Women's Festival was held in London. A Spare Rib reader wrote: 240 I'd like to have a really big outdoor festival like the Dutch feminists have every September, for mixed audiences in the daytime and women-only at night. It seems a really open and confident thing to do, and not shutting out women who want to come with men either...(Spare Rib #6?, February, 1978:54).

In America, the Michigan Womyn's Music Festival has been held for the last seven years. It combines feminist social organization, musical performances, and craft sales, with political discussions and organizing. It has been attended by women from Europe and elsewhere in addition to the thousands of American and Canadian women who attend. Standing in the food line one hears French, German, and other foreign languages, in lively exchanges. WOMEN'S SPACES AND EEMINIST ART

Women's spaces and feminist art may be seen as types of contacts because the space has provided both the physical and mental-personal-emotional "space" for women to"meet and work together. The art has provided a form of commun­ ication well suited for international contacts because it can often transcend the limits of language.

The Women's Liberation Movement has developed women's space— there was a need for places where feminists could meet, discuss, work, and relax* in support of one another, without the harassment and hostility of men. These spaces have taken many forms, and have provided experimental room in which to develop collective feminist work structures and for individual women to develop skills, confidence, and knowledge. Events solely for women are many things; they are part of an emerging women's culture previously denied to us, just beginning to be reclaimed and explored. They can be celebratory, re-energising situations for women already involved in feminism, in the sense of having a good time as well as re­ affirming our anger and purpose. Hopefully, they are encouraging for women who have not enjoyed being with women before, as a crucial part of discovering and exploring our strengths and abilities together....

24-1 242 We all know the radical difference men's presence makes to a situation....Clearing a space for ourselves is difficult; it is a right, not just as an alternative which is an end in itself, but as part of our developing struggle— not for 'equality' but of a (hopefully) revolutionary feminist movement (Green, 1977:5). Alongside this development, and part of it, has been the emergence of feminist art— often referred to as feminist culture— broadly defined to include all art forms, e.g.; literature, poetry, songs and compositions, theatre, visual arts, and crafts. Much of this work is political, des­ cribing and reflecting women's position or developing feminist visions and inspiring to struggle. Women's art combines with conferences and festivals as the "main event" or "entertainment" or— as in the United Nations conferences— an alternative event. It combines with writing as well: Heresies is an English language journal of feminist art and politics, and Kassandra is a German/Swiss feminist journal of art and culture.

A Berlin exhibit of women's art from 1877 to 1977 attracted exhibitors and visitors from abroad. Spare Rib (59:3) covered it, Europe's largest, most ambitious women's exhibition: ...The Berlin women created a precedent, on an international scale, for how women can find for themselves the physical and mental space to pursue problems they have begun to work on.... 2^5 The Los Angeles Women's Building has been a model to women elsewhere. Ulrike Rosenbach studied art in the Women's Building and this led to teaching classes in creative feminism in Cologne. She included history of women and culture. Consciousness Raising, and practical art work.

Women's spaces are often experiments in developing feminist work structures and relationships. For example, the Washington [d .C.^ Area Feminist Theatre developed a "Feminist Behavior Model" to clarify the kinds of inter­ action they wanted among themselves. It was adopted by the Washington Women's Art Center as well. Art and politics mix in the women's movement. The following is a partial list of key concepts from the model: accountability, open communication, information exchange criticism, self-criticism no trashing, no martyrism self-awareness and political awareness responsibility to and from the group cooperative, non-hierarchical structure commitment to quality, creative approach trust in and respect for each other's skills transfer of skills open to being sane and successful shared power and responsibility leadership is O.K. respect for privacy These can be transferred to other kinds of feminist work, e.g., a self-help clinic. Work in art and women's spaces thus contributes to the movement as a whole both by 2 4 4 providing rest and inspiration for other activists and by developing new behavior models and social structures. The development of both feminist arts and women's spaces is occuring in all the countries I have visited as well as throughout Scandinavia and elsewhere; this greatly facilitates international contacts. There are many women's art galleries, studios, and workshops. I found these in all the sample countries, including; Women's Free Arts Alliance in London; Galerie Andere Zeichen in Berlin, the first women's gallery in Germany; Media Laden in Hamburg, which provides women photographers and filmmakers work space and feminist theoretical discussions and media train­ ing; and Washington Women's Arts Center. There are communes, farm and city collectives, houses of refuge, restaurants and pubs, publishing houses and bookstores, art buildings, health centers, and vacation centers. The fact that such women's spaces exist made my work in Europe much easier, because they provided a feminist base within v/hich to v/ork. I used darkrooms in London and Hamburg, mimeograph machines in women' s centers in Cologne and London, and held countless conversations with feminists in many bookstores, cafes, and women's centers.

Much of the v/ork of the women's movement in Germany has taken place in the Frauenzentren (v/omen's centers) which 245 feminists have opened in most large and many small German cities. They usually are a loose netv/ork of v/ork groups, e.g., on rape, abortion, lesbian support, theory, violence. Women's Studies, and Consciousness Raising. They have pleasant meeting space, sponsor social gatherings, organize demonstrations, and develop projects such as opening women's bookstores, restaurants and bars; offering coun­ seling for pregnancy, birthing and abortion, rape victims, feminist therapy; houses for battered women; self-health clinics; and archives. Several centers have published books or booklets about their activities. Most publish local newsletters and materials on specific topics or issues. The idea for v/omen's land arose in 1973 on Fem^, the Danish women's island, as it has elsewhere, and there are now several sites in West Germany as well as women's land in the U.S. These are usually owned and run by collectives of women and provide vacation space for other women. They may be combined with farming and craftv/ork.

Women's bookstores full of old and new works by women are a vital part of the Women's Liberation Movement because they help distribute the feminist theoretical literature and also play a role as a center of information on local movement activities. Publishing collectives and other feminist businesses v/hich develop feminist organizational structures also become women's spaces. 246 These spaces may provide a livelihood for the women running them and the artists, and they further provide a place of rest and restoration for busy activists. Women's spaces are, however, frequently criticized as being a form of isolation and withdrawal from political issues. Separatism that leaves patriarchy intact is ineffective; but most women's spaces are oases of renewal. In addition to providing much of the literature of the movement, they render many services, such as maintaining crisis lines, establishing refuges, or skill sharing. They offer the first exposure to feminism for some women, brought in by a friend or attracted by a poster or special event. They are often points of contact for women from different cities and countries; they may assist women in finding local

accomodations with other feminists. The festivals and conferences discussed above also become women's spaces, even if only temporarily. Just as traveling feminists seek out women's art and spaces, feminist artists, craftswomen, and performers tour to bring their work to new audiences at conferences, festivals, and at concerts and exhibits; and thus, serve as linkages between places and groups. Shared symbols of the feminist movement help women to recognize women's spaces, literature, and other feminist women, even when language is a barrier. These are widely 247 used and include the woman's symbol ? , used with a clinched fist or a variety of other symbols within it; it has been used on German book covers, Icelandic protest posters, and in Manushi in India; the lesbian symbol ^ ; the labrys — symbol of matriarchal power ; the color lavender, taken from the early suffragists; and the hand sign for the womb, used widely in Europe and now seen increasingly in the United States (cf. Spare Rib ^60, lime

May 1982:25). The symbolism of "bread and roses" is frequently used.

Taken from a song written for a 1912 strike by American women textile workers, it says in part:

...Our lives shall not be sweated from birth until life closes: Hearts starve as well as bodies; give us bread, but give us roses! As we come marching marching, unnumbered women dead go crying through our singing their ancient cry for bread Small art and love and beauty their drudging spirits knew. Yes, it is bread we fight for - but we figîit for roses too !...

Thus, these four kinds of international contacts serve to create and sustain the dynamic of a metaculture. Direct face-to-face contacts, distribution and translation of feminist writings, organizational conferences and festivals, and women's spaces and women's art provide the means by which feminists communicate and the structure of the metaculture- 248 We now turn to its content. Three exemplary issues will be discussed which are both important in all the investigated countries (and probably all countries) and there have been international contacts and cooperation between feminists working on these issues. CHAPTER SIX COMMON ISSUES OF THE WOMEN'S LIBERATION MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE AND AMERICA

The final topic to be considered is the similarity of the issues of the Women's Liberation Movements in Western Europe and the United States. Several issues emerged during my research which are examples of concerns shared by feminists in Europe and America, as well as elsewhere. Tactics to challenge the problems have spread from one country to another. There has been specific international contact, of the types discussed in Chapter Five, around these issues. I have selected three topics which are aspects of the general feminist concern for autonomy, i.e., control of and responsibility for one's own life: violence against women, health issues, and personal/political issues. Because of the new perspectives gained through Conscious­ ness Raising, feminists have stressed taking responsibility for their own lives. I was often told some variant of "I refuse to collude in my own oppression" when discussing how one lives a feminist life. Rowbotham has written: "...The 'lived relation of subordination' is to be contested where- ever it is to be found (1979:119)." Many of the problems

249 250 of women stem from various forms of dependency; legal,

economic, psychological. Becoming more autonomous gives women choice in how to live their lives. Autonomy is, of course, both exhilarating and painful; it is a growth process. The realization for a woman that she can (and must) decide how to live, that she has the right (and responsibility) to make such decisions, is often an important part of early feminist consciousness. The Women's Liberation Movement stresses developing autonomy and skills women have been traditionally denied by their socialization. There are many shared issues, but the following examples should suffice to support the assertion that a metaculture is emerging. Still other issues are specific to a particular country or subgroup and will not be dealt with in this research. The question is not a quantitative one of whether more issues are "unique" or "shared," but rather an assertion that there are a great many common issues and tactics. The analysis in this chapter will be structured around three sample issues: 1. violence against women 2. feminist health issues

5. personal/political issues VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN

Feminists in all the sample countries are opposing violence against women. Violence is a major deterrent to women's autonomy; living in fear and degradation limits one's mobility and aspirations; furthermore, it is often a matter of life and death. The issue unites women across age and class lines, sexual identities, race and ethnic differences. It is broadly defined including such forms as rape, battering, and pornography. Rape is an important issue in the growing women's movement in India, and may serve as a focus to unite women from East and West, Action projects such as rape prevention, crisis lines, victim advocacy, refuges for battered women and their child­ ren, and anti-pornography campaigns are in operation. Take Back the Night marches are another example of a protest strategy developing in one country— Italy— and spreading.to others.

4 See Chapter Seven for further discussion of feminism in India, Other East/West issues of violence include clitori- dectomy and sex-tourism, Clitoridectomy and genital mutilation have aroused concern both in the countries involved and abroad, similar to the earlier campaign to end foot-binding in China, Sex-tourism brings Western men to Asia for prostitution tours and ships Asian women to the West (e.g.,Thai women are sent to Germany) as wives, sold in a profitable underground market. Again, women in both Asia and the West are opposing this,

2 5 1 Research is being carried out on these varied forms

of violence, their causes and consequences, especially the

links between pornography and sexual abuse (cf. Lederer, 1981; Brownmiller, 1975; Dworkin, 1981; Benard and 8chlaffer,1978) Violence against women is not new. Moderate estimates say that 9,000,000 women were burned alive as witches in Europe during the middle ages. These were wise women, and midwives, healers, and other women who did not conform to society's proscriptions. American Puritans also sentenced many women to death as witches. There is a direct connection between

today's feminists and these women— German women hold Take Back the Night marches on Nalpurgisnacht and dress as witches

(see page 257), and & Berlin self-health journal is called "Whisperings of Witches" (Hexengefluester). Mary Daly (1978) has used the history of these women extensively in her

writings.

Rape is a major issue in the U.S., throughout Europe, and

in India. At the 1976 International Tribunal in Brussels, rape was on the agenda. Revisions in the legal interpretation

and prosecution of rape is sought in all the countries; the percentage of rapes reported and prosecuted is small. Early in the 1970s American feminists began having speak-outs. Consciousness Raising, and political organizing 253 around, the issue of rape. In 197^» New York Radical Feminists published a rape sourcebook for women (Connell and Wilson, 197^)- It grew out of the speak-outs, workshops, and interviews with women who had organized rape crisis centers in several U.S. cities. There are guidelines for Consciousness Raising groups and developing crisis centers.

It is based on taking feminist action against rape— women must begin taking responsibility at all times for the survival and well-being of other women and for preventing and prosecuting acts of rape by the formation of feminist rape projects (Connell and Wilson, 1974). Collectives with a strong sense of feminist history and ideals started grass­ roots action in the early 1970s; by 1971 there were centers in Washington B.C., New York, Detroit, California, and elsewhere. This same feminist position was expressed by French feminists at the Brussels tribunal and reported in German to feminists in Germany. Wir selber muessen den Kamnf gegen die Vergewaltigung in unsere eigenen Haende nehmen. garnit unsere Rolle als Opfer beendet wird.... Fir muessen lemen. uns zusammenzuschliessen und zu verteidigen ! (We ourselves must take the struggle against rape in our own hands, to end our role as victims....we must leam to unite and defend ourselves!— translated by Gillespie- Woltemade) (Brockhaus, 1976:27). 254 In 1977» there was a German national women's conference in Munich. An anti-rape group from Munich reported on their work of the past year, and mentioned similar work in Berlin, Holland, the U.S., and elsewhere. The group offers direct help, counsel, and support to rape victims. In Germany, as elsewhere, feminists criticize the legal system for further victimizing the rape victim. The Munich group called for massive demonstrations throughout Germany— the first of the German Take Back the Night marches (to be discussed below).

They discussed the myths of rape, the "little rapes" on the street, the connections between sex and violence- They called for self-defense training for all women and girls. They also called for an author for the foreword of a German edition of Susan Brownmiller ' s book Against Our Will to be published in German a few months later. This book, published two years earlier in the U.S., is widely read in the international metaculture. An article in Emma (March, 1980:57) said Brownmiller's book on rape was the stimulus for discussion of rape in West Germany's women's movement. It has led beyond discussion to emergency phone lines, demonstrations, and karate lessons. Emma ran extensive excerpts from Brownmiller ' s book in a four part series. The articles were on the connection between rape and war, political power, and the legal and social issues of rape. 255 In the 1978 women's calendar "Tag fuer Tag" the German

"Women Against Rape" (Frauen gegen Ver gewalt igung) group in the Frauenzentrum in Berlin is discussed. They have established a 24-hour telephone crisis line. They assist rape victims with doctors, police, and the court. The article says, in the USA and England such telephone lines have existed some time and we will draw upon their theoretical and practical experience. The reading list includes British author Erin Pizzey's Schrei leise (Scream Quietly or the Neighbours will Hear) and the tribunal papers from

Brussels. In Germany, nine cities have emergency crisis lines and three more cities have planning groups. Courage has frequent coverage of rape, battering, pornography, and projects of resistance. In June, 1980, rape was the cover theme for the issue which included articles on German feminist projects and step-by-step advice on what to do after a rape— dealing with doctors, police, courts, intimate relations, and emotional stress. They are working on both prevention, social change, and support of victims. The issue also reported on rape and feminist work in other countries.. Since 1978 an emergency line has been in operation in Paris— with information, collective preparation of the court hearing, and development of theory/praxis on rape and other violence against women— e.g.,in the media, pornography, and incest. It listed the 256 address and telephone number of rape centers in Paris, London, Tel-Aviv, Toronto, Amsterdam, and Boston. It reported cases of rape from France, Italy, U.S., and in Spain. A listing of feminist films on rape from Germany, France, Canada, Italy, and Holland was included. Clearly, there is a great deal of international communication on rape. Blaming the victim is a cross-cultural response to violence against women; laws, police, and the courts often collude with the perpetrator in this. Legal justice in rape cases is of concern. The need for revisions in the existing laws is as urgent in Germany as elsewhere.

Feminists seek to include marital rape, all penetration forms, as well as psychic violence. Resistance of the woman should not be required and the victim's sexuality should not be allowed to be used as defense. These concerns are cross­ national. In Detroit and other U.S. cities, rape victims have been required to take lie-detector tests— even when there has been medical proof of rape. In France, rape victims have been required to undergo psychiatric examinations; in all other criminal cases where this is required it is the accused, not the victim, who is examined. Rape cases in Italy have aroused anger and international feminist response. They have been reported in Emma, Courage, and Spare Rib. The feminists of Italy have inspired others 257 with their strength and courage in the face of very restrictive laws and customs on abortion and rape.

In August of 1976, Claudia Caputti, who had moved from her Italian village to the city to work as a domestic servant, was raped by a gang of 16 young men. Against the wishes of her father, and others in her village— v;ho felt she was bringing shame on them— Claudia prosecuted the men. She received death threats and threats of other reprisals from the men's relatives. The following March, she was raped again by four youths and slashed with a razor. She was hospitalized and 20,000 Italian women marched in the streets in anger. Feminists guarded her in the hospital.

Her lawyer requested to have the public prosecutor replaced because his attitude showed complicity v/ith the cultural and ideological values of the accused rapièts. Spare Rib

(June 1977:20) covered the case and concluded with; The Italian women's movement asks us to send information about political, legal and other actions taken by women against rape and violence and in support of raped women in our countries. Materials in any language will be helpful. If possible send two copies, one for a permanent collection, one for circulation to ISIS....The international support and solidarity for Claudia and the whole campaign so far has been tremendous! Thank you.

Most of the information for the article was provided by Marilee Karl of ISIS. 258 Two years later (Spare Rib 84, July '1979:15) the following report came;

A few days after the screening of a rape trial on Italian TV, Lucia Luconi, an ençloyee of the TV company, was raped by seven men....the Italian press clearly reco^ized the incident as a reprisal raid....Piorella, the eighteen year old subject of the programme...has given all the money [awarded in damages] to start a rape crisis centre. The feminist metaculture has spread the word and inspired support on an international scale for a number of rape victims which led to pressure on government officials. Four American women, all ethnic minority women, retaliated against sexual violence by killing the perpetrators. These women aroused international support from feminists. Joan Little killed her white jailer with an icepick after he raped her in her jail cell. Inez Garcia stalked and killed her rapist. Yvonne Wanrow, an American Indian, killed a child molester who was after her child. And, Bessie Woods shot and killed a man with his gun after he attempted to rape her. She received a long prison sentence. Emma reported that a group of women in Holland organized support— to get the women of the world to unite behind the case like they had in Joan Little's case. In April 1977, Emma reported that Inez Garcia had been set free. They described her as a symbol in the struggle against male violence. Both Yvonne Wanrow and Inez Garcia's cases were reported at the Brussels tribunal on crimes against women. In the 259 German tribunal report, contributions were sought for Garcia's defense fund as well as Wanrow's and requests to circulate petitions on their behalf were made. In Ireland, Noreen Winchester killed her father after long years of sexual abuse. She was sent to prison and an international feminist campaign was begun for her release.

Spare Rib (#62:29) reported the case, referring to both Inez Garcia and Joan Little. Other raped women in the U.S. who retaliated against their attackers and got heavy sentences have been acquitted by higher courts after feminist publishing campaigns. ISIS, October 1977 Bulletin ran an appeal for inter­ national solidarity for Noreen Winchester. Twenty year old Noreen had been sexually assaulted by her father for seven years— since the death of her mother. He threatened to kill her if she told anyone. He also raped her younger sisters.

In 1976, after yet another rape, she and her sister stabbed the drunken father to death— she was sentenced to seven years in prison. A committee was set up in Holland to petition for her release and by April 1978 she was released (Spare Rib #71:11). Off Our Backs (October 1977:10) also ran the story and asked American women to write to her in support. Emma (March, 1980:37) reviewed a film "Per Schrei aus der Stille" (The Scream in the Night) about a rape. The article starts with a quote from Susan Brownmiller and mentions 260 that the film has been showing in London. The film was made by a Franco/Canadian feminist, and Emma says that the discussion in the film connects American (Canadian) and French feminist theory and is thus an important political stimulus for German feminists. The film also deals with incest; the article says a discussion of incest has hardly begun in Germany and this film can provide German feminists an impetus. This indicates the web of connections in the metaculture: American writer Susan Brownmiller, French/Canadian film­ maker , London film showing, German feminist magazine writing about it, and German women viewing the film. In the Autumn of 1981, in London, 1,000 women attended a national conference of Women Against Violence Against

Women. Off Our Backs (February, 1982:2-3, 26) ran a long discussion article on the conference which dealt with many issues including rape in marriage. Women's Aid, sexual harassment, and a variety of other forms of violence. In this way, American women have contacts with the concerns and tactics of British women working against violence.

Battered Women Physical assaults on women, beating, battering— whatever the term— which has occurred throughout history, emerged early in the Women's Liberation Movement as an issue to be 261 confronted by feminists. It is estimated that one ija six American wives is living in an abusive situation and that one in two will experience violence at least once in her marriage. Many countries have similar situations; a recent issue of Off Our Backs discussed battered women in Israel; Swiss feminists are concerned with violence against women as one of their main issues (Off Our Backs. April 1981:10-11); and all the European countries seem to have the problem. The idea of refuge houses as an immediate support to the victim, and often her children, developed in England and has spread throughout Europe and the United States. As with many other issues of the Women's Liberation Movement there has been communication between groups on how best to organize and finance refuges and what it means to have autonomous feminist projects which will help change the woman’s life.

In 1971, a group of women opened a house in England and called it "Chiswick Women's Aid." It became the first refuge for battered women and began an international movement. Erin Pizzey, a prime mover in establishing the house, and author of

Scream Quietly or the Neighbours Will Hear (197^)» has been a controversial figure in the movement ever since. Her book, which tells the story of the women's group in Chiswick and how the house got started, indicates some of the international contacts that have been made (1974:135-157). By 1974, she 262 had had letters and visitors seeking information from Baltimore, Chicago, New York, Canada, Melbourne, Sydney,

New South Wales, New Zealand, and Amsterdam. She writes; With the links that are growing between groups in all these countries we will have a large platform of radical opinion from which to change official policy (1974:157). When I visited "Alternatives for Battered Women" in Rochester, New York and told them I was going to England to meet British feminists, they said, "You must go to Chiswick and meet Erin Pizzey— she started it all." Pizzey's book was reviewed in a full page article in Off Our Backs (February, 1978:16). The book has also been published in German as Schrei leise... . In 1974, Betsy Warrior, an American feminist, wrote an article entitled "Battered Lives." Spare Rib (November, 1978 26) said the article "...helped to start a movement j[in the U.S.] for Women's Aid inspired by ours in Britain." Emma in

1978, in discussing refuges in Germany, said they were modeled after those in England. The August, 1976 issue of Ms. had a cover article on battered wives. It stressed the need for refuges.

Increasingly j concerned community groups are turning their attention to the needs of the women trapped in violent marriages. Their most urgent requirement is simply a place to go— a refuge where they can marshal their determination to improve their lives. In England there are now about 50 shelters for women and their children. There are others in Ireland 263 and Australia, and refuges are being developed in France and West Germany. Within the last few years a growing number of shelters have been set up in the United States (Gingold, 1976:94). There has been much feminist writing on battered women in Emma; Courage, Spare Rib, Ms., and Off Our Backs, as well as pamphlets and booklets. Two useful articles by

Weir (1977) and Hanmer (1977) appear in the British collection Women in the Community (Mayo, 1977). They discuss the relationship between Women's Aid and the Women's Liberation Movement. The concept of a refuge owes much to feminist ideas of self-help and autonomous organization— ideas taken from the Women's Liberation Movement. Working in a refuge is often a means of initial contact with feminist theory/ praxis and the Women's Liberation Movement. This reaches both volunteers and victims; many of the refuges are structured to be run by the battered women themselves. German women have been aware of and have reported on work in other countries: They say in other countries much is being done. Since 1971 in America many crisis lines have been established for raped and battered women, as well as houses for battered women. In England since 1975 there has been a national organization (Women's Aid) for battered women, with 64 counseling centers and 46 refuges. There are centers in Holland, France, Denmark, Norway, Japan, and Australia. German women are working to open refuges in Hamburg and Berlin (Frauenzentrum Munich, 1976). 264 A poster for Erauen Helfen Frauen (Women Helping Women, i.e. German Women's Aid), to raise funds for a refuge in Cologne, said German women need houses "...like those in London, Copenhagen, and Amsterdam..." (Emma. February, 1977:

59). At the international conference held in Paris at the University of Vincennes in 1977 (discussed in Chapter Five)^ a workshop was held on Violence Against Women and a report was given by women from England on the politics of Women's Aid. The report is published in German (Autorinnengruppe,

1977:119-125). Here then is metaculture contact, first at the international conference and secondly in print/translation by a feminist publishing group. The German editors say the English women were the first to struggle for houses for battered women. Today, there are over 100 such houses in England. In this report, two important questions are examined: why men beat women and whether refuges are merely social achievements or if they offer the beginning of a political solution to violence against women. The analysis takes the view that the phenomenon of battered women is not a social problem, rather it is part of the patriarchal social system. Thus, refuges are not a solution but only a temporary assistance. The real solution is to empower women to live autonomous lives, economically 265 independent of men, and unwilling to accept a violent domestic situation. The programs at the refuges are political to the extent they are able to work on these wider issues.

There have been several Frauenhaeuser (refuges) for battered women opened in West Germany. The first was in

Berlin, the second in Cologne. More cities now have houses and there are many initiative groups planning and organizing for them; in 1978, 59 cities had such groups, and by 1982 over 100 German cities had houses or initiative groups. The houses are quickly overfilled— as they are in other countries— and Berlin has now opened its second Frauenhaus. They have received some public monies, but there is strong interest in keeping the houses autonomous. The organization Frauen Helfen

Frauen, with many local chapters, has worked for autonomous houses. They prepared a documentation in 1977 on the Frauenhaus in Cologne. The Berlin Frauenhaus published Frauen Gegen Maennergewalt (Women Against Male Violence) (Berliner Frauenhaus, 1978) about their early experiences, with photographs and diaries of some of the many women and children who have been sheltered there, and has produced a film, "Keiner hat das Recht mein Leben kaputtzumachen" ("No One Has the Right to Ruin My Life"). Die ganz gewoehn- liche Gewalt in der Ehe. Texte zu einer Soziologie von Macht land Liebe (Common Violence in Marriage— Texts on a Sociology 266 of Power and Love) is a sociological analysis of violence within marriage (Benard and Schlaffer, 1978).

By 1979, Denmark had its first shelter for battered women. As reported in Spare Rib (April, 1980:23) and

Connexions (Summer, 1981:28-29), it was in a hundred year old house originally built by a mistress of the King of Denmark to house poor women. Danner House was occupied by women late in 1979 as it was slated to be sold. During the first three months, 112 women and 4-6 children sought refuge there. Like most feminist women's projects, Danner House has financial difficulties and is in peril. Other groups are working for refuges throughout Denmark. For the United States, the first national conference of grass-roots projects for battered women was held in 1980 (Off Our Backs. April 1980:4-). Concern for keeping the movement feminist in focus, preventing professionalism and elitism of staffs, and avoiding strings attached to govern­ ment funds for battered women's projects were discussed as they have been in both Britain and West Germany. The confer­ ence was sponsored by the National Coalition Against Domestic Violence— American counterpart to Women's Aid and Frauen Helfen Frauen. 267 Take Back the Might

Take Back the Night marches are an example of a strategy to protest violence and pornography which has spread from country to country. In November and December of 1976, tens of thousands of Italian women, beating pots and pans, marched through the streets of Rome, Milan, and Florence chanting slogans; "We love the night and want to go out in the darkI" "The Witches are returning and avenge the violence of men against women!" These marches were reported in Frauenkalender and in the first issue of Bmma

(February, 1977:61). At the national Frauenkongress in March of 1977 a pro­ posal was made for women in many German cities to have such marches on V/alpurgisnacht (April 30)— the night the witches come dov/n out of the mountains. The women, made-up as witches and carrying torches, marched under the motto "Wir erobem uns die Nacht zurueck! "— "We re-conquer the night for ourselves!". The following year, and every year since, the marches have been held. In 1978, they were met with hostility by police, media, and on-lookers (Emma, June

1978:16-17). Spare Rib (August, 1977:21) ran a short article with a photo of the German marches— which they took from Courage. They translated one slogan as "Men, beware, now the night belongs to women." It reported several serious injuries 268 inflicted by onlookers. The British slogan "Reclaim the Night" was used here— possibly for the first time.

By November 12th, 1977, marches were held throughout Britain in Leeds, Manchester, London, Bristol, Brighton, Lancaster, York, and Newcastle (Spare Rib. January, 1978: 22-23). The way this happened is an excellent example of the metaculture: Leeds women formed a Reclaim the Night Group after reading the report of the night demos in Germany (SR 51) and discussing action against male violence at the "Revolutionary Feminist" conference in Edinburgh in July. "We were particularly concerned because there'd been a series of women murdered in West Yorkshire, [by the "Yorkshire Ripper"]" they explained.... They decided to fix a date for a march which they published in WIRES, the National Women's Liberation Newsletter. They also sent letters to women's centres and publications calling for support. The idea caught on (Spare Rib, January, 1978:23). By May 1978— two years after the Italian women started these marches— women in Holland took up the marches. In tovms all over Holland women demonstrated on the night of May 19 against sexual violence. It was the first 'Reclaim the Night' action in Holland, organized by Women Against Sexual Violence, Women Against Rape and other groups, following the German, British, and French examples (Spare Rib, August, 1978:10). There were marches in Amsterdam, Utrecht, Rotterdam, Nijmegen and eight other towns. These marches have continued in Europe with frequent police brutality, injuries, and arrests. Feminist groups use them for Consciousness Raising, confrontation and protest. 269 and re-affirmation of their resolve to take responsibility for women's safety.

In the late 1970s they also began in the United States and there have been hundreds of Take Back the Night marches since. A graphic of a woman's hand grasping a cresent moon and holding it aloft has been used in Spare Rib, on a

Washington, B.C. banner (Off Our Backs. November 1981:9), and on an American T-shirt reading "Women Unite— Take Back the Night." Laura Lederer (1980) has used the slogan as the title of her collection of feminist articles on pornography.

Violent Backlash Violence and the threat of potential violence is

directed against women as women and as subordinates, e.g., rape and battering. When women work together to confront this violence through refuges, crisis centers, and self- defense training, often the response to that is also in the form of violent backlash. Even establishing such women's spaces as art centers and bookstores, or providing self- help clinics has prompted violence. A few examples of the violent responses which feminists have experienced in all the sample countries in retaliation for their work in the Women ' s Liberation Movement are listed

below; 2 7 0

A domestic abuse project in Pennsylvania was given a shelter house by the W.C.T.U.— it was burned down by arson before they could move in. The Women's Building in San Francisco was bombed and later burned— on Valentines Day, doing #60,000 worth of damage; the bomb caused #12,000 damage. The Women's Bookstore in Paris has been firebombed three times. Abortion clinics in Cleveland, Boston, Sydney, Auckland, and New Zealand have been firebombed, broken into, and vandalized.

The offices of women's journals, and A Woman's Place in London have been vandalized, files stolen, and equipment destroyed. The Frauenhaus in Berlin was firebombed at 4;$0 in the morning when 7o women and 45 children were sleeping. Women victims and v;orkers have been attacked outside refuges, some killed. And women have been jailed in Egypt, Mexico, Portugal, Italy, and South Africa for their work for women. Russian feminists have been exiled.

The words of a song of South African women who have been involved in political resistance for nearly 70 years remind us: Remember all our women in the jails Remember all our women in campaigns Remember all our women over many fighting years Remember all our women for their triumphs and for their tears. FEMINIST HEALTH ISSUES

Health issues are important to feminists and traditional androcentric medical practice has been criticized by the movement. In all the sample countries, health has emerged as an important area of theory and praxis— seeking what can be done by and for women to build alternative structures. The right to free and safe, legal abortion is crucial to the Women's Liberation Movement. It has not been firmly secured anywhere. For example, the official figures for Mexico in 1980 revealed 80,000 deaths from illegal abortions and 800,000 women admitted to the hospital for complications from illegal abortions (Spare Rib. 99:1^)- In India, where it is legal, a woman dies from a botched abortion every ten minutes. Doctors' attitudes and shortage of hospitals and clinics force many home abortions. Opposition to abortion is growing in many countries in a strong, highly organized "Eight to Life" movement. The right of a woman to control her own body is part of the highly valued right to control and take responsibility for one's ovm. life. The demand for safe and readily available contraception formed part of the earlier women's movement.

271 272 led by the work of Margaret Sanger, but it is still urgently needed, as is freedom from forced sterilization— the other side of reproductive freedom. This has occurred dispro­ portionately to poor and minority women. Feminists have revealed the need for more research on women's health and that using male anatomy to generalize about human health denies women adequate medical care. Other areas of concern include learning more about menstrua­ tion disorders, menstrual extraction, menopause, and related conditions. The self-health movement has contacts with citizen's rights groups working on more broadly defined health issues; thus, feminism spreads into new areas of work. High rates of breast and uterine cancer are drawing feminists into the ecology and anti-nuclear movements as increasing evidence links cancer to chemical and nuclear contamination, horde (1980) provides a feminist analysis of breast cancer in The Cancer Journals. Feminist work in the area of health has been met with considerable backlash. Efforts to develop alternative birthing methods, including home deliveries and the use of midwives, have often clashed with the established medical profession. Self-help clinics teaching vaginal examination techniques have been charged with practicing medicine without a license. Some doctors have been barred from hospitals because of their willingness to give prenatal care and assist 273 in home deliveries. One insurance company refused to pay the medical costs for delivery in a birthing room in a hospital. Such measures support the vested interests of the medical establishment, not women. There has been resistance to women's medical knowledge throughout history

(Rothman, 1979).

Beverly Smith (1982:103-105)» developing a Women's Studies course on Black women's health has said: The health of Black women is a subject of major importance for those of us who are committed to learning, teaching, and writing about our sisters. Exploring this topic is a way of discovering how we are broken physically and mentally in this oppressive society and also of finding out how we have struggled and survived.... The poor health of Black women can be documented in a number of ways. We die sooner than white women; our deaths from pregnancy and childbirth are several times higher; and our death rates from a number of diseases are also higher. These facts clearly in­ dicate that our political position as Black women affects our health. The effects of racism, sexism, and class oppression make us less healthy and also deprive us of decent health care. There is also concern for the health issues of Latin American, Asian, and African women and how the policies of Western capitalist governments and industries affect their lives (Gillespie-Woltemade, 1979). The dumping of unsafe, illegal lUD's, testing "the pill" and Depro Provera, and exploitative marketing of infant formula are only a few examples. There is an effort to understand how the lives of women are interconnected and how Western social, economic, and military practices affect women all over the world. 274- In this section, I will discuss the self-help movement, abortion, and birthing.

The Feminist Self-Help Movement A desire for knowledge about one's own body, especially the reproductive and sexual functioning, has led to the self-help or self-health movement, designed to inform women about their bodies and teach them how to examine their own uterus and breasts to control disease, monitor for cancer, and control reproduction. The self-help clinic and the women's health movement are not just personal solutions for an individual woman's health problem— though that is obviously a valid reason for their existence; they are tools for inducing collective thought and action from which radical social change can grow (Marieskind, 1978:20). The movement started in Los Angeles and with the Boston Women's Health Collective (1976) who published Our Bodies. Ourselves. These groups have traveled in Europe and else­ where, helping groups set up self-health centers. Our Bodies, Ourselves has been translated and adapted into more than a dozen languages. Manushi, a feminist magazine in India, ran an article about the American self-help movement and offered a special rate on Our Bodies. Ourselves to subscribers. Thus, the metaculture spread through face-to- face contact and writing/translation. 275 Rov;botham (1979:140) sees the women's movement as having influenced the left in challenging the politics of deferment; self-help implies that we will not wait for change.

Two obvious examples of forms of activity which have been important in the women's movement are consciousness-raising groups and self-help groups of various kinds like women's health, Women's Aid, Rape Crisis centres....Self-help groups emerged in the community politics of the New Left in America and have become an important form of organizing in the women's movement (Rowbotham, 1979:155-134). Anne Raulin (1978:17-19), one of the translators/ adaptors of Notre Corps, Nous-Mëme— the French edition of

Our Bodies. Ourselves sent a report to ISIS (1978) on the self-help movement: Women's self-help groups began to be formed in the early 1970s in the USA as part of the struggle for abortion. The movement began in Los Angeles, then spread throughout the country following a trip from west to east by the women who had begun it— a trip which was financed by women wanting to lea m about their bodies. At present there are about 1,200 such ^oups in the USA alone. Later these women were invited to several countries of Western Europe, to Canada, Mexico and New Zealand (1978:17)• The work-model developed by these women included a collective apprenticeship— learning together. They taught each other how to do vaginal self-examinations with a speculum, flashlight, and mirror; and to do breast self­ examinations. They held discussions, exchanged information 276 and experiences, had ideological debates, conducted research— all stressing knowledge of one's own body. Raulin describes the work in feminist health clinics which, beyond self-examinâtions, includes pap smears (test for cervical cancer), testing for venereal disease, fitting diaphragms and caps, and (working with physicians) performing abortions. Often the feminists have taught the doctors the aspiration method, developed by women, which has not been taught in medical schools. The self-help movement has developed nev; treatments for vaginal infections, given renewed impetus to home-birth, and opened women's health centers in the U.S., Italy, France, Switzerland, West Germany, Britain, and Spain. ...These alternatives are first of all an answer to our needs, but they also give us power against the medical establishment which is one of the pillars of the profit-making system (Rina, 1978:19)* Often the self-help groups have progressed from learning self-exams and discussion/study groups to opening their own feminist women's health clinics. A Swiss woman describes the development of self-help in her country; she is aware of the connections between the movements in America and Europe: Five years ago, we saw women practising self- examination for the first time. There were about 250 of us in the room with the "stars" of the North American movement. It was a real demon­ stration....During (the following] year we got to know the MLAC (movement for the liberalisation of abortion and contraception) in France and we 277 saw abortion using aspiration performed by non­ medical women— something which encouraged us to continue our struggle for free abortion on demand. ... Five years after our first self-examination, we have now opened a women's health centre, to deal with everything related to gynaecology, obstetrics and pediatrics (Rina, 1978:20). The self-help movement had a similar start in West

Germany. Alice Schwarzer (1977a) gave this account: In November, 1973, in the Berlin Frauenzentrum. two American feminists from Los Angeles, Carol Downer and Debbie Law, held an information evening on "self-help." They were making a European tour to share the latest knowledge of

American feminists. Three hundred German women attended. They showed slides, gave vaginal self-examination demon- 2 strations, and talked about abortion clinics, (translated by Gillespie-Woltemade) Also present that evening were Christiana Ewert,

Dagmar Schultz, and Gaby Karsten. By 1977, these three had written Hexengefluester (Whisperings of Witches), a feminist health handbook, and started a self-help group which offered health courses. The influence of the USA women's health movement on Hexengefluester is obvious. Much of the material in the book is developed from such sources as Our Bodies, Ourselves or the Monthly Extract and the confrontations of American feminist activists with "pig doctors" are described in detail (Frank, 1978:148).

2 The Feminist Women's Health Center of Los Angeles planned another trip through Europe in March, 1980. They advertised in Courage for contacts. 278 The group also started Clio, a self-help journal. In the Fall of 1977» they planned to open the first European self-help clinic Feministische Frauen Gesundheitszentrum (FFGZ). By then there were over 100 women's health groups in Germany; the Berlin group had formed right after the visit of Downer and Law. They held regional conferences and kept in contact with women's groups in other countries, especially the U.S. They stress the praxis aspect of self-help— a chance to actually work. After long, frustrating work to abolish the abortion law (Article 218), there is hope to develop means to control pregnancies and reduce the need for abortion by making women more aware of their bodies and how to control them. Three West German women worked for several months in the U.S. at a feminist health center before starting FFGZ in Berlin. In the first month FFGZ was open, an American woman was to come to help with her experience. They offer gynecological exams, pregnancy testing and counseling, abortion, sexuality counseling, contraception, and self-help courses (Schwarzer, 1977b). A Spanish health group sought money and support from British feminists so they could distribute handbooks on

VD, contraception, use of the speculum, and self breast examination techniques (Spare Rib 55:25)» There is considerable international cooperation on health self-help. 279 The Boston Women's Health Book Collective has been very important to the feminist health movement in the U.S. and world-wide. In the Spring of 1969, at a women's conference in Boston, there was a workshop entitled "Women and Their Bodies." A group of interested women continued to meet after the conference and have ongoing discussions and research. They had found doctors to be condescending, paternalistic, judgmental, and non-informative. They wanted to break through these attitudes to take control of their own health. They studied many topics and by Fall offered a course for other women to pass on what they had learned and to learn further from the experiences of more women. They started mimeographing handouts and also the name of the group changed to Women and Our Bodies. The mimeographed sheets grew to the book which made such an impact.

It has been translated/adapted for Japan, Italy, France, Holland, Sweden, Denmark, Greece, Great Britain, Germany, and Spain— possibly others. A Spanish edition for the United States has been published and the book is also available in Braille. The German translation, Unser Koerper, Unser Leben has been very popular. Spare Rib (July, 1977:29) published an interview with two members of the Boston Women's Health Book Collective v;ho were touring Europe to work with adaptors. They require that before a book is published for a country or region that a group of local women be involved 280 in the adaptation process and include local experiences and information. Royalties from the book have been re-invested in women's health education projects. The group has also emerged as a central clearing house for the international feminist health movement. They circulate materials to over 80 groups abroad and 280 in the

U.S. This function grew out of several international conferences. Gathering and sharing information about risks' is one of the major tasks of self-help groups. Many articles dealing with medical research, for instance, are photocopied and circulated. The Boston Women's Health Book Collective... emphasize the importance of this work, v/hich they see as a priority. As Americans, they see themselves well-placed to get a maximum of recent information and to disseminate this throughout the world, where this would normally take 10 years to become known. They send by­ monthly "packets" to all interested groups, containing about 50 articles dealing with all aspects of women's health (Raulin, 1978:18).

The first international conference on women and health was held in 1977 iu Rome, sponsored by Gruppo Bemministe per la Salute della Donna (Feminist Group for the Health of Women).

Several hundred women came from 12 European countries, Australia, Canada, Mexico, and the United States. The groups had grovm. from abortion work and the 1975 European tour of the Feminist Women's Health Center. Many workshops were held, including one on international health communication and another on the politics of women controlled clinics

(Off Our Backs, September 1977:7). 281 Spare Rib (September 1977:17-19) also covered the conference. They reported that feminists in Geneva are teaching the vacuum method of abortion to medical students. Groups from Holland, West Germany, Norway, and Mexico had plans to open feminist clinics— however, they cautioned:

We must continue our political activity even after we open clinics. If we don't, alternatives are a trap (1977:17)- Groups in Sydney, Australia and in Rome have opened clinics. They are working to overcome the barriers of professionalism, to not develop new elites. This same issue is of importance in feminist work in refuges for battered women. In the U.S., there has been very strong opposition from the medical establishment and many feminist clinics have had their work blocked and/or faced law suits— from the American Medical Association, the American College of Obstetrics and Gynecology and some state medical associations. Medical associations and hospitals have used sanctions against doctors who cooperate with feminist health groups or in home births. A lawsuit in Tallahasee, Florida was being watched closely by the international health movement and was discussed at the conference, including ways women in other countries could support the Florida women. We are becoming increasingly aware of the international nature of medical oppression and our relative lack of information to cope with it (Spare Rib. September, 1977:19)- 282 At this conference, it v/as'agreed to use Boston

Women's Health Book Collective to coordinate international health information exchanges and to use Clio in Berlin for European exchanges. The second conference was held in 1980 in Hannover, West Germany, having "been initiated by groups in Hannover and the Berlin PEGZ. Three hundred women came— mostly from Germany with two groups from Paris, three from Holland, and a Geneva group. The international work group exchanged dates of local confrontations and planned an international demonstration against prostaglandin. Bon Sangl, a Geneva group sent a report to Off Our Backs (August/September, 1980:5), A third conference was held in Geneva in 1981 as part of ...an international movement responding to the need of women to reappropriate knowledge about health in order to gain direct control over their own life (ISIS. #20:3). It was organized by ISIS and Dispensaire des Femmes, a Geneva collective. Funds were specially sought to assure that the conference would be truly international and make it possible for women from Asia, Africa, and Latin America to % attend. Five hundred women from over 35 countries attended.?

■ ^ In order to show the diversity of countries repre­ sented, I will list those attending; Algeria, Austria, Australia, Bangladesh, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Coloa&ia, Costa Rica, Denmark, Dominican Republic, England, Ethiopia, France, Germany, Greece, India, Indonesia, Italy, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Mauritius, Morocco, Netherlands, New Zealand, Pakistan, Peru, Philippines, Puerto Rico, Senegal, South Africa, Sweden, Switzerland,"u s a , and Zimbabwe (ISIS. #20:5). 283 The most striking aspect of the exchange that took place was that, regardless of country, continent or socio-economic status, women found that they face very similar problems: everywhere they are subject to laws, customs, and mental attitudes which institutionalise their supposed inferiority. Whether it is forced sterilization practices as in Puerto Rico, or the denial of sterilization to women who want it, as in Prance, whether one considers "family planning" centres in India or the increasingly restricted avail­ ability of abortion in the USA, the result is the same; women do not have the right to control their own bodies (ISIS #20:4). The Women's Liberation Movement is international and learns from both the similarities and differences in women's situations. Hearing of each other's differences helps to give more international understanding. ISIS published an entire issue (#20) on the conference with workshop reports and addresses of groups and individuals in attendance, The following topics were discussed: health, poverty and racism; role of paramedics; abortion; imperialism and population control; contraception; pregnancy and childbirth; breast feeding and nutrition; women and madness; natural medicine; menopause; lesbian health; dental self-help; women from the Third World ; international information, documentation, and networks ; yoga; and women and violence. Information was exchanged as well as discussions for political action. 284- In the workshop on breastfeeding and nutrition there was strong belief that international action is important:

...the question of v;hat women really need must be raised again and again, and pushed for all levels. We do not need to be told that breastfeeding is good; we need adequate maternity leave, good conditions of work, enough money, housing, food etc. and less poisons in our environment... (ISIS. #20:15-14). The workshop on natural medicine revealed metaculture contacts, e.g., the Gruppo per la Salute della Donna from Rome— v;ho organized the first conference— have based their research on the German book Hexengefluester (ISIS. #20:16). In the workshop on contraception, the practice of "dumping" products that are banned in one country into another was discussed. This has been done, for example, with Depro Provera and the Daikon Shield (lUD) . Italian women complained that such products are often sent to Italy after they have failed elsewhere. Recently, Rely Tampons

(pulled off U.S. shelves after they were associated with toxic shock syndrome— v;hich caused some deaths) have been advertised and sold in Italy. They stressed the importance of a network to raise awareness so that vromen can protect themselves from such product campaigns.^

Feminists would also be advised to organize for change in import/export laws to bar trade of banned products. 285 Abortion Legal abortion has been an issue for feminists since the beginning of the Women's Liberation Movement. It is not a simple issue, rather it is extremely complex. Merely having abortion legal is no answer to the need; there are often many restrictions built into the laws. If abortions are legal but expensive, they are not available to the poor. If they are only available in large cities, rural women do not have access to abortion. Many feminists call for free abortion on demand. Other areas of concern are what methods are used and what dangers are associated with them, complications— such as infections and sterility— and negative attitudes of the medical workers. The following resolution v;as passed at the 1981 international health conference in Geneva: We demand that abortion be made safe, legal and available in all countries of the world and that it be done in a dignified, comfortable, non- judgemental atmosphere so that women everywhere will be able to control their reproductive lives and make choices about their own bodies (ISIS, 20:8). There has been coverage by the feminist press of abortion rights in different countries, international abortion rights demonstrations and political organizing, and conferences. Feminists have cooperated in self-help and teaching each other menstrual extraction for early abortion. Menstrual extraction (vacuum or aspiration 286 abortion), used only during the first ten weeks of pregnancy, was developed by Carol Downer and other feminist health workers in Los Angeles. A technique for vacuum aspiration has long been knov/n in China. It has spread to at least 25 U.S. groups and many groups in Europe— where it was introduced in the 1975 tour. For several years, large numbers, of German women traveled to Holland for abortions.^ Swiss women traveled there in a minibus with a banner reading; "The situation in Switzer­ land forces us to drive to Holland for abortions (Courage, 1978)." Thousands of women travel from Scotland to England for abortions. There have always been illegal abortions but these have all too often been unsafe, performed in backalley places for quick money, often by someone who either did not know or care about hygiene.

...illegal abortion is the greatest women's health problem in the world, with thousands of women dying every day and thousands more be­ coming sterile later from infections (ISIS, 20:12). New feminist clinics have offered safe illegal abortions in both France and Italy in defiance of national laws or in order to make them available to poor and rural women. The courageous v/omen who operate these clinics have inspired the

^ Abortion rights can be taken away as easily as they can be granted. ISIS (1981) reports that abortions are now illegal in HollancTI 287 Women's Liberation Movement elsewhere. MLAC in France continues to perform illegal abortions in Lille, Aix-en- Provence, and Lyon (ISIS. 20:12). They have performed countless abortions using the vacuum method, which they learned in the early 1970s from American feminists (Spare

Rib, ^91, February 1980:20). The German feminist press has had very frequent coverage of the struggle to revoke Article 218, the restrictive abortion law. Emma (July, 1977:26) reported on two women from Hamburg who testified before the human rights commission of the European Parliament against the German law. In the same issue (1977:27) they described how German women have organized bus trips to Holland for women seeking abortions. In July, 1978, another Emma article (pp. 16-22) continued this discussion of organizing and demonstrations against Article 218. The German women had decided to no longer push the problem over the border, rather to struggle for progress within Germany.^ As of June 1978, abortion was only allowed in Germany if the life of the woman was endangered, her health was endangered, or she had contracted a disease which threatened the health of the fetus. Abortions, under these

See also: Pro Familia Bremen (Planned Parenthood of Bremen) pamphlet "Wir wollen nicht mehr uach Holland fahren: Nach der Reform des Paragraph 218— Betroffene Frauen ziehen Bilanz.”— "We won't r’O to Holland any more: Toward the reform of Article 218— Concerned women settle accounts." 288 circumstances, were available up to 22 weeks of pregnancy. After rape and for "pressing social reasons" an abortion could be performed only during the first trimester. One doctor had to approve the application and another physician perform the abortion; it is often difficult to find willing physicians. Courage (#10, Octotxer 1979) had the cover article on Article 218; they reported the ongoing resistance to the law. In Belgium, abortion is illegal. Forty people are on trial for having or performing abortions. In 1973 Belgian feminists established clinics and performed illegal abortions— with the help of some doctors. Early abortions with the aspiration method were provided, with women being sent to the

Netherlands for later abortions. There are about a dozen clinics— they had been watched by the police, but before, never prosecuted. Banners signed by eight thousand women saying they had had abortions, were displayed in the courtroom. Alice Henry of Off Our Backs went to Britain for several months this year (1982) to work with Spare Rib and to observe and participate in the British Women's Liberation Movement. This is an example of face-to-face contact as well as contact between two important feminist journals. In the July (1982) issue of Off Our Backs, Henry reports extensively. It is a good discussion of the split between Radical and Socialist (Marxist) Feminists in Britain working for abortion rights. 289 Some women (Radicals) wanted to broaden the National Abortion Campaign (NAG) issue to include control of fertility and sexuality. There was fear by others (Socialists) that this might alienate some men in the trades unions whose support is sought. So, the debate continues between working with or without men, with the left or autonomously.

The International Contraception, Abortion, and Steril­ ization Campaign (ICASC) is holding an all-Europe meeting in September (1982) in Luxemburg. They will review the laws and actual practices in all European countries. The trend is toward "early, yes; later, no," i.e., abortion is widely legal on demand up to 10-12 weeks of pregnancy but there is

strong resistance to later abortions in Italy, France, West

Germany, and elsewhere. In 1977» Italy voted for legal abortion up to the 12th week which increased its availability. In France and Greece, with Socialist governments, 70^ of the

cost of abortion is covered by National Health service (Henry, 1982). Women at the ICASC meeting will work on the problem of international travel for abortion and contraception. Women from Luxemburg go to Belgium for abortions; women from Spain and Ireland travel to England and the Netherlands for sterilization as well as abortion. Support groups in the Netherlands and Great Britain help women with housing and provide contacts with providers. ICASC wants to strengthen these support groups and let women know how to reach them without reaching the police (Henry, 1982:8). ICASC is starting plans for an international tribunal and conference on abortion for 1984. They now operate in Europe 290 but want the conference to be world-wide. ISIS has agreed to support the conference.

...To develop the agenda for the Tribunal and Conference, ICASC will ask all women on its mailing list to raise the most crucial issues in the area of reproduction in their own country. For example, population control, illegal and dangerous abortion; sterilization abuse, lack of informed choice, and women's experiences generally as regards reproductive rights. They hope this event will create a stronger inter­ national network by bringing women together from all over the world to work out ICASC policy and action for the future (Henry, 1982:8).

Birthing Many feminists advocate women taking control of the birth process to make it more woman-baby oriented rather than doctor-technology oriented. An increase in the desire for home-births has accompanied this. But, as with self-help in general, this is seen as a threat and is undermined by the medical establishment. Home delivery is legal in only two or three states in the United States. Holland has the second best mother/baby survival rate in Europe and the highest percentage of home births. British women visited the Amsterdam Women's House in a meeting of mothers, pregnant women, midwives, and doctors. One woman present was Jetske Spanjer, one of the Dutch translators/adaptors of Our Bodies, Ourselves. The home births are being threatened as more women are being delivered 291 in hospitals (Spare Rib #53:27). The British women see Holland as a good example for Britain and the United States-- to prove home deliveries can be safe, and see developments in the U.S. and Britain as a warning to Dutch women of the level of technical intervention in births which can occur. Canada, as well as Holland, has had a record of fewer complications in home births. However, some Canadian feminists are concerned about over-medicalization of births; 80^ of women giving birth are given spinal anesthesia, forceps and episiotomies are used in all cases, and 90^ of the women are given drugs.

In Paris, women are becoming alarmed by the dramatic increase in the numbers of Cesarian deliveries. These have reached 30^ in the United States and if the rate of increase continues, will reach 8(% by 1990. In 1978, a California midwife was accused of murder when

a baby she delivered died five days after birth. The charge was placed, not by the baby's parents, but by the head of obstetrics and gynecology at the local hospital. Spare Rib (#77:10) reported the case and included a California address for donations and letters of support. When doctors, medical associations, insurance companies, and hospitals undermine midwives and home births, it limits the choices available to women— where to give birth, with whom present, and when to breast feed. 292 A group in Britain established the Association of

Radical Midwives as a support group for midwives and for political organizing. Some women from the U.S. and Canada came to Britain for midwife training— midwifery has been virtually stamped out in these countries. These birth related topics are an important area of

information exchange at women's international health

conferences. PERSONAL/t’OLITICAL ISSUES

One of the common themes running through the Women's

Liberation Movement in all the countries I have examined is the change in consciousness of women as they become feminists. This came about through Consciousness Raising groups, speak-outs, and reading. Feminism aroused in women feelings of anger and rage and energy for change. There was emphasis on the lived experience of women's daily lives as a key to political consciousness...women must act from their own needs. As with other issues, there was direct contact and translations carrying the new analyses back and forth across national boundaries. Feminist theory stresses the importance of the idea that the personal is political; that these two aspects of life are inseparable; the problems that women are trained to believe are personal, individual problems are really public issues requiring social solutions, i.e;, institutional change (Mills, 1959). This is a core tenet of feminism and is applicable to the other issues discussed thus far. It also implies that how one lives one's personal life has implications for the movement and social change.

293 294 An important aspect of autonomy is in the area of sexuality. The desire to control one's own body, to control reproduction with the rights to contraception and abortion, is associated with the right to express one's sexuality. Consciousness Raising groups allowed women to discuss what they had experienced sexually and what they would like.

This analysis led women to re-define their sexual options including relationships with men, lesbianism, bisexuality, celibacy, and auto-eroticism. A full range of alternatives, different at different life stages and for different purposes— emotionality, sensuality, sociality, and sexuality— emerged as possibilities. Writings on the myth of the vaginal orgasm (Koedt, 1970) laid the foundation for freeing women from the mandate of male penetration. Feminists sought greater control over their sexuality and having sex on their terms. Sexuality is seen as political in terms of where a woman chooses to put her energies— into relationships with women or men. Heterosexual feminists stress the importance of changing the unequal nature of male/female sexuality and relations as an essential area of change. Lesbians stress living a woman-identified life, not having to separate sexuality and feminist work in the women's community. As in the women's movement everywhere. Consciousness Raising and self analysis have been important in the West 295 German Women's Liberation Movement. In and outside of the

Frauenzentren, Selbsterfahrimgsgruppen (self experience groups) formed and launched many women into feminist consciousness and activism. Personal, autobiographical, psychological works and collections of interviews have been very popular. Among the most important are; Die Scham ist Vorbei (The Same is Over) by Anja Meulenbelt (1980, 1978). This Dutch book, an intimate diary of one woman's experiences with feminism, is now available in English as well as German and Dutch. The success of Verana Stefan's book Haeutungen (1975) helped launch Frauenoffensive Verlag. It has been translated as Shedding (1978) and published in the U.S. Stefan describes her process of shedding layers of protective armor and finally reaching herself, complete, without dependence on others. Another book in this vein is Emma Santos' Ich habe Emma S. getoetet (I have killed Emma S.), a French book (in German translation) which describes the author's debilitating dependency and her search for self. Jutta Heinrich's Das Geschlecht der Gedanken (The Gender of Thoughts) deals with the fantasies of a girl growing up, power and powerlessness, and sexual identity. A theoretical book in this area is Frauenselbstbestimmung: Ueber die Befreiung der Haende und Fuesse, des Kopfes und Bauches (Women's Self-determination: On the Liberation of the Hands and Feet, the Head and Body) (Boehm et al., 1977), an analysis of 296 material, emotional, and physical liberation of women. An early book of interviews which made a tremendous impact on

German women is Alice Schwarzer's Der kleine Unterschied

(The Tiny Difference) (1977). These works are based on what Mary Daly (1975:1) terms a "...psychic breakthrough to recognition of the basic sameness of our situation as women...". This insight chhnges everything— old roles and securities are stripped away. The Women's Liberation Movement demands existential courage. This is the courage to see and to be in the face of the nameless anxieties that surface when a woman begins to see through the masks of sexist society and to confront the horrify^g fact of her own alienation from her authentic self (Daly, 1975:4).

The small group allows feminist anger to surface and provides a supporting group to channel that anger into change.

The effort to change individuals is necessary along with the effort to change society— they cannot occur separately. The movement is doomed to failure if it seeks either alone. It must heal individual women and restore them to wholeness as well as change society to sustain that wholeness.

The small group process has been described by a number of feminist writers. Free Space (Allen, 1970) describes an early group in California. The small group gives a place to think, to be honest with one's self and with others. As feminists, women have the responsibility to question even 297 the most personal aspects of existence. This process pushes one to authenticity and integrity. The goal is to under­ stand self and one's needs, as well as society and the needs of others. Women are oppressed by society as well as by individual men. As feminists, they must rise up against that oppression. The small group validates the collective as a feminist way of organizing, validating one another. (Academia and business often see collective work as cheating; we are taught to compete, not cooperate.) The stability (ideally) of the ongoing group gives a means to evaluate progress and to grow. The group stresses mutuality, teaching one another through sharing experiences and the support gained by seeing others recognize those experiences. Each adds from her own store of experiences to ...arrive at an understanding of the social conditions of women by pooling descriptions of the forms oppression has taken in each individual's life (Allen, 1970:26). A women's movement cannot afford to divert the majority of its energies to helping individual women work out their private lives. The women's movement's first commitment is to changing the social conditions which make being female so oppressive. It is only by changing objective reality that all women will ever have the chance to be free (Allen, 1970:44-). Individuals must see themselves as members, as part of a collectivity, with shared meanings in order to identify as "feminist." The following quote from an interview I conducted 298 with an American woman who has been living in Britain for several years expresses the high standards of feminism she set, and the difficulty she experiences in attempting to meet them;

I think feminists differ in the way that they live their everyday lives in one very important aspect in that they are aware of the unequal power distri­ bution that operates in our culture and are personally aware of the fact that it operates to the disadvantage of women, and that as a woman they themselves have to confront that discrimination, all day, every day and I suppose I would say that the degree of an individual's commitment to feminism...would be how many hours a day that they are committed to doing that....I think one has to make a decision at every stage and it does get very exhausting....1 don't think there is anyone who manages to do it all the time, or who manages to...never feel that they have not lived up to their own standards, or to the standards that they feel that feminism ought to adhere to if we are going to actually create a new society. But, I think that one of the differences, certainly a very basic difference between feminists and non-feminists, is the awareness that we are in an unequal power situation, that operates to the detriment of women, is not the natural order, can be changed, and changed dependent upon the degree each of us contributes to try to bring about that change.

The following excerpt from another interview with a German secretary in her 50s shows the similarity with British and American feminist ideas: Yes, I feel as if I am a feminist. That means for me that I always have to make clear to myself which role I must play as a woman in a male dominated society, what role women in general must play, what coercion, what * oppressions we women are exposed to. For me, the term "feminist" means a woman who is "woman-identified," that is a woman who attempts to free herself from the coercion of a patriarchy and thus clears the way for other women to free themselves from this 299 coercion, that she and other women no longer see'themselves solely through the lenses of men, no longer see themselves as "objects" but as independent, one who lives as "subject"— as a creature, therefore who lives according to ' her own will— and not in relation to the male, dominating sex. This new way of thinking brings with it a new way of living which continually sets me in contradiction with the social order. That means, often even against my own will; an "anti" relationship, a struggle against men, that I must protect myself from them. Feminism means to me courage and bring­ ing out the will to struggle and I was brought- up as a child to give in, to be nice, obedient, self-denying and resided. All this, one cannot allow if one is a feminist. Thus, I am con­ stantly in conflict between the way I was raised and my feminist consciousness. These words could have been expressed by virtually any woman who has had her consciousness raised to perceive sexism. This supports the idea of feminism as a metaculture, cutting across national lines. It also reveals the truly personal nature of the challenge feminism offers. Women's mental health has been an area of feminist concern, starting with a critique of the existing theories and approaches to therapy. Naomi Weisstein's (1970) article "Psychology Constructs the Female," reviewed current male psychological theories and attitudes which keep women in "their place." Phyllis Qhesler (1972) in Women and Madness, questioned definitions of madness and the power of labeling women mad and examined the careers of women psychiatric patients. 300 Feminists strive to put control of women's psycho­ logical health into the hands of women, and have established feminist therapy groups and centers to work toward that goal. Jean Baker Miller's (1976) book Toward a New Psych­ ology of Women pushes the analysis to a feminist future.

German women established BIFF (Beratung und Information fuer Frauen— Counseling and Information for Women) as a feminist therapy center in Berlin. Many see feminism and its analysis as a form of therapy for women whose mental "problems" stem

from patriarchy (Mander and Rush, 1974-). These concerns combine the personal and political— while mental health is personal, the social control of it is political. Traditional therapy has stressed adapting to

social gender expectations as a "cure" for women's problems. Miller says there is good to be accomplished by utilizing feminist ways of relating, creativity, cooperative­ ness, and seeking authenticity, self-determination and power — the capacity to implement. There is a necessity for

engaging in conflict; it exists in the very structure of society. Women are not creating conflict but exposing that it exists in the domination-subordination model of society. The only forms of affiliation which have been offered to

women are subservient ones. Women are enlisted in creating their own enslavement. All forms of oppression encourage people to accept and contribute to their own enslavement. 301 Feminist therapy helps develop strengths for real change in the real world. It encourages women to choose and develop relationships which foster mutual growth. Through the small support group a woman can reach the conviction to struggle to transform the nature of relationships, based on authenticity. Authenticity and subordination are totally incompatible. BIFF in Berlin published a translation of Wyckoff’s

’’Problem-solving Groups for Women (1975)»" The booklet is entitled ’’Therapy is Change— Not Adjustment” (cf. Radical Therapist). They want to learn from praxis, to work together against sexist and economic oppression of women. Most of the women coming to the center are in the process of separating from a man. They feel alone and isolated, and unable to find a way out. The group helps the woman to discover and develop her own identity. They often support and strengthen her in her decisions. They work in cooperative problem solving groups, doing active work on Frauenpolitik. There is training for practical changes in daily life. Other American works influential in Germany include

Feminism as Therapy (Mander and Rush, 197^) and Getting Clear (Rush, 1973). Getting Clear has been published in German by Frauenoffensive Verlag. Two women moved from the United States to London and there founded the Women's Therapy Centre. One of the women. 302 Susie Orbach, went on to write Fat is a Feminist Issue

(1978)? based on her work with women and compulsive eating. This book has also been published in Germany. Spare Rib

(#61; 35-37) published an interview with them. They see feminist therapy as basically different from traditional therapy ...in that it sees the causes of people's distress have to do with the very situation conventional therapy is trying to press them back into (p. 35). For example, when women express rage, they are often given drugs to calm them; when they experience depression, they are prescribed anti-depressants— many doctors and drug companies foster this. In feminist therapy, the woman would be helped to recognize these emotions and express them. As

she brings the feelings behind her powerlessness to the

surface, she can begin to understand the potential to confront her situation and fight back. She is given support so she knows she is not "crazy” for experiencing the conflict. She is helped to realistically examine her situation and discuss how she can best act on her own behalf. They believe feminist therapy can effect some personal change, but appreciate the indivisibility of the person from her social context. The world is not as self-centered as traditional therapy would have us believe. In Our Own Hands (Ernst and Goodison, 1981) is a

British book about self-help therapy. The authors see this 303 as an extension of the work of a OR group. Self-help therapy, taking control in the area of mental health, is an important step in rejecting passivity.

Our experience showed us that real change would come from combining our political activity with the ideas and experience coming from discussion and consciousness raising groups and with the feelings and emotional energy we can tap through therapy (Spare Rib #%13:19).

It is a means of translating one's feelings into appropriate action— learning as she sheds internalized oppression.

A Women's Liberation group which had been meeting together for nine years, one of the original London Women's Liberation Workshop groups, reported on their experiences in Spare Rib (#69:44— 46). One woman described her feminist awakening. It started when she and a friend attended a course by Juliet Mitchell on "The Role of Women in Society" at the anti-university and they began reading Friedan, Gavron, and Firestone. Then the bells rang and the connections were made and there was that feeling of excitement, a dawning sense of militancy that I'd never experienced before despite involvement in various left wing groups. I was no longer alone, but part of a movement which was primarily political but could be personal to me (p.44). One woman said that the one most important insight she derived was that the way one lives one's life is a political statement. What the members provided for each other was affection and support while sorting out political ideas and personal problems. 504 ...by bringing our depression to each other like a gift, an offering of pain, we gradually drew each other out of our isolation....It taught me new ways to love myself, by loving all of us (p.44). The small group is seen as a creative situation in that it

...simultaneously provides individuals with enough freedom to be able to take a leap into the unknown, and enough security for them to want to take those risks (p. 46). The problems of most women seeking feminist therapy have social roots and require collective solutions. Radical therapy fosters awareness of this and an understanding of the origins of women’s oppression. It offers contact with other women with whom to work through these understandings toward change. The group members can pool their collective experiences and analyze ways to achieve change. The therapy does not help women cope— rather it strengthens them to realize they need not cope. It does not want to artificially segregate mental health and political lives (see Spare Rib. #69:20-21). I have presented in this chapter only a few of the many feminist issues which are being confronted by women in many countries. There is continuing international communication, stimulation, and support around these issues. We turn now to a brief consideration of the feminist metaculture beyond Europe and America. CHAPTER SEVEN THE METACULTUEE BEYOND THE SAMPLE COUNTRIES

INTRODUCTION

I by no means wish to imply by what I have written

thus far that feminism or the feminist metaculture is limited to the edges of the Northern Atlantic. Women are embracing feminism virtually everywhere. These may be small pockets of women here and there— but it is emerging. Even working in only two languages, English and German, it is evident through the feminist press that women are organizing

locally and reaching out to the metaculture for help. The feminist press is covering events and activities of women in other countries. Through reading, face-to-face contact, conferences, and women's spaces, it is possible to be

connected with wider areas of the metaculture. And there is work on the same issues (as well as many others) as discussed earlier. I will provide a number of examples from several countries then a brief section on each of three world areas. Robin Morgan (1978:202-208) wrote of the international feminist support for The Three Marias in Portugal (Barreno, et al., 1975)' When these feminist writers published their 505 306 work, it shocked the authorities. They were imprisoned for having committed "an outrage to public morals and good customs." There were protests in major cities throughout the world. Morgan, in an introduction to a fund-raising performance of their poetry in the U.S. said;

We as feminists have begun to un-recognize those male-defined and patriarchally imposed false barriers. National boundaries, for one. Women didn't create them; it has been a big boys' game to carve out the earth and claim "this country is mine, that yours"— and it is absurd. Which is why there is a growing international feminist community, from Melbourne to Montana, from Senegal to Switzer­ land, from mainland China to Cherbourg. And which is why we are here tonight, one part of that whole (1978:205). Portuguese domestic workers, a few years later, sought support from women's organizations for their trade union work. They sought letters of support and financial contribu­ tions to be sent to them in Lisbon. This announcement was printed in Courage (September, 1977:13), having been trans­ lated from a Detroit Women's Liberation Movement newsletter. I think this is an especially interesting example of the complex web of the metaculture— this crossed the Atlantic twice and involved three languages before reaching German women, and I, as an American, saw it not from my neighboring state, but in the German feminist press.

In the 1978 Prauenkalender, a letter appears from Portuguese women describing a protest demonstration around several feminist issues in which 200 women and children 307 were attacked by 5,000 to 6,000 men in retaliation. The police refused to intervene and women were injured, books and fliers were destroyed, and autos in which women were returning home were overturned. They appealed to German feminists for support. They ended by saying: We need your support! Women together are strong!— i.e.. Sisterhood is Powerful!

The women of Mauritius, an island in the Indian Ocean, East of Madagascar, are protesting sexist laws and the deportation of women. They wrote to Spare Rib (#60:28), saying they had started a Women's Liberation Movement and were mobilizing women. They said they would welcome any suggestions and advice which would help in their fight against discrimination. Women from Mauritius also attended the International Women's Health Conference in Geneva. Courage (September, 1982:31) had a short article on the new American feminist publisher. Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press. They said: Kitchen Table will not only publish books by American women but for all Third World Countries, if possible in the original language, so that first the book can be read there, from whence it came, (translated by Gillespie-Woltemade) Kitchen Table members say the international view is more important to them than the predominantly white-middle-class view of most American publishers— including feminist presses. 508 Women in Africa and the Middle East are part of the feminist metacnltnre in all the ways described in this study. Nawal El Saadawi, an Egyptian doctor and militant writer on Arab women's problems, was imprisoned in 1981 for her feminist work. She was later released. She has written The Hidden Face of Eve; Women in the Arab World (1980), which has been also published in English. She attended the U.S. National Women's Studies Association conference in Storrs, Connecticut and has contacts with women in many countries. Women have been very active in fighting apartheid in

South Africa. The struggle for women's liberation has to be seen in the context of racial liberation for Black Africans. ISIS (#9, 1978) published an issue on women in South Africa. Two books about women's struggles there are

For Their Triumphs and Their Tears (Bernstein, 1975) and A Window on Soweto by Joyce Sikakane (1977). LATIN AMERICA

In Spare Rib (November, 1976:28) a report was published by two women living in Bogota, Colombia. They wrote about the lack of legal abortion in their country, the increasing rate of hospital admission for septic abortions, i.e., complications after a botched illegal abortion— one for evej?y three live births. Twenty years earlier the rate was one to eight. The hospital conditions are sub-standard and many women die there, partially because they only come in final desperation after the infection has spread, because abortion is a crime. There were 6,500 cases of botched up abortion dealt with at this one hospital last year. Abortion accounts for 60^6 of maternal death here (1976:28). In December, 1978 the first women's conference was held in Colombia with about 250 attending. It focused on women's sexuality, abortion, and contraception. Several feminist theoretical tendencies were revealed but agreement was reached to support the international campaign for abortion, contraception, and against forced sterilization and to organize a second conference for 1979» Communication was set up between women working on similar projects such as feminist libraries and women's houses, to share resources (Spare Rib #80:10).

309 310 Brazilian women sought support in Spare Rib for a campaign for abortion rights. Four people were arrested in Rio de Janeiro for taking part in an illegal abortion and 40 women demonstrated in their support— the first such demonstration in Brazil. They are in danger of paying for the other three million women a year who resort to illegal abortions. We count on your support (Spare Rib #93:20).

Addresses of the women in prison and a women's group were included.

Women in Mexico are organizing against rape. In 1978, they had a major victory. A woman who had shot and killed a man who broke into her apartment and threatened her with a knife, demanding sex, was set free after feminists demanded her release from jail. They were from the Coalicion de Mujero. a coalition of five women's groups. They went to see the woman in jail and the Attorney General. The judge found her within her rights. Another case resulted in stiff prison sentences for a rapist and two men who were accomplices — this was seen as a victory for the feminists. In a third case, a 12 year old girl gave birth after a rapist impregnated her. In these last two cases, the rapists and their friends have threatened and retaliated against the victims and their families. Mexican feminists are demanding the right to abortion after rape and have given a list of demands to the Attorney 511 General to improve the rights of rape victims. An article on their work there concludes: At this point in Mexico there are no Rape Crisis Centres or Homes for Battered Women, such as exist in Britain. And the need here is probably even greater. Perhaps you women in Britain who have been organising these centres could send information of your experiences in establishing and running the centres to the Women's Centre in Mexico. There is, there will be, international sisterhood. The address is: Centro de Mujeres Rio Ebro ^5 Dept. 1. Colonia Cuahetemoc, Mexico D.P. 5 (Spare Rib #71:15). A conference of Latin American and Caribbean women was held in Bogota in July, 1981. Over 250 women from 25 countries attended the first such conference. Women from all social backgrounds came: students, housewives, peasants, professionals, and workers. The main discussion topics were autonomy vs. double militancy for feminists, the need to reach more working class women and peasant women, and feminist organization styles based on personal experiences. They discussed women's working conditions, inequality in employ­ ment and wages, small support groups, and sexuality. There were self-help examination demonstrations, information about contraceptives and their harmful effects, and discussion of the need to separate sexuality from reproduction. Lesbianism was discussed and society's attitudes; thus breaking a long silence on the topic. They plan a second conference in two years in Peru (ISIS #21, 1981:4-5). 312

Women in Nicaragua have taken an active role in the revolution. Lynda Yanz (I981:i-ii) in the Preface to Sandino*s Daughters (Randall, 1981), says;

The importance of Sandino*s Daughters extends beyond the struggle in Latin America! These Nicaraguan women tell us how they have organized as women; beyond that, they reveal their commit­ ment to integrate their own liberation movement with the more general struggle of people fitting against oppression. The relationship between women's liberation and socialism, or as it is sometimes posed, between feminism and marxism, has long been debated in the women's movement. Sandino's Daughters situates that debate in an actual practice. These women restate again and again that the option of women's liberation , separate from the revolution was not a reality in Nicaragua. The process of the revolution itself created the conditions that made it possible for women to break with the past and mobilize to demand full equality. EASTERN EUROPE: YUGOSLAVIA, POLAND, U.S.S.R.

In the Autumn of 1978, in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, a conference was held entitled "The Woman Question: A New Approach." About 20 Yugoslav academic women and one or two men attended, together with invited participants from the West: one German woman, four English women, two French, and six Italian women, also mostly academics— but firstly feminists and invited as feminists. Christine Delphy of Questions Féministes was invited and reported on the conference in Feminist Issues (1980: 115-121). It has been shown above that Delphy has contacts with the metaculture in England, U.S., Germany, and France. Also attending was Alice Schwarzer of Emma. She, too, wrote an article in the feminist press about the conference and what she learned there (Schwarzer, 1978:22-23). The conference was set up to discuss the position of women in capitalist societies. The Western guests wanted to bridge the gap and seek similarities in women's position in socialist as well as capitalist systems. Some officials attempted to limit the discussion strictly to the pre-arranged program. However, since most of the women invited were

313 314 activists in the Women's Liberation Movement and many were Radical Feminists, they tried to direct equal attention to the situation of women in Yugoslavia. Both Schwarzer and Delphy wrote of private moments of sisterhood with some of the Yugoslav delegation during talks over coffee or dinner. There is interest among some Yugoslav women for an autonomous women's movement. They are concerned with the need for more day care and relief from the double burden of paid labor and responsibility for housework and child care. The position of women in socialist societies is perhaps more difficult to criticize because the revolution has supposedly already occurred and the liberation of women is part of the official principles. But, just as in the West, there is de facto inequality. An autonomous women's movement is much more difficult to develop because if it is outside the party, it will be seen as opposition to the official party line— therefore penalized (Delphy, 1980:120). Delphey looked back on the experience, and wrote: .. .At one stage we were doubtful of the usefulness of our presencej but, in fact, it was great. Through the medium of television and from our mouths the Yugoslav women were able to make heard throughout the entire country the things that they themselves could not say, while in keeping a distance from our remarks they did not have to suffer the consequences, and in addition received the benefit of their "moderation." Of course, the Yugoslav women who had been invited to the conference were, for this reason, particularly 515 exposed and vulnerable. They played the role of specialist, and their opinions, expressed in front of the press and foreigners, risked passing for the "official position." Those who were protected by anonymity or, on the contrary, by a reputation above all suspicion, could be more open....That in spite of these obstacles (so much worse than we have to contend with) there were at Belgrade, as at Varsovie, individuals full of enthusiasm and deter­ mination seems like a miracle which renews one's faith in the power of feminism; and to have had the opportunity to meet them seems to me a privilege which by itself made the trip worthwhile (1980:121). Two years later. Autumn 1980, feminist women in Poland held their first conference in Warsaw, attended by a hundred women. Krystina Kowalewska, one of the founders of a Polish feminist group , said: We absolutely need the help of the Western women's movement. We examine the experience of Western feminists but of course we must apply the lessons of these movements to the very specific situation of Poland. We already have some contacts, but we need as much information as possible about the women's movement in other countries (Spare Rib #107:14). Spare Rib went on to urge readers to send "books, journals, films, videos or cassettes about women's situation and struggle (1981:14) " to Kowalewska. They had gotten this information on Poland from Labour Focus on Eastern Europe who got it from a Viennese paper, Gegenstimme. Off Our Backs had an article about the Polish group which planned the conference, called Sigma, and also quoted Kowalewska. They got their information from Connexions: An International Women's Quarterly...who got it from die 516 TaeezeitunK. a West German daily. So, we can see that the appeal appeared at least in Austria, West Germany, England, and the United States. It undoubtedly appeared elsewhere in Europe as well. Off Our Backs repeated the call for materials to be sent to Sigma (June, 1981:6).

Connexions (1981:7) covered the history of the group and their demands. Sigma started as a student organization. The group drew up a list of demands to discuss with factory workers and Solidarity, the independent trade union. The Polish women, too, face double burdens with little or no help from men in marketing, housework, and child care. The demands include a broad range of issues: parental leaves of absence, equal pay, media images of women, abortion. Women's Studies, Consciousness Raising, and many others. They plan to establish a number of women's spaces as well: theatres, gallery, and an information center. Connexions (#5, Summer, 1982) later published an entire issue on women in Eastern Europe. Feminism is emerging in Russia as well, and has found contact with the metaculture. In December, 1979» several Russian women published an underground (samizdat) almanac called Women and Russia. It received a great deal of coverage in the feminist press in the West. Ms. (April, 1980:85-88) tracked down a copy which had been smuggled into France where it was being translated in its entirety by Editions Tierce. 517 The French feminist magazine ”g ” had a report in February,

1980 and Ms. adapted their report from it. Spare Rib had coverage in their March, 1980 issue and an appeal in the April issue asking for letters to support Tatyana Mamonova's request to leave the Soviet Union. The defense committee

was working out of librairie des Femmes in Paris (Spare Rib;38). In September, 1980 Courage had a report for German readers (pp. 9-11). By that time, the Almanac had appeared in German (Courage), French (des Femmes), and Italian (Effe).

■ The Russian women— several of whom were exiles in Vienna by then— felt this coverage had helped them. Ms. later (November, 1980) did a cover story on the exiles, including their Austrian address where they could receive letters. They each had had lives of hardship and political struggle

as women and as writers. INDIA

Feminist developments in India have been very exciting and offer excellent support for the contention that the feminist metaculture truly transcends national, cultural, racial, and religious differences and unites women. In

1978, ISIS (#9:5^) published a notice that a Bombay group wanted to "gather literature on the women's movement from all over the world."

Publishing Gail Omvedt (1980) has written a book about the early years of the Women's Liberation Movement in India; We Will

Smash this Prison— Indian Women in Struggle. Another collection is Symbols of Power: Studies on the Political Status of

Women in India (Mazumdar, 1979). In January, 1979, the first issue of a new feminist journal in India was published, called Manushi— Hindi for "woman." They have published irregularly since, with seven issues by 1981, and have struggled with the same problems of running a collective, distribution of the magazine, how to finance the journal and office without accepting sexist advertising, as all the other feminist journals. This magazine serves as an important link to the metaculture.

318 519 Manushi has received a great deal of attention from the international feminist press and is well in contact with the metaculture members and groups. The same types of contacts and issues described earlier fit the Indian case as well.

Obviously, there are many other issues specific to the country and their socio-economic system. Poverty, inadequate housing, inadequate food and health care, drought, famine, monsoon flooding, and the caste system all intensify the problems of women's lives in India. As in all countries, the issues feminists address are urgent and diverse. Manushi is published in English and Hindi; there is great interest in making it available in other languages as well—

India has 15 official national languages and over 225 different languages are spoken. Also, a high percentage of women are illiterate, so copies need to be read aloud in groups as well. Manushi is obviously in touch with feminist materials from outside India. A content analysis of issues #2 through #7 shows the following indications: there are quotes from, or mention made of the following: Germaine Greer, Kaethe

Kollwitz, Lucy Stone, Judy Chicago, Emma, ISIS, Spare Rib, Courage, Virago Press (London), Sister Write Bookstore (London), Xanthippe (Amsterdam book store), des femmes en mouvement, and the hand symbol for the womb as well as the 320 woman's symbol with raised fist, are used. There is a small notice for women to write letters to Jimmy Carter in support of Bessie Woods.

There are letters from readers written from Germany, Holland, Norway, Scotland, England, Canada, Switzerland, Australia, and Italy. Some are from Indian women living in these countries, others from natives of the countries. They have received several contributions of money from well-wishers in Italy, Australia, and the United States. Other contacts include an ad reading "In Solidarity-- Frauenoffensive— A German Feminist Publishing House."

In issue #4- (December 1979-I'ebruary 1980) a letter appears from a woman in Kenya who says, "I am sure we have much to learn from you." A women's paper in Kenya asks permission

to reprint an article on dowry murder (to be discussed below). Sister Write Bookstore in London agreed to distribute Manushi "as a gesture of international solidarity." And a feminist group in Mauritius wrote saying they "find it

important to link up with feminist groups in other countries." They are members of MLF, i.e., the Women's Liberation Movement. The appearance of Manushi was covered by Courage— with a

cover photo and lead article (December, 1979); by Spare Rib; and Off Our Backs; articles from Manushi have been reprinted in these and in Connexions and ISIS. In July, 1980, Courage ran a photograph and article on Sati— widow burning. Women' s Studies Quarterly (Winter, 1980:30-31), also reported on Manushi. 521

Off Our Backs has printed several articles from or about Manushi. each time including subscription information. They have discussed rape, Sati. and a lengthy interview with Madju Kishwar, one of the Manushi editors, about feminism in India, using graphics from Manushi. One might assume that Indian and European/American

women's lives are so culturally different that there would not be shared feminist issues. It is true that the societies and cultures are quite different. But, it is also true that

women share many of the same forms of oppression and we can learn from each other and help each other resist and work for

radical change.

Violence Against Women In India, violence against women takes many forms, some as in the West, some tied more specifically to their own

culture. Feminists in India are developing feminist analyses and responses to them and women are organizing and protesting against violence. As it is in the West, rape is a serious problem in India. Many articles in the issues of Manushi deal with rape and how the victim is made to suffer further by the aftermath of her experience. Feminists are breaking through the shame and silence around the issue and women are fighting back with self-defense training, speaking out, and street demonstrations. 322 as well as pressm?ing police, courts, and relatives and neighbors of the victim to punish the rapist*

In March, 1978, the rape in a Bombay slum of a woman who was six months pregnant, by five or six youths, outraged people in the area. Six days later, on International Women's Day (March 8), 2,500 women and 500 men marched through the slum area protesting rape and wife-beating. Defense groups began to be organized and women went about in small groups in support of one another. A Socialist women's group leaf letted the marchers— they had several demands including the recognition of housework as work, community child care, equal pay and working conditions, and women's right to control their own fertility. This was the first time most of the marchers had demonstrated.

On International Women's Day, two years later (1980) the theme throughout India was "Women Against Rape" and thousands of women marched (Connexions, # 1, Summer;23-27). There is a growing sisterhood in India.

Rape is one of the major issues of feminists there. No man is ready to marry a woman who has been raped, and married women who are raped are often deserted by their husbands. Pc lice and land owners frequently use rape against poor and low caste women. Manushi (# 4-) reviewed Brownmiller's book Against Our Will which has been so important elsewhere. WOAR, Women 523 Organized Against Rape— later named Women Organized Against Violence Against Women, is growing. Another form of violence in India is Dowry Murder, in which a young wife is killed because her dowry is insufficient or unpaid, or her family fails to produce a refrigerator, television, or motor scooter. She will be doused with kerosene by her husband, mother-in-law, or other in-law, and set ablaze. The official figures for such deaths show 350 women killed in 1975 and over 700 in 1978. The police often write these up as suicides, even when the woman's dying words are that her husband's family has done it to her.

One woman was forced to drink acid before being set on fire so that she would not be able to accuse them. Police aüLso often enforce a lesser charge of "dowry extortion"— which carries a light penalty. They may refuse to "intervene in family matters"— the same attitude many American police have about wife-battering. However, mothers of these Indian women are beginning to speak out and demand justice. Manushi is helping to break the silence and there is growing resistance to dowries.

Sati. or suttee, the practice of burning a widow on her husband's funeral pyre, is another cultural form of violence against women actively being protested by Indian feminists. Although officially banned, the practice still occurs and the police often refuse to intervene. 524 There is systematic neglect of women and girls which has led to a widening gap in the number of men and women in India, since Independence. The 197^1 census showed 20 million fewer women than men. Thirty to sixty per cent more girl babies die than boys; little girls get less food and care and medical treatment than little boys. Although female infanticide is illegal, many female infants are neglected and allowed to die. "A woman member of parliament, Sushila Gopalan, notes that in the north Indian states of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan 'baby girls continue to be killed after birth.' (Guardian, September, 1982:10)."^ Women, including pregnant women,eat last and least and many are malnourished. A set of cultural attitudes and a family structure which devalues women leads to this neglect. One needs to understand the family structure, patrilocality, and division of labor, to put this in its materialist framework. Amniocentises is being introduced to provide prenatal detection of birth defects.. It also reveals the sex of the fetus. When this is combined with cultural preference for males— many female fetuses are aborted because of their sex.

On a national television newscast in America, (November, 1982) it was reported that in villages in China the killing of infant girls is also occurriQg at the present time. 525 In India, protests from feminist groups and female legislators have been directed recently against a series of private clinics which have offered a relatively inexpensive sex determination test coupled with an abortion if the fetus is female. The clinics, based in cities, have offered their services through billboards and movie ads, and have drawn thousands of patients ...The sex determination tests done in private clinics have been sought eagerly by families all over North India, anxious to limit the number of children while making sure that those children were boys. Desperate young wives have been willing to risk the second trimester abortions needed after amniocentesis to make sure their babies were boys. Indian government hospitals stopped doing amniocentesis in 197^» after finding that of 300 women tested, all wanted abortions if the fetus was female....and now killing female fetuses has become big business (Guardian. 1982:10).

There is also preference for male babies in Europe and the United States.

Women's Health

Manushi (# 5) had an article on the women's health movement in the United States. It discussed the Boston Women's Health Book Collective, and through their cooperation made available, at reduced cost, copies of Our Bodies. Ourselves to subscribers. They have since started a health column in each issue.

Abortion is legal in India but often lethal. Rural women do not have adequate access to clinics or hospitals and rely on local herbs or other traditional methods to induce abortions. Shortage of female medical staff is also associated— some women are allowed to die rather than be 326 taken to male doctors. Of two to nine million induced abortions per year, only a quarter million are performed in

a hospital. One woman dies of septic abortion every ten minutes in India. It is often offered by the government as a form of population control— not in terms of women's control of their own bodies.

Feminists are starting to organize around these issues and break through women's ignorance about their bodies, sexuality, and reproduction. Manushi plans an issue on birth control. They are reporting on contraceptives and their hazards, multinational experimentation, and related concerns. Women from seven Indian cities participated in the 1981 International Conference on Women and Health in Geneva. Some were doctors and some were representing feminist groups. They see work on women's health issues as positive action: women can leam, discuss with each other, hold prenatal workshops, and organize for better health care. German women also expressed the value of this positive praxis.

Conferences Indian women, the same as feminists the world over, are gathering in conferences to discuss issues and organize for action. In November of 1980, in Bombay, a women's conference was held with workshops on rape, legal issues. 527 violence in the family, women and media, women and health, trade anions. Socialist Feminist organizations, and autonomous women's organizations— a list like any other. Madhu Kishwar, an editor of Manushi, and Vina Mazumdar, director of the Centre for Women's Development Studies, in New Delhi, attended the U.N. Women’s Conference in Copenhagen.

They took part in the International Women's Studies workshop (Women's Studies Quarterly, Spring 1981). In April, 1981, there was a national conference on Women's Studies in India with 550 delegates attending, not only from India, but also from Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, UNESCO, UNICEF, and the Ford Foundation. An Indian Association of Women's Studies has been founded. Vina Mazumdar, reporting on Women's

Studies (1981:890-892) said: Through all these attempts to make concrete recommendations, however, ran the thread of a rather nebulous idea— that what was necessary was a transformation of structures, of ethos, of quality and behaviour, through the unity of scientific studies, mobilising action, and spreading awareness among the public, within educational, health and legal systems, among the media and the worlds of creative literature, science and technology. It is this underlying idea that made participants feel that they were taking part in a movement, and not just a conference (p. 891).

This chapter has very briefly indicated some of the myriad ways in which feminists from all over the world are struggling and supporting one another in their struggles. CHAPTER EIGHT

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

In this final chapter, I will offer a summary of the research, suggest what conclusions can be drawn, and indicate several further research topics of importance. The major contention being made here is that the Women's Liberation Movement is not a unique phenomenon occuring only in the United States or only in Europe; nor is it isolated in the sense of spontaneous, separated movements lacking communication among them. Rather, it is becoming increasingly a global phenomenon, through the emergence of a feminist metaculture. The purpose of this study is to analyze and describe that process.

I have defined the feminist metaculture as a set of shared understandings about the oppression of women, contacts and communication among feminists in different countries, support of one another's campaigns, and mutual stimulation and encouragement in the development of theory and praxis. The sources of women's oppression exist in patriarchy and capitalism. Both systems are inherently unequal and exploitative. Racism, classism, heterosexism, ageism, and

528 529 parochialism all serve to oppress categories of women invidiously within these systems and to divide women from one another in defining their situation and struggles. Sexism oppresses all women. Some women may not recognize this— either because of relative advantage in the race, class, sexual-identity, age, or religious hierarchies— or due to discrimination based on any of these other factors which dominates their lives and awareness. Feminists are working to develop theory and praxis which confronts these inequalities and divisiveness, to envision new, non-oppressive societies.

Women who define themselves as feminists are set apart from those who do not by consciousness of women's oppression and a commitment to change— both personal and societal. This means they must actively confront sexism; Radical and Socialist

Feminists believe they must confront all the other forms of oppression— based on race, class, sexuality, religion, and age— as well.

Sociological Theory

How and why is a feminist metaculture emerging? As a woman's awareness of sex-based oppression develops, due to experiences, reading, or contact with feminists, she may commit herself to the feminist struggle. Each of the following sociological concepts was used to help explain the 330 process; identity, consciousness of kind/class consciousness, commitment, subculture, and network.

Identity implies the individual process of "becoming a feminist," i.e., accepting as part of one's self concept that one is a feminist and will work toward ridding society of sexism and sexist oppression. This affects how the woman is perceived by others and may provoke hostility; at the same time it will help forge a bond of sisterhood with other feminists. The fact that a woman accepts the identity of feminist indicates that she has some implicit or explicit idea of what that means, how she defines feminism, and where she will put her energy. Sisterhood is the feminist equivalent of class conscious­ ness, creating bonds among all women, and it demands concern for all women. Sexism affects all females categorically, not individual women. Logically, this extends globally to include women of all nations and all cultures. The subordinate position shared by women the world over creates the foundation for a feminist metaculture and a unified challenge to the status quo. This feeling of solidarity is necessary to feminist struggle since feminists are everywhere a minority. Commitment to work for individual and societal change develops for many women, thus becoming integral to their lives— affecting their work, leisure, and personal relation­ ships. This, in turn, serves to further strengthen feminist 331 identity and consciousness of kind because more of one's time is spent with other feminists, reading feminist materials, and actively working for the movement. This commitment stage may last for the rest of the woman's life— long term research will be important to follow the feminist careers of women's liberation activists. My interviews suggest that they are marked by alternating "bursts" of energy and periods of reflection, for many feminists. Commitment and identity polarize feminists and non­ feminists or anti-feminists. This is very important in understanding the metaculture. Feminists are rejected by the mainstream in all societies, thus Women's Liberation Movement members are receptive to feminists from other countries and see them as sisters in the struggle. Feminist subcultures have developed in the sample countries; their values are in conflict with those of the dominant system, with members of the larger society often ignorant or misinformed of the issues and analyses of feminists. Mass media distort and suppress news of the movement, while feminists are denied access to mainstream media outlets. The subculture itself has within it various tendencies and a range of views from liberal to radical. There are many local groups which are basically independent of one another. This decentral­ ized structure serves to strengthen the metaculture, making it less vulnerable to attack or co-optation. The diversity 352 of groups facilitates the spread of feminism because a great variety of women can find groups where they can put their energy and commitment to work. These groups are connected through conferences, the feminist press, and overlapping memberships. From time to time, they unite on particular issues or campaigns, giving the movement strength. The feminist metaculture is not diagrammable and each member sees it from a different vantage point and ideological base. Communication between segments is crucial and occurs in various ways.

Contemporary History of the Women's Liberation Movement I briefly reviewed the recent history of the Women's

Liberation Movement in six European countries and the United States. These movements had multiple beginnings as women with varied political philosophies and experiences organized and collaborated to begin campaigns and Consciousness Raising. These different groups affirm the diversity of feminism and reflect the strength of the metaculture. The contemporary Women's Liberation Movement grew out of the American civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s and the American and European left and student movements of the 1960s. There were specific events and campaigns which marked the beginnings of a Women's Liberation Movement in each country. But, from the start, there have been international contacts among feminists and sharing of feminist writings. 355 The various tendencies and splits xidthin the movement were discussed and how they strengthen rather than weaken the movement. Debate sharpens and refines the theoretical work of feminists. The divisions Liberal-Reform, Radical, Socialist, Lesbian-Separatist, and Black (or Third World, or Women of Color) exist in the European and American

movements and have helped each other to confront the short­ comings in their analyses and visions.

Research Objectives My major objective in carrying out this research was to examine the processes by which feminists unite to change society and create a global feminist metaculture. The research focused mainly on Great Britain, West Germany, and the United States; materials in both English and German were used. It is more elucidating to look for the interconnections not only among these three countries but between them and other nations as well. Therefore, a brief look at the Women's Liberation Movements in France, Italy, and Spain was included. Also, Chapter Seven considered a number of countries in other areas of the world. I want to stress that detailed study of any of these other areas would

reveal a rich history of feminist struggle. There is need for more research on other geographical and cultural portions

of the feminist metaculture. 554 Methodology

This research is an exploratory case study; it is descriptive and interpretive. It does not test quantified hypotheses, rather it seeks a qualitative understanding of the recent history and current developments of feminism on a global scale.

It is hoped that this research contributes to the feminist struggle by informing women of organizations and activities in the Women's Liberation Movement in other countries and contacts which are being made, and inspiring further global cooperation among feminists. Barbara Smith (1982:50) has said of Women's Studies and its various associations: The question has been raised here whether this should be an activist association or an academic one. In many ways, this is an immoral question, an immoral and false dichotomy. The answer lies in the emphasis and the kinds of work that will lift oppression off of not only women, but all oppressed people: poor and working-class people, people of color in this country and in the colonized Third World. If lifting this oppression is not a priority to you, then it's problematic whether you are a part of the actual feminist movement. My methodology was participant observation, as developed by symbolic interactionists, utilizing direct involvement in the feminist metaculture itself. I used interviewing, content analysis of feminist materials, and participation in feminist collectives and demonstrations. I spent one year in Europe studying European feminist writing, interviewing 335 women, and taking part in as many feminist activities as I could. The concept of feminist metaculture emerged from the diverse data as I carried out the research there and in the United States. The question of appropriate feminist methodology is being faced by women in the sample countries and was important to me in my work. Roberts (1981) has edited a collection of articles on feminist methodology by European and American researchers. I expect this concern will continue as feminist scholars consider the impact their research has on those being studied and their responsibility for this. Feminist methodology rejects the fallacy of value-free social science, stresses non-hierarchical and non-exploitative relationships within the research process, and judges the research by whether it diminishes the oppression of women.

The Analytic Framework Chapter Four considered similarities in the cultural position of women, the historical precedent of cooperation among women, the spread of both social protest movements and Marxism, and shared feminist values— all of which have been conducive to international cooperation among feminists. Chapters Five, Six, and Seven present the evidence collected during the research, which validates the assertion that a global feminist metaculture is indeed emerging. 336 This reflects only a small portion of the materials I have personally collected and, obviously, I was able to collect only a fragment of the feminist materials produced in each country over several years. Therefore, it is safe to say that the metaculture has had vastly more individual and group contacts than it is possible to measure and evaluate.

If we imagine this multiplied by many more languages and countries, we may get some idea of the complexity of the metaculture.

Metaculture Contacts Because feminists are still a numerical minority in all

countries, they usually lack sufficient power, numbers, or money to accomplish their goals. If they can call upon women from beyond the area, they can bolster their numbers-- and this often occurs. There are many issues on which women are willing to cooperate and a variety of ways in which they do this. They also are eager to l eam from one another and

share information. The numerous ways in which feminists make contacts, together constitute the structure of the metaculture. Robin Morgan (1978:202) describes her early contacts: Since early 1970 I had been one of a number of American feminists who were in touch with like-minded women organizing all over the globe. Synchronicity, word-of-mouth, books smuggled into countries where the fascist, capitalist, socialist, Protestant, 357 Catholic, Jewish, Moslem, Hindu, or atheist male governments did not smile upon such literature— these were the ways our ideas were shared.

In Chapter Five, I presented four types of contacts as illustration of the metaculture. Direct face-to-face contact— involving international travel of individual women or groups to attend conferences, help establish new projects, hold discussions, or to live abroad for some time— has been crucial to building the feminist metaculture. The second type of contact is through writing, publi­ cations, and translations. Both historic and contemporary feminist works are being distributed internationally. There is an expanding network of feminist presses which are trans­ lating and publishing materials. There have been several international conferences of the feminist press. Research archives and information services also facilitate such exchange. Women's Studies scholars have added greatly to the volume of feminist writing and much of the work is being read and discussed in Women's Studies courses. For many students, their first Women's Studies course is the beginning of a commitment to feminism. Third, conferences have been crucial to the spread of the metaculture and they have often attracted women from beyond the membership area. There are now frequent international conferences on specific feminist issues. Festivals of feminist culture, music, or art, also bring 338 together feminists and provide the opportunity to share information.

The fourth component of the metaculture I discussed was women's spaces and feminist art. Feminists have created spaces for women-only events which allow women room to develop their feminist consciousness and provide services to further the struggle. Refuges, Consciousness Raising groups, bookstores, art studios and galleries, all serve the metaculture. Feminist art has given expression to feminism in the form of music, theatre, dance, writing, photography and films, painting, and sculpture— communicating feminism to others. The very struggle of a woman to be an artist in a sexist world is a feminist issue; women are supporting each other's art in many ways.

Feminist Issues The forms of oppression which confront women are numerous; I selected three broadly defined issues, presented in Chapter Six. First is the issue of violence against women. This occurs in all the societies investigated and much inter­ national support and cooperation has occurred. Rape and the societal/judicial attitudes toward it, battering of women, and pornography are problems in all the sample countries.

There has been international support of rape victims and 559 women imprisoned for killing rapists, sharing of informa­ tion on establishing refuges, and cooperation in collecting materials to run rape crisis centers. Take Back the Night marches, especially through pornography districts of cities, have been held in many countries. The International Tri­ bunal on Violence Against Women, held in Brussels, facilitated international exchange of information on violence and helped establish support networks. Second are health issues and the feminist self-health movement to take control of our own bodies. Abortion, birthing, contraception, and forced sterilization are all of concern. Self-help clinics started in the United States and, through the help of American feminists, have been established in Europe and India. Several international conferences on women's health have been organized by European feminists.

The third issue area is personal/political consciousness growing out of OR groups, recognizing that women are oppressed, not sick. Feminist therapy seeks social change, not the adjustment of the woman to her situation. Personal solutions do not alter the status quo. This analysis and OR have been used in all the sample countries. In India, groups of women are now discussing their needs. 5^0 Third World Feminist Movement In Chapter Seven I considered briefly some feminist developments in Latin America, Eastern Europe, and India.

This is important, to avoid the impression that the meta­ culture is a North Atlantic network. Feminists of the

North Atlantic region need to become better informed about the lives of women elsewhere, their feminist struggles, and what the interconnections are among our lives as feminists.

Women of color in the United States are working on the cultural roots which they share with women in other countries and helping to build a Third World Women's Liberation Movement.

Implications for Further Research One of my original concerns was with the feminist life strategies women develop after having their consciousness raised— in order to live in anti-feminist societies while working to transform them. This has come to be a separate study. I will conduct longitudinal studies of a number of European and American feminists, and study their life strategies and the stages/phases of their commitment and work. The responses to my original and follow-up interviews will be discussed in a second publication, but it was through the process of conducting the interviews and participating in various feminist settings— originally to find contacts— that the metaculture was revealed. 341 Another area of needed research is a study of non-feminist women and anti-feminist women— what are the causes of their opposition to feminism, why do they reject the feminist analysis, what are the essential differences between them and feminists?

A third area of research need is historical, i.e., study of earlier international feminist contacts, relocations of feminists from one country to another, and how they were carriers of feminist theory/praxis. Examples are Emma Goldman, an American feminist who spent time in Russia; and Mathilda Franziska Anneke, a German feminist who founded a girls' school in Milwaukee.

Research needs to be done on further aspects of the metaculture. What other issue areas are crucial and what other contact forms are important? Certainly more geographic areas and languages need to be investigated. For the study of today's feminist metaculture, there is need for more travel and exchanges of women, more trans­ lations of feminist works, and for more women to l e a m foreign languages. There are several good journals offering translations, e.g.. Connexions. Feminist Issues. International Women's Studies Quarterly, and Resources for Feminist Research/ Documentation Sur La Recherche Fl^ministe. These need wide distribution and support. 34-2 Feminist bookstores need to carry more international materials. Xanthippe in Amsterdam has books in a half dozen languages, but this is rare. Women's Studies libraries and curricula need to broaden to include materials from more nations and cultures and about their interconnections. Most

Women's Studies courses also need to expand to include more study of working class women. Women of Color, and a greater diversity of women's issues. There is need to facilitate more direct, face-to-face contact, not only by those women who can afford travel, but by bringing together women by sharing the expense as was done at the International Women's Health Conference held in Geneva.

It will not be simple to bridge the gulfs of language, culture, and history. The feminists of the world need to cooperate and support one another, allowing each to speak from her own experience, not dominating one another. Feminists have the responsibility to be informed about conditions of women outside their narrowly defined membership groups and how these women's lives are affected by what their governments, industries, and militaries are doing. For example, the policies of Western capitalist governments and industries have affected the health of Latin American, Asian, and African women. The dumping of unsafe, illegal lUDs, testing of contraceptives, and exploitative marketing 343 of infant formula are only a few examples. Women are Challenging these practices.

Diamond and Mueller (1980:79) have said: ...feminists also should consider that forms of patriarchy are not isolated within national "borders any more than are multinational corporations that characterize contemporary c apitalism. Forms of patriarchy in so-called developed and underdeveloped countries may help set the conditions for reinforcing each other. Conglomerate and multinational organ­ ization of corporations permits the search for cheap and exploitable labor to transcend political barriers. Past experience suggests that where gender segmentation and social control under patriarchy are found, women will provide a cheap, manipulable wage labor force. When stages of production are transferred out of such expensive labor locations as the United States, women with no skills or training cannot find jobs and must depend on husbands, fathers, or the welfare system. Meanwhile, women in such cheap labor locations as Third World countries compete with each other for jobs that will not support them.

Conclusions I believe that the average person, as well as the average feminist, is not yet aware of the existence of the global feminist metaculture. The contacts being made are often tentative and unsure. But, global solidarity among feminists is growing stronger and the awareness that one's personal problems as a woman go beyond the individual situation to societal roots is expanding to the realization that not just one social class or nation has these problems but they are truly global. This realization is forging new bonds of sisterhood. We have communication technology 344 available to maintain information flow, which can be rapid when necessary.

The metacultxire is largely unknown outside the net­ work and often the contacts are selective— based on a

specific issue— but, even feminists who are unaware of what is happening elsewhere,benefit from theory/praxis or support of women in other countries. They may be involved in work which was originated or developed abroad. For example, although refuges for battered women started in England, not all those who work in them or seek refuge may be aware of that. Women in Europe who l e a m self-health care may not know its American history. Global cooperation among feminists is a positive development for the Women's Liberation Movement. The cross cultural experience, knowledge, and political pressure benefit the various movements. However, women in one country must not define other women's problems for them, nor speak for them. We must resist the imposition of Western inter­ pretations and judgments on complex cultural practices such as clitoridectomies; rather, support Third World Feminists' efforts to accomplish change. Third World women should not be

"subjects" of our research but rather our collaborators and teachers. We should be enriched by the beauty and poetry of the diverse lives of women in all cultures; we need to respect the autonomy and self determination of all women (Gillespie-Woltemade, 1979:22). 3^5 There are potential pitfalls; women from the more industrialized countries, who have greater resources, may impose their views of feminism on women elsewhere. Racism, classism, and nationalism as well as individual power- striving will threaten and weaken or distort the metaculture if they are not guarded against. "Super-stars" and large foundation grants or government sponsors may control much of the international contact* which occurs and which gets media coverage— including in the feminist press. Grass roots feminists all too often lack the resources to sustain contacts. It is necessary for concerned feminists to be watchful and speak to this issue at every turn to avoid such developments. We cannot generalize from the feminist metaculture to all women. Feminists are activists and their lives are not typical of women in general. Women are nationalistic and have class interests the same as men. The feminist metaculture involves a small minority of the world’s women. Also, the tendency to over-simplify real national and cultural differences in women's lives and needs is a problem. We are not all living in the same socio-economic or cultural system and what works in one country cannot necessarily be transplanted. A great deal of sensiti*vity to this is necessary. We need to understand our differences and uniqueness and specific cultural issues. yt-6 In 1985, the concluding conference of the United

Nations Decade of Women will be held in Nairobi, Kenya. Official, sponsored delegations will attend as well as a gathering of feminists from autonomous Women's Liberation Movement groups from the world over. Through this meeting and countless other contacts, the global feminist metaculture continues the difficult struggle for social change. APPENDIX A

TABLE OF BENCHMAEK EVENTS H\T THE CONTEMPORARY WOMEN'S LIBERATION MOVEIffiNTS

Britain Germany United States 1820s-1850s - Reform movement in New York, New England, Penn.— Temperance, peace, anti-capital punishment, anti-slavery, pro-educa­ tion. 1828 - First strike of women wage earners, Dover, N.H., cotton mill workers. 1838 - Anti-slavery convention of U.S. women in Philadelphia. Lucretia Mott, Angela

184-8 - Louise and Sarah Grimke, OttS-Petë^rîounded Elizabeth Oady Stanton women workers or- 1S48 - Seneca Palls, K.T. ganization, Women's Ri^ts Convention 184-9, she founds 184-9 - The Lily— first Frauenzeitung. paper in U.S. to be women's newspaper owned, edited, and pub- 1850 - Begin­ for better education lished by a woman. ning of nat'l and employment Amelia Bloomer. agitation for training for women female suffrage and women's 1851 - Sojourner Truth property rights. 1852 - Law passed made "Ain't I A Woman?" outlawing women speech in Ohio at 1850s - First editors. Women's Rights Conf. colleges for women formed.

34-7 548

Britain Germany United States

1855 - First American women admitted to universities 1857 - First Divorce Act allow­ ing legal separation and divorce through the courts "1865 - Louise Otto-Peters and Auguste Schmidt organize women

1865 - Leipzig Frauenkongre s s on employment and education 1867 - John for women Stuart Mill moves amendment to Second Reform Act that "man" should he replaced by "person", and fails. 1868 - First public 1868 - First issue of meeting of Suffrage The Revolution, suffrage movement in newspaper. Susan B. Manchester Anthony, publisher; Elizabeth Oady Stanton, editor. 1869 - John Stuart 1869 - Mill's Mill's book The The Subjection of 1869 - Mill's The Subjection oT Women, published Subjection of Women Women, published in German published-

1870-1910 - 527 efforts to submit suffrage to voters, on ballot 17 times.

1872 - Susan B. Anthony voted in Rochester, N.Y. Tried and found guilty. Refused to pay fine. 349

Britain Germany United States 1876 - Hedwig Dobm organizes for votes for women. Starts 1877 - Annie German Women's Besant tried Suffrage Society for publishing birth control pamphlet.

1878 - Matri­ monial Causes Act— wife gets separation order, maintenance, and child custody if husband is con­ victed of assault­ ing her. 1878 - Women admitted to university 1882 - Married Women's Property Act— gave married women control over their separate property

1888 - Match Girl Strike, organized by Annie Besant (successful)

1888 - ÏÏUC passed equal pay reso­ lution

1891 - First demon­ stration of working women in Hyde Park (laundresses) demand inclusion in Factory Acts 350

Britain Germany United States

1895 - August Bebel SPD leader introduced in Reichstag a motion to grant female suffrage (failed) Late 1980s - German women admitted to universities

1900 - Civil Code passed, until after WWII, few rights for women 1902 - Hedwig Dohm published The Anti-feminists.

1902 - German Union for Women's Suffrage founded by 13 Radical Feminists, most were Abolitionists, including Anita Augspurg, Lida Gustava Heymann, & Minna Cauer (women property owners had the vote, through male proxy) Lida Gustava Heymann threatens not to pay 1903 - Women's taxes if denied vote. Social and Political Union 1904 - Berlin, founded - WSPU International Women's Suffrage Alliance 1905 - First militant action of founded suffrage movement Christabel Pank- hurst imprisoned 1906 - National Federation of Women Workers 1905 - First mass imprisonment of suffragettes 351

Britain Germany United States 1907 - "Principles & Demands of the Women's Movement” released: 1. reform Civil Code, full equality for women in marriage. 2. equal educational opportunity. 3 . equal employment rights, equal pay. 4. equality in public life, full political equality, jury duty and admission to legal profession for women

1908 - Women's movement splits over abortion issue and Article 218 19O8 - Prussian Union for Women's Suffrage led by Minna Cauer in Berlin— bastion of radicalism in national . suffrage movement. 1908 - Anita Augspurg led 30 German women in demon­ stration for women's suffrage in Hyde Park in London. That Autumn, Augspurg and Heymann go to London for suffrage meeting.

1910 ~ Black 1909 - English suffragettes Friday, mass hold meeting in Hamburg lobby of Parliament by 1907-1914-, many British Suffragettes, suffragettes visit 119 arrested, Germany several injured, 2 died. 1914 - Sylvia Pankhurst banned in Dresden and Berlin 552

Britain Germany United States 1914 - WWI, split in women's movement over war/peace Anita Augspurg & Lida Gustava Heymann leaders 1915 - 1/2 million of only remaining 1915 - Birth control women work in radical suffrage movement started. munitions society— Women's Margaret Sanger's industry Suffrage League. lectures, writings, activism. 1915 - International pacifist women 19I6 - Sanger and others meet in Amsterdam, set up first U.S. birth later in the control clinic in Hague. Augspurg Brooklyn. Ethyl Byrne and 28 German arrested and imprisoned women attend. for birth control work.

1918 - Women 1918 - After defeat 1916-1918 - Women over age 30 in WWI, revolution imprisoned for granted the in Germany. Leads suffrage work, vote to women's suffrage, but few other 1918 - Women rights for women. employed on war 1919 - 19th Amendment jobs are fired, passes Congress, to organize for give American women unemployment pay. the vote. 1920 - League of Women Voters founded. 1920 - August 26th 19th Amendment ratified. Struggle had started in 1848 at Seneca Falls— 70 year campaign. Early 1920s - American Birth Control League founded by Margaret Sanger. 1921 - American Assoc, of University Women founded (AAUW) 555

Britain Germany United States

1925 - Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) intro­ duced in Congress (Alice 1928 - Women Paul and Nat'l Women's vote on same Party) basis as men 1956 - Abortion Law Reform Association formed. 1951 - Helen Hacker "Women as a Minority Group" published in Social Forces

1955 - Simone de 1956 - Equal Beauvoir's The Second Rights Act passed Sex published' in (Gleichberechti- English. •gungsgesetz) 1958 - Eleanor Flexner Century of Struggle publisned. 1961 - President's Commission on the Status of Women 196$ - Betty Priedan The Feminine Mystique published

1965 - Ruby Doress Smith-Robinson, co­ founder of SNCC, writes position paper on women in the New Left

1965 - Casey Hayden and Mary King send memo to SNCC women— call for revived women's movement, 1966 - National Organ­ ization for Women (NOW) founded. 354

Britain Germany United States

1967 - Abortion 1967 - New York Act passed— allows Radical Women, abortion in Redstockings, and limited circum­ WITCH all started stances 1957 - National Conf. for a New Politics- split became obvious between women's issues and new left policies— Women’s Liberation groups started.

1967 - NOW members picket EEOC offices across U.S.— first nat'l demonstration for women’s rights since suffrage. 1968 - National Women's Liberation conference— Kathie Sarachild reads paper on Consciousness Raising. 1968 - The Feminists formed. Women's Equity Action League (WEAL), and Federally Employed Women (FEW) formed. 1968 - Hull, Lil 1968 - SDS Bilocca organizes (Socialist Students)1968 - Washington, D.C fishermen's wives- met in Frankfurt, "Burial of Traditional leads to campaign film maker Helke Womanhood"— first public for Equal Rights Sander's position action by radical women paper on women's to raise consciousness 1958 - Eord Sewing issues and child of others. Slogan; Machinists strike- care read. Local "Sisterhood is Powerful!" N J A C ™ (Nat’l autonomous women's started here. Joint Action groups form. Committee for 1958 - New York Radical Women’s Equal 1968 - Kinderladen Women published Notes Rights) forms. Bewegung (child from the First Year, and care movement) started Consciousness becomes radical­ Raising. ized. 355

Britain Germany United States 1968 - Miss America protest against sexism. (Not for equal rights)

1969 - Harpies 1969 - Karin 1969 - Redstockings Snr€Bizarre. Snr€Bizarre. Shrew, Schrader-Kleberts Manifesto, New York and Socialist "Die kulturell? Radical Feminists Women start Revolution der Manifesto drafted publication FraüŸ" Kursbuch 17 — First radical 1969 - New York City: 1969 - Equal Pay feminist analysis Redstockings, Rally at of the new German The Feminists, Trafalger Square women's movement. New York Radical Women- all started. 1969 - "The Future of Rev­ olution" conf. at Essex Univ., Women organized session on feminism

1969 - Women's Liberation Workshop started in London 1970 - Demon­ 1970 - August 26, 50th stration against anniversary of suffrage sexism at Miss Women's Strike for World Pageant Equality, Demand: 24- hour child 1970 - First care, abortion on demand, National Women's equal opportunity in Liberation Conf. employment and education. at Oxford— 4- demands drafted. 1970 - Radicalesbians wrote "The Woman- 1970 - Equal Pay Identified Woman"— Act (becomes law appeared in Notes from in 1975) the Third Year. 1970-1972 - Night Cleaner's Campaign- union recognition pulled together union women and feminists 356

Britain Germany United States

1971 - 1971 - 1972 1971 - National Socialist Women, Abortion campaign— Women's Political Maoist Women, June issue of S t e m Caucus founded International published 37^ names Socialist Caucus of women who had 1971 - NOW passed — all founded illegally had resolution to abortions support lesbians 1971 - International women all over Women's Day Germany sign rally and petitions for repeal demonstration of abortion law in London (Article 218) First women's Campaign radicalizes newspaper— many women. National campai^ for implementation 1971 - 450 women of 4 demands from 40 groups gather in Frankfurt 1971 - Erin for women's congress Pizzey founded Chiswick Women's Aid (for battered 1975 “ European tour women) Pizzey is by Los Angeles one of the Feminist Health Center founders of the — self-help demonstrations movement for refuges for battered women. 1972 - Sp^ e Rib began publication 1973 - First contemporary feminist newspaper; Frauen zusammen sind stark!

1973 - French women demonstrate suction abortion in Germany

1974 - Frankfurt International Frauen Kongress— Strike of the womb 557

Britain Germany United States

1974- - First Frauenoffensive Journal

1975 - W.I.R.E.S. 1975 - First began publication national self-help meeting in Marburg 1976 - First Michigan Womyn's Music Festival 1976 - First Sommer Uni fuer Frauen, in Berlin 1977 - National Women's Studies Association founded 1980 - Inter­ national women's 1980 - First national health conference conference of grass in Hannover roots projects for battered women 1980 - Women's Studies conference in Berlin, with international participants

1981 - WAVAW (Women Against Violence Against Women) conference in London— 1,000 attended APPENDIX B

INTERVIEW GUIDE USED IN ENGLAND AND A M I G A

These questions deal with personal life strategies of women involved in the Women's Liberation Movement. There are no right or wrong answers, no yes or no answers. Please use as much time and space as you need to discuss each question fully. Answer in the way you feel most comfortable: write out the discussions or make individual or group tape cassettes and mail them to me at the above address. Or, I could meet with you privately or in small groups. It would be best to spend some time thinking over the material before starting to answer. If you-have kept a diary or journal dealing with your feelings, growth, changes related to the women's movement, you may want to review that first and incorporate passages. Peel free to add topics or materials (photographs, poetry, etc.) which seem important to you and your experience. The identity of women answering the questions will not be revealed in any research publication. You do not need to include your name. Please make a preliminary statement about your age/ stage in life, living arrangements, work, etc.

1. How do you define being a feminist? Do you think you fit this definition? Describe how- you think feminists actually live their everyday lives, and any important ways this differs from other women. 2. Can you describe when and the process by which you became involved in the ■ women ' s - movements What affected you: reading material, events, other people? Describe specific works read, specific events, experiences, relation­ ships . Has feminism-transformed/disrupted earlier relation­ ships: with parents, family, friends, lovers, spouse, colleagues? Discuss...

558 359

3» What have been the most important changes in your personal life and how you see yourself because of the women's movement? Have you restructured your life and the way you interact with others? Describe... 4. Do you feel that your identification with women's liberation puts you in opposition to the larger society? What difficulties arise; how do you react, deal with them? How would you like to respond?— What prevents you? What bothers you most when others deal with you in terms of female stereotypes? Give specific examples, how you feel, how you react. Do you alter situations so that others do not define you in this way? Discuss...

5. When do you feel anger at society for denying the legitimacy of the feminist ideology; for reacting nega­ tively to you as a feminist? How do you cope with this anger? 5. What activities are most important to you? Are you involved in any feminist groups? Can you describe what you receive from being with other women involved in the movement? Are you able to incorporate feminism into your work? 7. Would you like to be able to live differently? What is preventing this? Describe any concrete plans you have for future changes. 8. Do you have contact with the women's movement in other cities, or other countries? Have you read liter­ ature on the women's movement in other countries? How do you feel this relates to you? 9. What are you reading now, related to feminism...books, periodicals?

Thank you very much for your help. If you know other women willing to discuss these questions, please make copies or notify me. INTERVIEW GUIDE USED IN GERMANY

Diese Pragen behandeln die persoenlichen Lebens- strategien von Prauen in der Prauenbewegung. Es gibt keine richtigen Oder falsohen, Ja-oder Nein-Antworten. Bitte nimm Dir so viel Zeit und beanspruche so viel Platz, wie Du brauchst, um alle Pragen vollkommen zu beantworten. Beantworte die Pragen in der Form die Dir • am besten zusagt; schriftlich Oder mit Tonbandkassetten, einzeln oder als Gruppe und sende das Material an die obige Adresse. Ich glaube, es waere gut, ueber die Pragen erst einmal laengere Zeit nachzudenken^ bevor Du mit der Beantwortung beginnst. Wenn Du ein Tagebuch gefuehrt hast Oder fuehrst and andere Aufzeiohnungen hast ueber Deine Gefuehle, Deine Entwicklung und Veraenderungen im Hinblick auf die Prauenbewegung, moechtest Du dies viel­ le icht erst einmal durchsehen und Teile mit einbeziehen. Du kannst auch-geme andere wichtige Themen oder Material (Photographien, Gedichte, etc) beifuegen, die fuer Dich und Deine Erfahrungen wichtig sind. Die Identitaet der Frauen, die diese Pragen beant­ worten, wird in spaeteren Porschungsberichten bzw.-ver- oeff entlichungen nicht bekannt gegeben. Du brauchst Deinen Namen nicht anzugeben.

Bitte mache vorweg einige Angeben ueber Dein Alter, Leben, Wohnverhaeltnisse, Arbeit, etc.

1. Bist Du aktiv in der Prauenbewegung? Was bedeutet das fuer Dich? Gehoerst Du einer bestimmten Gruppe oder Richtung an? Was bedeutet der Begriff "Peminismus" fuer Dich?

2. Kannst Du den Prozess/Werdegang beschreiben, der Dich zur Prauenbewegung gefuehrt hat? Was hat Dich beein- flusst: Lektuere, Ereignisse, andere Menschen? Haben die Erfahrungen in der Prauenbewegung zu einer Aenderung/ Stoerung 'frueherer Beziehungen gefuehrt? (Eltem, Ehemann, Preunde , usw.) 560 361

3o Was waren die wichtigsten Veraenderungen in Deinem Leben und welches Selbstbild hast Du auf Grund der Prauenbewegung entwickelt? Beschreibe...

4. Hast Du die Erfahrung gemacht, dass Deine Identifi- kation mit der Prauenbewegung Dich in Opposition zur uebrigen Gesellschaft gebracht hat/bringt? Welche Schwieri^eiten entstehen, wie reagierst Du/verhaelst Du Dich, wie bewaeltigst Du diese Schwieri^eiten? Wie wuerdest Du Dich geme verhalten? Was hindert Dich? V/orunter leidest Du/aergerst Du Dich am meisten, wenn andere Dich nach stereotypen/traditionellen Weiblich- keitsnormen behandeln? Wie denkst Du darueber, wie reagierst Du? Wie veraenderst Du oder versuchst Du Situationen zu veraendem, so dass andere Dich nicht so behandeln? Diskutiere•.• 5 . Wenn empfindest Du Aerger der Gesellschaft gegenueber, wenn sie die Legitimitaet der Prauenbewegung nicht an- erkennt? Wie wirst Du damit fertig?

6. Welche Aktivitaeten sind Dir am wichtigsten? Kannst Du beschreiben, was Du aus dem Zusammensein mit anderen Prauen in der Bewegung gewinnst? Kannst Du Deine An- schauungen mit Deiner Arbeit verbinden? 7» Moechtest Du geme anders leben? Was haelt Dich davon ab? Hast Du Zukunftsplaene? Wie-sehen sie aus? Welche konkreten Schritte untemimmst Du, um Deine Situation waiter zu veraendem? 8. Hast Du Kontakt mit der Prauenbewegung in anderen Staedten oder Laendem? Hast Du Buecher oder anderes Material ueber die Prauenbewegung in anderen Laendem gelesen? Hat das Bedeutung fuer Dein Leben? 9 . Was liest Du jetzt in Bezug zur Prauenbewegung... Buecher, periodische Zeitschriften, usw.?

Herzlichen Dank fuer Deine Hilfe. Wenn Du andere Prauen kennst, die diese Pragen auch beantworten wuerden, dann mache bitte Kopien oder schreibe mir. APPENDIX G RESOURCE LISTS

The following lists of resources are offered as further documentation of feminist spaces, organ­ izations, and publications that are presently making up the feminist metaculture. Any such list is necess­ arily incomplete and less than accurate— groups come and go, and move. With imagination and tenacity, it is possible to discover contacts in hundreds more cities and towns. But, these addresses are a starting point, places to inquire about specific needs. Remember: Most feminist groups operate on grossly insufficient funds. It is always helpful to include a self-addressed envelope for replies as well as a con­ tribution for postage and materials. Use inter­ national money orders whenever possible.

362 I. WOMEN'S SPACES; BOOKSTORES, RESEARCH CENTERS, CAPES, Australia Women's Liberation Centre Women's Studies Resource 1 Union Street Center - 1st Floor Adelaide/South Australia 122 Kintore Ave. Adelaide/South Australia Women's Healing Centre 119 Trafalgar Street Annandale

Liverpool Women's Health Center 1st Floor/ 273 George Street Liverpool Austria Frauenzimmer/Buchcafe (Women's Room/Book-Cafe) Lange Gasse 11 A 1080 Wien (Vienna) Belgium

CREW - Centre for Research on European Women 22 Rue de Toulouse 1040 Brussels Grif - Groupe de Recherche et d'information fémininiste La Méridienne, Place Quetelet 1 A 1030 Brussels Le Feminaire Brussels Documentation and Research Centre for Radical Feminism 1 rue Herman Richir 1030 Brussels

363 364

Canada

Bookstores: Vancouver Women's Bookstore, 322 W. Hastings St, Vancouver, BO V6B 1K6 Ariel Books, 2766 W. 4th, Vancouver Ave, EC V6K1R1 Everywomans Books, 641 Johnson St, Victoria, BO Common Woman Books, #11-8204-104 St. Edmonton, Alberta T6E2B2 Erewhon Books. 10815B, 82 Ave. Edmonton, Alberta Toronto V/omen's Bookstore, 85 Harbord St. Toronto, Ontario, M5S 1G4 Glad Day Books, 4 Collier St., Toronto, Ontario Libr des Femmes d'ici, 395^ Rue St. Denis, Montreal, Quebec H2W 2m 2 Androgyny Bookstore, 1217 Crescent St. Montreal, Quebec, H3G 2B1 Denmark Kyindelejren (Women's Camp) PA Pem/ DK 4900 Lolland

KVIKEO - Centre for Interdisciplinary Information on Women's Studies Det Kongelige Bibliotek 15 laederstraede, Copenhagen Women's Research Center H.C. Andersen's Boulevard 38 merz., 1553 Copenhagen England

Bristol Women's Centre 44 The Grove, Bristol 1 Compendium Bookshop (Left bookstore with 234 Camden High Street good collection of London NW 1 feminist and Third World books.) 365

England (continued)

Fawcett Library (Historical feminist documents) City of London Polytechnic Old Castle Street, London E1

Feminist Archive (Prototype for regional Orchardleigh House centers) Shepton Mallet, Somerset Sisterwrite (Feminist book store and 190 Upper Street cafe— Sisterbite) London A Woman's Place 42 William IV Street, London WC 2 Women's Free Arts Alliance 10 Cambridge Terrace Mews, London NW 1

Women's Research and Resources Centre 190 Upper Street, London N1 France Carabosses 58 rue de la Roquette 75011 Paris (Metro Bastille)

Anima 3 rue Ravignan 75018 Paris (Metro Abbesses) Choisir - Documentation Center 50 Rue Rambuteau 75005 Paris Librairie Des Femmes

68 rue des Saints-Peres 75007 Paris 2 Place des Celestins 79002 Lyon

55 rue Pavilion 15001 Marseille 566

France (continued) L^Echo du Macadam (Newsletter) Macadam (Prostitutes' group) c/o Planning Familial 2 Rue des Colonnes 75002 Paris

Maison de Femmes (Women's Center) 8 Cité Prost, 75011 Paris La Lune Noire (Cafe) 14 Rue des Couples 67000 Strassburg

Germany (East) Bundesvorstand des Demokratischen Frauenbundes Deutschlands Clara-Zetkin-Str. 16, 1080 Berlin

Clara Zetkin-Gedenkstaette Summter Str. 4, 1403 Birkenwerder Germany (West)

Frauenzentren (Women's Centers): Berlin: Stresemannstr. 40 Bonn: Frauenforum Endenicherstr. 51 Lesbengruppe in Frauenbuchladen Nora, Bombeimerstr. 92 Duesseldorf: Erkratherstr. 265 Frankfurt: Bockenheim, Landgrafenstr. 13 Eckenheimer Landstr. 72 Freiburg: Luisenstr. 5 Goettingen: Kurze Geismarstr. 20 Hamburg: Stresemannstr. 60, 2 HH 50 Hannover: Nieschlagstr. 26 Heidelberg: Lenaustr. 14 Koeln (Cologne): Eifelstr. 35 Ehrenfeld: Geisselstr. 44 Munich: Gabelsbergerstr. 66 Tuebingen: Haaggasse 34 367

Germany (West) (continued) Bookstores: Berlin: Labrys, Yorckstr. 22, 1 Berlin 61 Lilith, Knesebeckstr. 86-87, 1 Berlin 12 Miranda, Nazarethkirchstr- 42, 1 Berlin 65 Bonn: Nora Frauenbuchladen, Bomheimer Str» 92 Duesseldorf: Frauen-Buecher-Zimmer, Duisburgerstr. 50, 4 Duesseldorf 50 Frankfurt: Frauenbuchladen, Kiesstr 27, 6 Frankfurt/M. Goettingen: Laura Frauen/Kinderbuchl. Burgstr. 3, 34 Goettingen Hamburg: Frauenbuchladen, Bismarck str. 98, 2 Hambrug 20 Heidelberg: Frauenbuchladen, Friedrich-Ebert- Anlage 5^1 -, 69 Heidelberg Cologne: Frauenbuchladen, Moltkestr. 66/ Ecke Luetticherstr., 5 Koeln 1 Munich: Lillemor's Frauenbuchladen, Arcisstr. 57, 8 Munich 40 BIFF - Beratung und Information fuer Frauen Berlin Frauenzentrum, Stresemannstr. 40 (Counseling and Information) Bildungs und Freizeitzentrum fuer Frauen e.V. Holzappelerstr. 5j 5409 Charlottenburg (Education and Leisure Center) Bildwechsel Kultur-und Medienzentrum fuer Frauen e.V. 2000 Hamburg 1, Rostockerstr. 25 (Culture and Media) FPGZ e.V. - Feministisches Frauengesundheitszentrum Kadettenweg 77, 1000 Berlin 45 (Health Center) Feministisches Frauengesundheitszentrum Hamburger Allee 45, Eingang Emser Str. Frankfurt (Health Center)

Frauenselbsthilfeladen im 13. Mond Bleibtreustr 48, Berlin (Self-Help Health Center)

Frauen Therapiezentrum Munich, Auenstr. 31 (Therapy Center) 568

Germany (West) (continued)

Galerie Andere Zeichen Bleibtreustr 53, 1000 Berlin 12 (Art Gallery) Gruppe L 74, Bruchsalstr. 4-, Berlin (Lesbian Group)

LAZ - Lesbisches Aktionszentrum Katzlerstr. 9, 1 Berlin 61 (Lesbian Action Center) Greece

A Votsky - E Paboyky (Women's Center and "to vivlio - to paidi" Bookstore) 38 Sinastr., Athens 155

Massalias (Bookstore) Sina 58, Athens 155 Women's Centers Romanou Melodou 4-, Athens Allanikon 5, Pangrati, Athens Holland

Bookstores: Amsterdam, Xantippe, Westerstraat 193 Dordrecht, Brood en Rozen, Gravenstraat 22 Enschede, Lochemsestraat 1 Groningen, Dikke Trui, Oude Kijk in 'tjatstraat 69 Den Haag, Vrouwenboekhandel Den Haag, Anna Paulownastraat 15 Leeuwardan, Sappho, Bollemanssteeg 8 Leiden, Giai, Pieterkerkchoorsteeg 1 Nijmegen, De Peeks, Ridderstraat 11 Rotterdam, Emma, Snellemanstraat 15a Utrecht, De Heksenkelder, Oude Gracht 261 Vlissingen, Peministisch Boekenfonds, Vrouwenstraat 5 369

Holland (continued) Women's Centers;

Vrouwenhuis in de Pijp A. Cuyp Straat 258 A, Amsterdam Vrouwenhuis Clara Einker Straat 251, Amsterdam Vrouwenhuis Nieuwe Herengracht 95, Amsterdam Vrouwenhuis Van Wollenhovestraat 62, Rotterdam

Vrouwengezondheidscentrum (Health Center) Lange Nieuwstraat 77 3512 P E Utrecht (Newsletter: Lijfblad) Vrouwencafe Saarein Elandsstr 119, Amsterdam (Cafe) India

Feminist Resource Centre 13 Carol Mansion 35 Sitladevi Temple Road Mahrur, Bombay 400-16

Research Unit on Women's Studies SNDT Women's University 1, Nathibai Thackersey Rd. Bombay 400 020 Saheli Women's Centre 10, Nizamuddin East New Delhi 11 00 13

Centre for Women's Development Studies B-43 Pachsheel Enclave New Delhi 11 00 17

All-India Women's Conference Library 6 , Bhagawan DAS Road New Delhi 570

Ireland Rape Crisis Centre P.O. Box 1027, Dublin 6 Women's Centre 18 Donegall Street Belfast

Women's Centre 53 Dame Street, Dublin Israel

Carmela Nakash Women's Aid Centre Sokolov St. 58 Herzlia, 4-65 80 Zena Vrena (Women's Group) Maza St. 14-, Tel Aviv Zena Vrena (Women's Centre) Elkoshi St. 2, Tel Aviv

Italy Bookstores; Bologna, La Librellula, Calle Maggiore 23 Cagliari, Sardegna, Libreria Delle Donne, Cooperative La Tarentola, Via La Nusei 15 Florence, Libreria Delle Donne, Via Fiesolana 2B Genoa, Libreria Lilith, Salita Polaioli 22 R Messina, Libreria Delle Donne, Via della Zecca 16 Milano, Libreria Delle Donne, Via Dogana 2 Padua, Libreria di Donne, Via Belle Parti 7 Palermo, Sicily, Libreria Centrofiori, Via Agrigento Pisa, Libreria La Luna, Via Fueini 13 Rome, A1 Tempo Ritrovalo, Piazza Famese 103 Turin, Libreria Delle Donne, Largo Montebello 4<3P Venice, Centro Idea Donne, Calle del Tentor 571

Italy (continued)

Casa Della Donna (Women's Building) Via Del Govemo Vecchio $9, Rome

La Biblioteca (Feminist Library) Via della Stelletta 18, Rome Casa delle Donne (Women's Center, collective Collettivo "donne in lotta" "women in struggle") Via abate Gimma 550, Bari Centro Documentazione Donne (Documentation Center) C. da della Rossa N 14- 4-4-100 Ferrara Japan

Lesbian Feminist Center Shisyobako 84- Nakano Yubin Kyoku Nakano Ku, Tokyo To Nishinotoin Shimodachiuri-dori Kamigyoku, Kyoto (Women's Bookstore)

Kenya Ithimbari Women's Clinic c/o YIVCA P.O. Box 4-07 10, Nairobi Lebanon Institute for Women's Studies in the Arab World P.O.B. 11-4-080 Beirut University College, Beirut Northern Ireland Northern Ireland Women's Aid 12 Orchard St., Derry 372

Scotland La\irieston Hall, Castle Douglas Dumfries and Galloway Edinburgh Women's Centre (and Women's Liberation Newsletter) 160 Fountainbridge, Edinburgh 3 First of May Bookshop 4-3 Caudlemaker Row (off Grassmarket) Edinburgh EH 12QB Spain Libreria de les dones Carrer Illado 10 Barcelona Libreria de Mujeres San Christobel 17» Madrid Casa de la dona (Women's Centre) Cardenal Casanya 5, Principal, Barcelona Xàrxa (Women's Cafe) La Riereta 8 Barcelona 1 Libreria feminista Fulmen Calle Zaragoza 36, Sevilla (Women's Bookstore)

Sweden Kvinnohuset (Women's Centre) Gamlestadstorget 12, Goeteborg 4-1502 Broed och Rosor (Bookstore) Haga Nygatan 13 Goeteborg, 4-1301 Lesbika Féministes Kvinnohuset Gamlestadstorge Goeteborg 4-1502

Kvinno Historika Samlingana Central Biblioteket Bocks 5096, Goeteborg 4-0222 (Women's Historical Collection Central Library) 375

Switzerland Bookstores:

Baden, Frauenbuchladen, Obere Gasse 27 Basel, Frauenbuchladen, Petersgraben 18, GH 4051 Bern, Frauenbuchladen, Muenstergasse 41 Geneva, L'Inedite, 1 rue des Barrières, O.P. 487, 121 (Books in English, German, Italian, Spanish, French) Lausanne, La Mauvaise Graine, Place du Tunnel 4 Zuerich, Frauenbuchladen, Stockerstr. 37 Frauenzentrum (Women's Center) Baederstr. 9» 5400 Baden Frauenz entrum (Women's Center) Klingenthalgraben 2, 4057 Basel Frauengesundheitszentrum (Women's Health Center) c/o Maria Zemp Claragraben 155, 4057 Basel Zentrum fuer Frauen (Information Center) M - INFRA (Information) Muehlemattstrasse 62 Frauengesundheitszentrum (Women's Health Center) Kramgasse 67, 5011 Bern Centre Femmes (Women's Center) 5, Bd. St. Georges, 1205 Geneva Dispensaire des Femmes (Women's Health Center) 4, rue du Mole, 1201 Geneva

United States Bookstores:

Alaska: Ships, Shoes & Sealing Wax, 515 W. 7th Ave. #4, Anchorage Alabama: The Book Logger, 522 Jordan Ln. Huntsville California: Sisterhood Bookstore, 1351 Westwood Blvd., Los Angeles Old Wives Tales, 1009 Valencia St., San Francisco Connecticut: Bloodroot Restaurant/Bookstore 85 Ferris St., Bridgeport 574 United States (continued) Georgia; Charis Books & More, 4-19 Moreland Ave NE, Atlanta Illinois: Jane Addams Bookstore, 5 S. Wabash Ave. Room 15O8 , Chicago Small Changes Bookstore, 409A N. Main St., Bloomington Women & Children First, 926 Armitage St., Chicago Iowa: Plains Woman Bookstore, Hall Mall, 114- E. College, Iowa City Massachusetts: New Words, 186 Hampshire St., Cambridge Womonfyre Books, 68 Masonic St., Northampton Michigan: Les Trésors de la Femme, Wimmin's Emporium Co-op, 950 E. Fulton St., Grand Rapids Turtle Grandmother (mailorder, specialize in books by women of color, PC Box 35964, Detroit 48232) Missouri: New Earth Bookstore, 2 W. 39th St. Kansas City The Woman's Eye, 6344- S. Rosebury, St. Louis New York: Womanbooks, 201 W. 92nd St., New York Djuna Books, 154 W. 10th St., New York Ohio: Crazy Ladies Bookstore, 4168 Hamilton Ave., Cincinnati Fan the Flames Feminist Book Collective, 127 E. Woodruff, Columbus Oregon: A Woman's Place Bookstore, 2549 SE Ahkeney, Portland Texas: Las Mujeres Women's Bookstore, 802 E. Mistletoe San Antonio Washington, B.C.: Lammas Women's Shop, 321 7th St. S.E. (For a more complete list of American women's bookstores: Womansplace Bookstore, 2401 North 32nd St, Phoenix Arizona, 85008--&1 .00)

Women's Action Alliance 370 Lexington Ave. New York, New York 10017 The Women's Building 1727 North Sp St. Los Angeles, California 90012 II. FEMINIST PUBLISHERS AND PUBLICATIONS Austria AUF: Eine Frauenzeitschrift (Quarterly Feminist Drachengasse 2, A 1010 Vienna Magazine)

England Publishers In Theory Press 56-58 Lexington St., London W1

Onlyv/omen Press 58 Mt. Pleasant, London VJCIXOAP Sheba Feminist Publishers (Women and Russia is 185 Swat on Rd., London E5 available in English) Virago Press, Ely House 57 Dover St., London W1X 4-HS The Women's Press, Ltd. 124- Shoreditch High Street, London El6JE Zed Press (Left press with 57 Caledonia Rd., London N1 9DN frequent Third World books) Publications Association of Radical Midwives Newsletter c/o Pippa MacKeith 8 Mount Hooton Terr., Forest Rd. East, Nottingham

Catcall, 57 Worthley Rd., London E5 Feminist Review, 14- Sumner Bldgs. Sumner St., London SE 1 9JX London Women's Liberation Newsletter A Woman's Place, 4-8 William IV St. London WC2 9LA

375 376 England (continued)

m/f A Feminist Journal 22 Glepston Crest, London W115EB Red Rag: A Magazine of Women's Liberation 22 Murray Mews, London NW 1 Scarlet Women: Newsletter of Socialist Feminist Current of the Women's Liberation Movement 5 Washington Terr., North Shields, Tyne and Wear Spare Rib 27 Clerkenwell Close, London EC1R OAT W.I.R.E.S. Women's Information Referral and Exchange Seirvice 32a Shakespeare St., Nottingham Women's Research and Resources Centre Newsletter 190 Upper Street, London N1

Women's Studies Newsletter Worker's Education Association Temple House, 9 Upper Berkeley St., London W1H 8BY

Working Class Women's Liberation Newsletter c/o Judy Maloney 8 Josephine Ave., London SW 2 France

Editions Des Femmes (Publishing House) 2 rue de la Roquetta, 75011 Paris Questions Féministes c/o Editions Tierce 1 rue des Fossis Saint Jacques, 75005 Paris Soreness (Literary journal) c/o Editions Stock 1 rue de l'Ancienne Comédie, 75006 Paris 577

Germany Publishers Amazonen Prauenverlag Knesebeckstr. 86/87, 1000 Berlin 12 Lilith-Verlag c/o Frauenbuchladen Lilith Knesebeckstr. 86/87, 1000 Berlin 12

0 ourage-V erlag Bleibtreustr. 48, 1000 Berlin 12

Dokumentationen der Sommeruniversitaeten c/o Frauenbuchvertrieb Mehringdamm 52-34, 1000 Berlin 61 Frauenkalender Kolpingplatz la, 5000 Koeln 1

Tag fuer Tag Kalender Kontaktadresse fuer '83: Rosi Thoennessen Dorfbroicher Str. 17, 4050 Moenchengladbach 2

Verlag Frauenoff ensive Kellerstr. 39, 8000 Muenchen 80 Come Out Lesbenverlag Arcisstr. 57, 8000 Muenchen 40

Publications Feministisches Frauen-Gesundheitszentrum Zeitschrift "Clio" Liegnitzerstr. 5, 1000 Berlin 36 Courage, aktuelle Frauenzeitung Bleibtreustr. 48, 1000 Berlin 12 Frauen & Film c/o Rotbuchverlag Potsdamer Str. 98, 1000 Berlin 30 Frauwaerts Zeitschrift fuer Maedchen Jugendfreizeitheim Frobenstr. 27, 1000 Berlin 30 378

Germany (continued) ÎJKZ - Unsere kleine Zeitxmg Gruppe L 7^ e.V., Postfach 310609 Bruchsaler Str. 4, 1000 Berlin 31 Prauen formen ihre Stadt (Kunst, Raumkunst, feministische Stadt- und Wohnbaukritik) Marianne Pitzen, Bonner Talweg 68 5300 Bonn 1 Emma. Zeitschrift fuer Prauen von Prauen Kolpingplatz la, 5000 Koeln 1 Beitraege zur feministischen Theorie und Praxis c/o Prauenoffensive, Kellerstr. 39, 8000 Munich 80 Holland Dolle Mina Blad Postbus 6, 1000 AA Amsterdam Sara (Publishing House— Peministische Uitgeverij Sara The Women’s Diary, Plantagemuidergracht 149 Dutch resources) 1018 TT Amsterdam

Tijdschrift voor Vrouwenstudies (Women’s Studies c/o Uitgeverij SUN journal) Bijleveldsingel 9 Antwoordnummer 228, 65 VB Nijmegen De Bonté Was (Peminist Publisher) Nieuwe Herengracht 95 1001 EE Amsterdam India Manushi 01/202 Lajput Nagar New Delhi 110024, India

Italy Effe, Piazza Gampo Marzo 7, 00186 Rome Quotidiano Donna (Peminist weekly) Via del Govemo Vecchio 39, Rome 379

Mauritius Ah Fong Ohung Muvman Liberasyonfam 36 Virgil Naz St., Port Louis Sri Lanka Voice of Women 529 Bauddhaloka Mawatha Colombo 8

United States Publishers The Feminist Press, Box 334- Old Westbury, New York II368 Lollipop Power Feminist Multi-Racial Books for Children PC Box 1171, Chapel Hill, North Carolina 275^4- Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press PC Box 592 G, Van Brunt Station Brooklyn, New York 11215 Persephone Press, PC Box 7222 Watertown, Mass. 02172 Publications

Big Mama Rag 1724- Gaylord St., Box A Denver, Colo. 80205 The Braille Feminist Review c/o Elinson, 510 Main Street #4-36 New York, New York 10044-

Conditions, PD Box 56, Van Brunt Station Brooklyn, New York 11215 Feminary: A Feminist Journal for the South Box 954-, Chapel Hill, North Carolina 27314- 580

United States (continued)

Feminist Issues, c/o Transaction Periodical Consortium Rutgers - The State University New Brunswick, New Jersey 08905

Frontiers; A Journal of Women's Studies Women's Studies Program, University of Colorado Boulder, Colorado 8O509 Heresies: A Feminist Publication on Art and Politics PO Box 7 6 6 , Canal Street Station, New York, N.Y. 10015 Motherroot Journal: A Women's Review of Small Presses 214- Dewey St., Pittsburgh, Pa. 15218

Ms., 570 Lexington Ave., New York, N.Y. IOOI7 Off Our Backs: A Women's News Journal 184-1 Columbia Rd. NW #212, Washington, D.C. 20009 Quest: A Feminist Quarterly PO Box 884-5, Washington, D.C. 20005 Radical America: An Independent Socialist and Feminist Journal, 58 Union Square Somerville, Ma. 02155 Si^s: Journal of Women in Culture and Society University of Chicago Press 11050 Langley Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60628 SWS Network (Sociologists for Women in Society) c/o Beth Hess, County College of Morris Morristown, N.J. 07960 Women: A Journal of Liberation 5028 Greenmount Ave., Baltimore, Md. 21218

Women's Studies Quarterly, Box 534- Old Westbury, New York 11568 Zambia VOW - Voice of Women PO Box 1791 Lusaka, Zambia 381

International

Connexions: An International Women's Quarterly 4-228 Telegraph Ave., Oakland,California 94-609 First Meeting of Latin American and Caribbean Feminists (Proceedings) Match, 4-01-171 Nepean Ottawa, Ontario, Canada K2P 0B4-

Intemational Feminist Network c/o ISIS PO Box 301 1227 Carouge 2, Switzerland Courage's Adressbuch von Australien bis Zuelpich Sonderheft § 7» October 1982 Bleibtreu Str. 4-8, 1000 Berlin 12, West Germany

International Women and Health Resource Guide Boston Women's Health Book Collective/ISIS Box 192, West Somerville, Mass. 02144 International Women's Tribune Centre Newsletter IWTC, 305 4-6th St. 6th Floor New York, N.Y. 10017 ISIS:Boletin Intemacional Via S. Maria dell' Anima 30, Rome, Italy (Spanish language- Latin America) ISIS International Bulletin Voor Be Vrouwenbeweging Kromhout 104-, 3311 RH Dordrecht, Holland (Dutch translation of ISIS) ISIS, CP 50 (Comavin), 1211 Geneva 2, Switzerland Nuova DWF (Donna Woman Femme) Viale Angelico 301, Rome 00193, Italy (International journal, Italian, English and French summaries) Resources for Feminist Research/Documentation sur la Recherche Féministe Department of Sociology, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, 252 Bloor St. West Toronto, Ontario, Canada M5S1V6 382 International (continued) WIN (Women’s International Network) News 187 Grant St., Lexington, Ma. 02175 Women of Europe/Pemmes D'Europe 200 rue de la Loi, B-104-9, Bruxelles, Belgium

Women's Studies International Quarterly Pergamon Press, Headington Hill Hall Oxford, 0X3 OBW, England

Note; The following contain useful bibliographies and resource lists.

All the Women Are White, All the Blacks Are Men, But Some of Us Are Brave: Black Women's Studies. Gloria T. Hull, Patricia Bell Scott, and Barbara Smith (eds.) Old Westbury, New York: The Peminist Press, 1982. Eight BackI Feminist Resistance to Male Violence. Erédérique Delacoste and Felice Newman (eds.) Minneapolis: Cleis Press, 1981. International Supplement to the'Women's Studies Quarterly. Women's Studies International Project of The Feminist Press. No. 1, 1982. The Women's Health Movement: Feminist Alternatives to Medical Control. Sheryl Burt Ruzek. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1979* III. ORGANIZATIONS

Er gland ARM (Association of Radical Midwives) c/o Belinda Ackerman 19 Fullerton Rd., Croydon 0R06JB

BSA Women's Caucus (British Sociological Association) c/o Diana Barker and Deirdre Fraser London School of Economics, Houghton St., London V/C2 COW Films (cinema of Women— film distributors) 156 Swaton Rd., London E3 Hackney Flashers (Feminist photography collective) 152 Upper Street, London N1 ICASC (International Contraception, Abortion, and Sterilization Campaign) c/o NAC, 374 Grays Inn Rd., London WC1 Indian Women's Liberation Group, c/o Amrit Wilson 10 St. Maryle Park Ct., Albert Bridge Rd., London SW11 International Political Science Association Research Committee on Sex Roles and Politics Newsletter, c/o Margherita Rendel University of London-Institute of Education 55 Gordon Sq., London WC1H0NU The London Seminars, c/o Dr. M. Rendel 71 Clifton Hall, London NW 8 OJN NAC (National Abortion Campaign) 30 Camden Rd., London NW 1 and: 374 Grays Inn Rd., London WC 1

OWAAD - Organization of Women of Asian and African Descent 41 Stockwell Green, London SW 9

383 384.

England (continued)

WAR - Women Against Rape, PO Box 287 London NWS 5QU

The Women's Aid Federation (Refuges for Battered Women) 34-7 Grays Inn Rd., London WC "1 Women's Therapy Centre 6 Manor Gardens, London N7

France CHOISIR (Legal advocacy group and journal) 102 rue St. Dominique, 75007 Paris Coordination des femmes noires (Sponsored conference of 52 rue de Montmartre 350 Black women from 750002 Paris Africa, America, and Antilles, in Paris) MLAC-Choisir Grenoble (Abortion and contraception group) 4- impasse Du Four, 38000 Grenoble

MLAC Lyon 34- rue Vielle-du-Temple, 75004- Paris

Germany (West) Arbeitsgemeinschaft Frauenstudien (Women's Studies task- Nordrhein-Vfe stfalen, Glasstr. 80, 5 Koeln 30 force) Frauenforschungs-, bildungs- u. informationszentrum e.V., FFBIZ, Danckelmannstr. 13, Berlin-Chariottenbiarg (Research and information center) Frauenarchiv Dortmund, PH Ruhr Emil-Figge-Strasse 50, Zimmer 227, Dortmund (Women's archives) Frauen HeIfen Frauen (refuges for battered women) Central contact; Frauenhaus Kassel, Postfach 10 11 03, 3500 Kassel (In 1982, over 120 houses listed for West Germany) Frauen Lernen Gemeinsam, Luisenstr. 5 (Rueckgebaeude UG) 7800 Freiburg (Women learning together) 385 Germany (West) (continued) Frauenuniversitaet Tuebingen (Women's University) 74- Tuebingen, Haaggasse 54-

Netzwerk zur Selbsthilfe (Self-help network) Suarezstr. 51, 1 Berlin 19 Planungsgruppe fuer einen Frauenstudien- und Forschungsbereich beim Praesidenten der Freien Universitaet Berlin Potsdamer Str. 58, Berlin (Women's Studies planning group) PSIFF - Psychosoziale Initiative fuer Frauen e.V. 1000 Berlin 19, Horstweg 27 (Psychology for women) Sektion Frauenforschung in den Sozialwissenschaften in der Deutschen Gesellschaft fuer Soziologie c/o Lerke Gravenhorst, DJI, Saarstr. 7, 8000 Muenchen 4-0 or: c/o Ilona Kickbusch, Uni Konstanz Postfach 5580, 7750 Konstanz (Women's Research section in German Sociology Assoc.) Sozialwissenschaftliche Forschung und Praxis fuer Frauen e.V. c/o Carola Moeller, Glasstrasse 80, 5000 Koeln 50 or: c/o Monika Simmel-Joachim, D-5100 Darmstadt Ludwig Buechner St. 19 (Association for Social Science Research and Praxis for Women) Holland

Het Damesverband: Nieuwsbrief van het Vrouwenoverleg Sociologie/Kulturele Antropologie A.S.C., Sarphatistraat 106ar Kamer 108, 1018 GV Amsterdam (Sociology/Anthropology newsletter for women) ICASC (Abortion, Contra- c/o Wir Vrouwen Eisen, Vrouwenhuis ception, and Nieuwe Herengracht 95, Amsterdam Sterilization) 386

India Asian Women's Institute— Centers for Women's Studies in Beirut, Teheran, Lahore, Lucknow, Madras, Tokyo, and Seoul, in Christian colleges and universities c/o Lucknow Publishing House 37 Cantonment Ed., Lucknow, India Forum Against Oppression 13 Carol Mansion, Plat 13 35 Sitladevi Temple Road, Mahrus, Bombay 400-16,

Iran Women's Resource Book Asian & Pacific Centre for Women and Development Box 1555, Teheran, Iran Mauritius

Muvman Liberasion Pam c/o Tabagie Capucines, Arcades Abassakoor Quatre-Bornes, Mauritius Scotland The Scottish V/omen's Aid Federation c/o 4 Fleming Pt., St. Andrews, Fife

United States The Black Women's Educational Policy and Research Network Wellesley College Center for Research on Women Wellesley, Mass. 02181 Boston Women's Health Book Collective Box 192, West Sommerville, Mass, 02144

Cambridge Documentary Films PC Box 385, Cambridge, Mass. 02139 Center for Women's Policy Studies 2000 P St. NW, Suite 508 Washington, D.C. 20035 387

United States (continued)

Coalition of labor Union Women (CLUW) 15 Union Square, New York, N.Y. 10002 Comision Femenil Mexicain Nacional (Chicanas) 379 S.Loma Dr., Los Angeles, Calif. 9OOI7 International Women's Tribune Centre 545 E. 46th St., New York, N.Y. 10017 Lesbian Feminist Study Clearinghouse, c/o Coralyn Fontaine, Women's Studies Program, 1012 CL University of Pittsburg, Pittsburg, Pa. 15250

Lesbian Herstory Archives, Box 1258 New York, New York 10001 NARAL (National Abortion Rights Action League) 825 15th St.NW, Washington, D.C. 20005

National Alliance of Black Feminists 202 S. State St., Suite 1024, Chicago, 111. 60604 National Archives for Black Women's History 13I8 Vt. Ave NW, Washington,D.C. 20005 National Clearinghouse on Domestic Violence PC Box 2 3 0 9 , Rockville, Md. 20852 National Committee on Household Employment National Urban League, 500 E. 62nd St. New York, New York 10012 NOW (National Organization for Women) 425 Thirteenth St. NW, Washington, D.C. 20004 NWSA (National Women's Studies Association) 4102 Foreign Languages Bldg., University of Maryland College Park, Md. 20742

Union WAGE (Women's Alliance to Gain Equality) PO Box 40904, San Francisco, Calif. 94140 Women in German, Department of German University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin

Women of All Red Nations (WARN) PO Box 25O8 , Rapid City, South Dakota, 57709 388

Poland

Klub Sigma, Krystyna Kowalewska c/o University Warszawski u. Krakowski Przubniescie 24 00-525 Warszawa, Poland Wales

Welsh Women's Aid (refuges for battered women) Incentive House Adams St., Cardiff BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Bock, Gisela and Barbara Duden '1980 "Labor of Bove— Love as Labor: On the Genesis of Housework in Capitalism." Pp. 153-192 in Edith Hoshino Altbach (ed.). From Feminism to Liberation.(revised edition) Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman Publishing Company, Inc. Boehm, Annegret, Doerte Wibke Daams, and Heidi Eichenbrenner 1977 Frauenselbstbestimmung: Ueber die Befreiung der Haende und Fuesse, des Kopfes und Bauches. West Berlin: Frauenselbstverlag.

Boston Women's Health Book Collective 1976 Our Bodies, Ourselves. 2nd ed. New York: Simon and Schuster. Bott, E. 1957 Family and Social Network. London: Tavistock Publications.

Brockhaus, Ute 1976 Internationales Frauentribunal Bruessel, 4-8 Marz, 1976. Bremen: Die Bremer Frauen- gruppen: "Lohn fuer Hausarbeit," "Medien- gruppe," und "Frauenaktiv." Brooke n.d. "The Chador of Women's Liberation: Cultural Feminism and the Movement Press." Heresies. Vol. 3, No. 1. Issue 9>70-74 Brown, Rita Mae 1976a A Plain Brown Rapper. Oakland, Calif.: Diana Press. 1976b "Take a Lesbian to Lunch." Pp. 79-95 in Rita Mae Brown, A Plain Brown Rapper. Oakland, Calif.: Diana Press.

Brownmiller, Susan 1975 Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape. New York; Bantam Books. Bunch, Charlotte 1975 "Not for Lesbians Only." Quest 2 (2): 50-56. 394

Bunch, Charlotte and Nancy Myron 1975 Lesbianism and the Women's Movement. Baltimore; Diana Press. Cade, Toni (ed.) 1970 The Black Woman: An Anthology. New York: The New American Library. The Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 1970 Special Edition on Social Networks. (Dan R. Aronson, ed.) 7(4) November. Caplow, Theodore 1975 Toward Social Hope. New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers.

Carden, Maren Lockwood 1974 The New Feminism. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Cassell, Joan 1977 A Group Called Women. New York; David McKay Company, Inc. Catcall Collective Catcall. London, England.

Charlton, Valerie 1977 "A Lesson in Day Care." Pp. 31-44 in Marjorie Mayo (ed.). Women in the Community. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

Chesler, Phyllis 1972 Women and Madness. New York: Doubleday and Company, Inc. Chot j ewitz-Haefner, Renate 1977 Feminismus ist kein Pazifismus: Dokumente aus der Italienischen Frauenbewegung. Frankfurt: Verlag Freie Gesellschaft.

Chrisman, Noel J. 1970 "Situation and Social Networks in Cities." The Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology. Special Edition on Social Networks. (Dau R. Aronson, ed.) 7(4): 245- 2 5 7. 395

Chrystos 1981 "I Don't Understand Those Who Have^Turned Away from Me.” Pp. 68-70 in Cherrie Moraga and Gloria Anzaldua (eds.). This Bridge Called My Back; Writings by Radical Women of Color. Watertown, Mass.; Persephone Press, 1981. Cixous, Hélène 1976 "The Laugh of the Medusa.” (Translated by Keith Cohen and Paula Cohen) Signs. Summer: 875-893. Coghill, Mary and Diana Scott 1977 If Women Want to Speak, What Language Do They Use? London; Beyond Patriarchy Press.

Cohen, Albert K. 1970 "A General Theory of Subcultures." Pp. 96- 108 in David 0. Arnold (ed.). The Sociology of Subcultures. Berkeley; The Glendessary Press. Connexions; An International Women's Quarterly 1982 Women in Eastern Europe. Summer, 5^ . 1981 "Yes. There is a Women's Movement in Poland." Special Introductory Issue #0. May 1:7» Connell, Noreen and Cassandra Wilson (eds.) 197^ Rape; The First Sourcebook for Women. By New York Radical Feminists. New York; New American Library. Cotera, Marta 1981 "Feminist Interaction; Do Minority Women Have a Place in the Feminist Movement?" Public lecture, Ohio State University, April.

Courage; aktuelle Frauenzeitung 1980 "Vergewaltigung." Special Issue, June. 1979a "Feministische Partei in Spanien." September: 24-26. 1979b "Frankreich; Ein Kind Wenn und Wann ich will." November:16-17. 396

Dalla Costa, Mariarcsa and Selma James 1972 The Power of Women and the Subversion of the Community. Bristol, England: Falling wall Press, Ltd. Daly, Mary 1978 Gyn/Ecology: The Metaethics of Radical Feminism. Boston: Beacon Press.

1973 Beyond God the Father: Toward a Philosophy of Women's Liberation. Boston: Beacon Press. d'Eaubonne, Françoise 1973 Feminismus Oder Tod. Munich: Verlag Frauenoffensive. de Beauvoir, Simone 1974 The Second Sex. (Translated and edited b y H. M. Parshley). New York: Vintage Books, A Division of Random House. Deckard, Barbara Sinclair 1979 The Women's Movement: Political, Socio­ economic, and Psychological Issues. 2nd ed. New York: Harper & Row, Publishers. Delacoste, Fréd^rique and Felice Newman (eds.) 1981 Fight Back: Feminist Resistance to Male Violence. Minneapolis, Minn.: Cleis Press.

Delphy, Christine 1980 "Feminist Glimmerings in Socialist Countries (Belgrade 1978)." Feminist Issues. Vol. 1, No. 1, Summer: 113-'121.

1977 The Main Enemy: A Materialist Analysis of Women's Oppression. Explorations in Feminism, No. 5» London: Women's Research and Resources Centre.

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des femmes and des femmes en mouvements Paris, Prance. Diamond, Timothy and Adele Mueller 1980 "Linking Patriarchy and Capitalism: Issues in Marxist Feminist Theory." • Harvard Educational Review. Vol. 50» No. 1, (February):71-79. Dilorio, Judith A. 1980 "Feminist Phenomenology." Paper presented at the National Women's Studies Association, Bloomington, Indiana, May.

Douglas, Carol Anne 1981 Book review of: Women and Revolution: A Discussion of the Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and Feminism. (Lydia Sargent, (ed.) South End Press, Boston) Off Our Backs. August/Septemb er:12-13• Duelli-Klein, Renate 1981 Letter in Women's Research and Resources Centre Newsletter. No. 2:3-3. Duelli-Klein, Renate, Maresi Nerad, and Sigrid Metz- Goeckel (eds.) 1982 Feministische Wissenschaft und Frauenstudium. Hamburg: Blickpunkt Hochschuldidaktik Nr. 72. Durkheim, Emile 1951 The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. New York: Collier Books. Dworkin, Andrea 1981 Our Blood: Prophecies and Discourses on Sexual Politics. New York: Perigee Books. Edmond, Wendy and Suzie Fleming (eds.) 1975 All Work and No Pay: Women, Housework, and the wages Due. Bristol, England: Power of Women Collective and Falling Wall Brass, Ltd.

EFFE Cooperativa Effe, Rome, Italy. Eisenstein, Zillah 1981 The Radical Future of Liberal Feminism. New York: Longman. 398 Eisenstein, zillah 1979 Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism. New York and London: Monthly Review Press. El Saadawi, Nawal 1980 The Hidden Face of Eve: Women in the Arab World. London: Zed Press. Emma 1980 "Paragraf 218: Der Kampf geht weiter!" July:16.

1979 "Rom: Faschisten attackieren Frauen-- sender." March:18-25. 1977 "Vergewaltigung als Waffe." June:20-22. Engels, Friedrich 1975 The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State. New York: International Publishers Company, Inc. Ernst, Sheila and Lucy Goodison 1981 In Our Own Hands. London; The Women's Press. Ettorre, E. M. 1980 Lesbians, Women and Society. London: Routledge and Kegal Paul. Evans, Richard J. 1976 The Feminist Movement in Germany 1894- 1933. London: Sage Publications. Evans, Sara 1979 Personal Politics» The Roots of Women's Liberation in the Civil Rights Movement and the New Left. New York; Vintage Books, Random House. Fairbaims, Zoe (ed.) n.d. Women's Studies in the UK. Compiled by Oonagh Hartnett and Margherita Rendel. London: London Seminars. Faulder, Carolyn, Christine Jackson and Mary Lewis 1976 The Women's Directory. London: Virago. 399

Peminary A Peminist Journal for the South. Durham, N.C.; Whole Women Press.

Peminist Anthology Collective 1981 No Turning Back; Writings from the Women's Liberation Movement 1975-1980. London; The Women's Press Ltd.

Peminist Issues 1980 1(1) Summer. Berkeley, Calif. : The Peminist Forum, Inc. Transaction Period­ icals Consortium.

Pine, Gary Alan and Sherry Kleinman 1979 "Rethinking Subculture: An Interactionist Analysis." American Journal of Sociology. 85:1-20. Firestone, Shulamith 1972 The Dialectic of Sex: The Case for Peminist Revolution. New York: Bantam Books.

Pollingstad, Diane R. 1977 "Effects of Consciousness Raising Groups on Measures of Feminism, Self-Esteem and Social Desirability." Journal of Counseling Psych­ ology 24 (May)i223-2 5 0 .

Ponow, Mary Margaret 1977 Women in Steel: A Case Study of the Participation of Women in a Trade Union. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. Columbus, Ohio; Department of Sociology, Ohio State University. Forest, Eva 1975 Prom a Spanish Prison. New York: Random House/Moon Books.

Fortune, Jenny and Celmira Anandea 1980 "Spain: A Flowering of Feminism." Spare Rib.91(February):13• Prank, Miriam 1978a "peminist Publications in West Germany To­ day." New German Critique. 13(Winter): 181 -194^, 1978b "Women and Self-Help." New German Critique No. 14(Spring):147-148. 400

"TgST Frauenkalender '81. Berlin; Prauen- kalender-Selb stverlag.

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1975c "The Women's Liberation Movement: Its Origins, Structures, Impact, and Ideas." Pp. 448-460 in Jo Freeman (ed.) Women, A Feminist Perspective. Palo Alto: Mayfield Publishing Company.

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Frischauer, Katya and Martha Osamor 1981 "United Black Women's Action Group." Pp. 46-50 in Feminist Anthology Collective (eds.). No Turning Back: Writings from the Women's Liberation Movement 1975-80. London: The Women's Press.

Fritz, Leah 1979 Dreamers and Dealers: An Intimate Appraisal of the Women's Movement. Boston: Beacon Press. 401

Gavron, Hannah 1966 The Captive Wife. Harmondsworth: Penguin.

Gerlach, Luther P. and Virginia H. Hine 1970 People, Power, Change: Movements of Social Transformation. New York: The Bobhs- Merrill Company, Inc. Giddings, Pranklin Henry 1921 The Principles of Sociology, (original publication in 1896) New York: The Macmillan Company. Gillespie-Woltemade, Nellice 1981 "Feminism in West Germany." Resources for Feminist Research/Documentation sur la Recherche Féministe. IX(4) December, 1980/ January 1981:9-13. 1980 "The Feminist Academy and Third World Women." Pp. 19-27 in Toward a Feminist Transfor­ mation of the Academy: Proceedings of the Fifth Annual GLCA Women's Studies Conference. 1978 "Sex Equality: Some Implications for Men." Paper presented at North Central Sociolog­ ical Association, Cincinnati, Ohio, May.

Gingold, Judith 1976 "One of These Days— Pow! Right in the Kisser: The Truth about Battered Wives." Ms., August, Vol. V, No. 2:51-94, 94.

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1978b "Consciousness." Pp. 47t68 in Vivian Gomick, Essays in Feminism. New York: Harper and How. Gough, Kathleen 1971 "The Origin of the Family." Journal of Marriage and the Family. November:760-770» Guardian 1982a "India: Baby Girls Unwanted." September 8:10. 1982b "France: Solidarity with U.S. Women." July 28:11. Green, Frankie 1977 "Letter" to Spare Rib. Spare Rib #57, April;5» Greer, Germaine 1970 The Female Eunuch. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company. Grimstad, Kirsten and Susan Rennie (eds.) 1975 The New Woman's Survival Sourcebook. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Hackney Flashers Collective n.d. "Who's Holding the Baby?" Heresies. Vol. 5, No. 1, Issue 9:88-89» Hanisch, Carol 1970 "What Can Be Learned: A Critique of Miss America Protest (November, 1968)." Pp. 132-156 in Leslie B. Tanner (ed.). Voices from Women's Liberation. New York: New American Library, A Mentor Book. 405

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