The Process of Transition from a Single-Party System to a Multi-Party System in Uzbekistan

International Journal of Advanced Science and Technology Vol. 29, No. 9s, (2020), pp. 2152-2159

The Process Of Transition From A Single-Party System To A Multi-Party System In Uzbekistan

Rasulova Nodira Sardarovna, PhD in historical sciences, associate professor Military-Technical Institute of the National Guard of the Republic of Uzbekistan

Abstract The article analyzes the process of transition from a single-party system to a multi-party system in Uzbekistan, the formation of socio-political movements and political parties on the basis of scientific literature and various approaches. It also analyzes the processes, goals and objectives, the activities of public associations (“Intersoyuz”, “Democratic Movement of Uzbekistan”, “Tomaris”), political parties (Democratic Party "Erk" and the People's Democratic Party of Uzbekistan) and political movements (Birlik People's Movement) created in the last years of the twentieth century to represent the interests of various social groups, as well as the dissolution of the Communist Party of Uzbekistan and the formation of a new political party. Keywords: political party, single-party system, multiparty system, public associations, political organizations, congresses, press body, party charter and program, СPSU (Communist Party of Soviet Union ), laws.

Actuality. The process of forming political parties in Uzbekistan, the first steps to represent and protect the interests of wide social groups, practical measures to develop their own program guides, practical activities aimed at reaching the public in order to achieve ideological and organizational goals of practical measures to develop guidelines for their programs, and also problems and contradictions arising in these processes require comprehensive study and analysis. The famous French political scientist M. Duvergе wrote in his book Political Parties: “Only if a multi-party system is created in the political system can the state represent the interests of the people, ensure the supremacy of national interests, the interests of classes and social groups and form a solid foundation for stability in society” [1.29]. One of the urgent tasks is to analyze the transition from a single-party system to a multi-party system on the eve of independence, the formation of new parties and movements in the country based on historical sources.

2. Methods and level of study. The article analyzes the process of transition from single-party system to multi-party system in Uzbekistan through research methods such as historical-chronological, analysis and synthesis, deduction and induction, historical, logical, comparative analysis. The main sources in the study of the subject are the programs and charters of political parties, the press (magazines and newspapers), speeches and work of party leaders; legal and regulatory documents, as well as scientific literature published in the country and abroad. In particular, the scientific research of M.M.Duverge, V.M.Pribylovsky, L.Levitin, A.Abdunabiev, M.Kirgizbaev, R.Zhumaev, S.M.Adilhodzhaeva, Z.M.Islamov, S.S.Kurbanova were used in the coverage and analysis of the chosen topic.

3. Research results. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the majority of republics, without commenting on the issue of leaving the USSR, began to put forward demands for the need to exercise the right to self-determination, the right to national sovereignty and the need to review the political, economic, military and foreign policy aspects of the Center in the Union State, which are consistent with generally accepted norms of international law. But the leadership of the Central Committee of the CPSU did not want to reckon with the aspirations of the political leadership of the peoples and allied republics for sovereignty. In the USSR, an attempt by the Communist Party to "represent the interests of the whole people" and its monopolization of political power under the guise of a "People's Party" had serious consequences. In the second half of the 1980s, problems arose that accumulated over the years in the political and socio-economic spheres, which led to an irreversible logical sequence of events and caused the collapse

of the vast empire called the Soviet Union, a crisis of the single-party system. M. Duverge, a French political scientist who deeply studied the process, was right when he later said: “A single-party regime is nothing more than an adaptation of the entire technology of power created within the framework of democracy to the needs of dictatorship” [2,318]. The dominance of a single party in a country is largely a characteristic of a totalitarian society. The establishment of a single-party rule in society will ultimately lead to disastrous consequences and, above all, to the derailment, the absurdity of democracy, the total separation of the people from the government and the government from the people as a whole [3, 53]. It is known that the single-party system does not meet the interests of society as a whole, violates the rights of certain segments of the population [4,45]. This system is characterized by the desire to maintain state power, and not the interests of the people and different segments of the population. According to Professor AA Azizkhodjaev, in a single-party system, the concept of "party" loses its meaning. Because it will remain the only and dominant political organization [5,199]. At the same time, even in societies where democratic rules are not enforced in practice, they remain part of the dominant political organization, even if there is multi-party system. The policy of perestroika led to some positive changes in deepening the democratic process, expanding the rights and freedoms of citizens in the country. Public associations, including parties and movements, began to form to represent the interests of various social groups. Throughout the territory of the former Soviet Union, the number of socio-political associations and organizations rose sharply and by the end of 1990 exceeded 300 [6,77]. According to R. Jumaev, the intense activity in the socio-political diagram during the former CPSU crisis led to an increase in the number of parties and movements. Firstly, the protection of the interests of society or even a large social group has become and the population has attracted their attention. Secondly, these parties and movements, their individual leaders, had their own strategic direction and tactics [7,35-36]. In 1988-1990, objective conditions were created for the birth of new political parties in order to overcome the privileged monopoly position of the Communist Party of Uzbekistan in society, as a result of a sharp decline in living standards and a growing public awareness of the crisis of the Soviet totalitarian regime, informal political public organizations began to arise. In 1989-1991, the public of the republic became more active. It was during these years that the socio- political reality in Uzbekistan, the sharp increase in the national identity of people increased the social activity of members of society. Uzbek intellectuals (scientists, poets, writers, artists, journalists) and students were at the forefront of the struggle for independence. This period is also interpreted as the period of the return of members of society from spiritual maturity to national and traditional foundations [8,443]. Political groups and movements in Uzbekistan began to form mainly in the second half of 1988. Then they formed their own movements and associations under various slogans and entered the political process under the “flag” of socio-economic problems accumulated over the years. Examples of socio- political associations that emerged on the threshold of 1988-1990 include: political organizations such as Birlik, Democratic Movement of Uzbekistan, Intersoyuz, Erk, Tomaris, Free Youth of Uzbekistan, local movements such as Saikal Democratic Movement of Creative Intellectuals, Sovereign Karakalpakstan Movement, Oftobi Sogdiyona, Surkash, FAN and etc. In the 1980s and early 1990s, for the first time in 70 years, the emergence of a multi-party system in Uzbek society was an important event. On November 11, 1988, the Birlik people's movement was founded. On May 28, 1989, the founding congress of the Birlik people's movement was held [9]. In March, the first issue of the “Erkin Suz” newspaper appeared. In May 1989, the then political leadership of Uzbekistan approved the program documents of the Birlik popular movement, which were published in the “Yosh Leninchi” newspaper (now Turkiston). In June 1990, the Birlik party was formed on the basis of the movement. It was headed by scientist Abdurahim Pulatov [10,451-452]. This movement began to publish a bulletin of the People's Movement of Uzbekistan "Birlik" under the slogan "El netib topgay menikim, men ozim topsam" (How can people find me if I don’t find myself) [6,70]. The main goal of the Birlik movement was to awaken the Uzbeks and other peoples living in Uzbekistan from social sleep by educating them in socio-political consciousness, to involve the population in the protection of nature, spiritual and material values of Uzbekistan, and finally to rebuild Soviet society.

Political scientist V. Pribylovsky in his article in 1989 said that Birlik was one of the most popular national movements in the country, and although it did not have a permanent membership, official figures state that the number of Birlik supporters was 400,000 [11]. According to the Birlik People’s Movement of Uzbekistan, as of October 1989, the number of people who consider themselves members of the Birlik movement exceeded half a million. Birlik activists believed that the number of members would increase dramatically if the Movement Program were announced and officially recognized [12,1]. He also noted that in mid-October a radical wing was created in Birlik - the Free Youth Union, which supported more than 10,000 people, and that its program did not contain any national restrictions. A.Abdullaev originally tadjik, the Chairman of the Union, and other leaders were supporters of the development of Tajik, Crimean Tatar and Korean culture. But the Russian-speaking population saw the organization as a nationalist organization. The Union of Free Youth of Uzbekistan collaborated with the Central Committee of the Komsomol of Uzbekistan and held meetings with its leadership [11]. According to M. Kyrgyzbaev, the Birlik people's movement was one of the first public organizations and had many mistakes and shortcomings. Although the movement was in many cases organized as a public organization and registered with the state, it began to operate as a political party. The program of the movement was also aimed at involving its members more widely in the political process [13,114- 115]. The practical actions of some leaders of the Birlik movement, which is moving with such high demands, are increasingly different from their goals, slogans and appeals, increasingly extremist, nationalist principles, claims to leadership in the political process and attempts to promote the republic as a force capable of leading and solve its socio-economic and spiritual problems, began to dominate. Unaware of the political and economic situation, some leaders of the Birlik party, contrary to their programmatic appeals, not only did not support the policy of reorganizing the CPSU, but also took the path of condemning the Communist Party and began to pose ultimatums, such as an immediate solution to problems that cannot be solved [6,72]. Activists of the movement were shocked by the collapse of the former Soviet Union, the end of the Red Empire, a difficult political life and a whirlwind of games, a real collapse of the old regime, pretending to be active participants in the destruction process. they acted on the basis of false prestige among people, as well as those who sought to obtain privileges and positions from the new regime. Birlik activists more often held protests, demonstrations, put pressure on local leaders, found flaws in the work of the government and its local bodies, and intensified the passions of those who became helpless during the recession [13,116]. In September 1989, there was a split in the Birlik movement. A part of it, united around the secretary of the Writers' Union of Uzbekistan Muhammad Salih, founded the Erk party. In his work, Levitin states that "the immediate and full independence of Uzbekistan was the programmatic goal of the party". On April 30, 1990, the founding congress of the Democratic Party "Erk" adopted its program and charter [14,179]. On February 2-3, 1991, the 2nd Congress of the Democratic Party "Erk" was held in Tashkent [15,1]. In his speech at the Congress, the party leader Muhammad Salih said, "The main idea of Erk is the full independence of the republic. "But it is impossible to jump to independence all of a sudden" [16,3]. On September 3, 1991, the Erk party, which had abandoned its protests tactics, was registered with the Ministry of Justice without any problems. The party leadership agreed with the authorities to publish its newspaper, and not only that, but also had the opportunity to publish it in the printing house of the Central Council of the Communist Party of Uzbekistan (60,000 copies). The party had 54,000 members at the time, and they were provided with a proper building, communications and transport in central Tashkent. Since the late 1990s, a weekly independent journal, “Munosabat”, has been published [14,179]. Published under the motto “Do not wear shackles, do not bow your neck, because you were born free!” the Erk newspaper published economic, political, educational, historical issues and analytical articles. The documents, theoretical concepts, organizational structure and activities of this party were not free from the old system and methods. The program of the Erk party was mainly aimed at making revolutionary changes in the political and social environment after the collapse of the Union, which did not take into account the gradual change in the mentality and socio-political views of the Uzbek people

living in the old society [13,116]. During 1989, a number of movements and associations were formed under the leadership of Birlik. In particular, the women's movement "Tomaris" under the leadership of the writer G. Nurillaeva began to find its place in the socio-political life of society. S. Bekjanov and A. Djuraev were the leaders of the Independent Association of Free Youth of Uzbekistan, which was established with the participation of students (mainly TashPI and Tashkent State University). Members of the two above-mentioned associations periodically published and handed out petitions and leaflets outlining the views of their leaders [6,75-76]. On June 17, 1990, the first congress of the Democratic Party "Birlik", which is part of the People's Movement of Birlik, was held, at which the Program and Charter of the party were adopted. The main slogan of the party, which had 6,000 members at the time, was "Independence through Democracy!". It was noted at the congress that the main goal of the Democratic Party "Birlik" is to significantly limit the role of the state in the management of private property, freedom of enterprise, economy and national economy, demonopolization and decentralization of all spheres of society [17,1]. In 1989, two new political organizations, the Democratic Movement of Uzbekistan and the International Union of the Peoples of the USSR of Uzbekistan (Intersoyuz), were established in the country, consisting almost exclusively of "European" population. The Democratic Movement of Uzbekistan is an organization-club with several dozen active members and has established itself as a social- democratic movement [18,37]. The democratic movement of Uzbekistan was founded by V. Srajev and M. Khadzhimuhamedov, the main goal of the movement was to build a democratic state regulated by the rule of law, providing people with a decent standard of living and guaranteeing social justice and gradual economic, political and social reform of society. The movement acted under the slogan “For freedom and equality, their dignity and rights” and published its own newspaper “Fuqaro” [6,75]. The Intersoyuz was similar in its programming rules to the Interfronts in other republics of the former USSR, i.e., the protection of human rights, regardless of nationality, was declared to be its primary goal [18,37-38]. Its ideas were supported by the heads of large enterprises, which employ mostly Russian- speaking people. The Intersoyuz movement was primarily concerned with the interests of the country's Russian-speaking population. The movement supported the democratic aspirations of the people of Uzbekistan and fought against various forms of nationalism and extremism, bureaucracy, as well as violations of human rights and laws. The chairmen of this union were also elected M. Grebenyuk, A. Travkov, A. Stein. The Intersoyuz’s newspaper “Intersoyuz” published under the slogan "Freedom. Equality. Brotherhood" [6,74]. Both the Intersoyuz and the Democratic Movement of Uzbekistan operated only in Tashkent. Both organizations announced their formation in August 1989 and ceased operations almost simultaneously - in the late 1990s - although they only officially existed for about a year. Their influence on the political situation and the social activism of the Russian-speaking population was small. By December 1991, the Democratic Movement of Uzbekistan and several former Intersoyuz activists had formed the Movement for Democratic Reforms of Uzbekistan [19]. This movement called for the democratization of social life and market reforms. It was a fantasy that the movement for democratic reforms in Uzbekistan also expected some support from the public [20,16]. Various movements and associations have become more active throughout the Central Asian region. In June 1990, at a meeting with representatives of the informal associations of Central Asia and Kazakhstan, they agreed on the need to establish an inter-republican political organization "Turkistan" based on the ideas of pan-Turkism, pan-Turanism. On July 15, 1990, a group of Uzbek and Kazakh intellectuals gathered in Tashkent and founded the Turkestan People’s Movement, which operated under the slogan "United Turkestan!". The charter of the Turkestan people's movement has been published in the press [21]. This movement was aimed at restoring the state of Turkestan as a whole country. Its charter stated that the movement was a free association based on the idea of a federal union of republics within the territory of Turkestan. Addressing all Turkestanians, the People’s Movement of Turkestan said: “The People’s Movement of Turkestan will fight in the coming days for a single alphabet in the field of science, literature and all office work, so that Turkestans can understand each other faster, for the wide promotion of the

relationship of Turkestans by the example of historical facts, for a comprehensive study of the history and historical and cultural heritage of Turkestan, and for the abolition of the internal borders of Turkestan in the near future, that is, for the creation of the Federal Republic of Turkestan [22]. The chairman of the organizing committee of the movement was the poet Bahrom Ghoib, and Rauf Parfi became the editor-in-chief of the central newspaper Turkistan [6,67]. These and other socio-political structures in the republic began to manifest themselves mainly as supporters of radical democracy, openness, as well as decisive measures against the excessive centralization of political, social and economic life. At the same time, there have been cases of nationalism in their activities, especially in the slogans of their leaders. Many of these movements and parties called for greater transparency, more political and socio- economic reforms, the restoration of the national values of the Uzbek people, in particular traditions and ceremonies, as well as the abolition of the Center’s rule in the republic and genuine political and economic independence of Uzbekistan. Although the movement and party leaders in recent years opposed the policies of the president and the Supreme Council, which began to undermine the harmony and solidarity of citizens in society, they actually advocated inter-ethnic harmony and inter-religious tolerance and integration. At the same time, during this period, contradictions and disagreements intensified within the CPSU, which was the only party in the USSR and held absolute control of the state. For example, in the 1990s, 1.8 million members of the CPSU voluntarily left the party. It should also be noted that over time, former communists later led opposition forces against the government [24,43]. These cases dealt a severe blow to the political system based on administrative command, which had been formed for decades and had not lost its position. The adoption of the Law "On Public Associations" on February 15, 1991, the declaration of independence of the Republic of Uzbekistan on August 31, 1991 were the first steps towards the creation of a democratic and legal state and civil society with a stable market economy, laid the foundation for the next stage in the formation and development of a multi-party system in the republic. Emphasis was placed on human rights, equal opportunities for citizens, participation in democratic elections, and the rule of law in the new society. The process of formation of new parties took place in a complex economic and political environment that did not allow the formation of a completely new political space at once. Nevertheless, the transition to multiparty system was a very important process for the development of the country. The process of liquidation of the Communist Party and its structures, purification from the communist ideology and worldview in the republic also took place gradually. In parallel with the creation of a legal framework and a free political environment for the free expression and free expression of the interests and political will of the people in the country, political parties began to be formed. On August 28, 1991, a joint plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Uzbekistan and the Central Control Commission was held. The Plenum decided to suspend all contacts of the Republican Communist Party with the Central Committee of the CPSU, to withdraw from all structures of the CPSU, to recall its representatives in its central bodies. In 1991, by the decree of the President of the Russian Federation B.N.Yeltsin, the activities of the CPSU were suspended on the territory of Russia and the organizational structures of the party were disbanded. In Uzbekistan, too, the branch of the CPSU was abolished and the single-party system was abolished [25,55]. At that time, in the ranks of the People's Movement "Birlik" and the Democratic Party "Erk", which were able to follow the ideas of the general public, there were many devotees who lived and breathed with the pain of the nation and the country. That is why I.A.Karimov once said: "Among the people's movement "Birlik" we have many passionate, intelligent young people, young people who are not indifferent to the fate of our people, who fight for our future. We are all ready to cooperate and work with these guys" [26,68]. However, the leaders of the Birlik People's Movement and the Erk Democratic Party chose a different path of struggle against the government in an attempt to seize power, and led the ordinary working people into a terrible, dead-end street [27,683]. I. Karimov also hoped that the Erk party would join the political system as a positive force. But the opposite happened. As the current government began to defend national interests more strongly than the opposition, the opposition, which was driven by political interests, did not know what to do. People

who offered practical reform programs to the country, not lavish slogans, did not come out of the opposition. Constant criticism of the government began and appeal to students and youth as a force capable of overthrowing the government [14,179]. According to Kyrgyzbaev, the Erk Democratic Party, which calls itself an opposition party, did not have a clear concept or program in the process of building a new society or moving from one system to another. Erk party activists and members have a certain limited range of motion, which has hardly changed during the party's more than 4 years of activity. The peope did not follow this party. In developing its program and charter, the party did not take into account the spirit of the people, its peculiarities, the complications of the old system in its practical activities. In connection with the introduction of amendments and additions to the Law “On Public Associations in the Republic of Uzbekistan” on June 3, 1992, in March 1993, the government decided to re-register all public associations and political parties in the Ministry of Justice to ensure compliance with the law. Almost all public associations in the republic were re-registered [13,117-118]. In September 1993, at the Erk party congress, there was a deep division between the party leadership. Soon after, a group of activists led by the secretary general of the party’s central council announced that they were leaving the party as a sign of protest against Muhammad Salih’s activities and behavior. According to political scientist R. Jumaev, the most serious shortcoming of Erk, Birlik and similar parties was that they became entrenched in their own shells. This was manifested from the outset in the lack of skills in the unity of parties and movements with separate leaders, opposition, programs and ideas in a close spirit, which could not offer any positive economic, social program [7,37]. As I. Karimov rightly pointed out, “A party is not a struggle for a career, a position, but a struggle for a certain idea, for its priority and realization in society. If we understand the meaning of the party from this point of view, no matter how many parties there are, appropriate conditions will be created for their activities. However, we do not need such parties if they promote the idea of dividing society, pitting people against each other, causing various instability.” [28,351]. It is also clear from the above that in the first months of independence, various political forces tried to take advantage of the situation in the country. In fact, true democracy is manifested in politicians mastering the art of real politics, listening patiently and speaking to others, and respecting their opponent.

4. Conclusions. Thus, after gaining independence, the necessary legal and political conditions were created for creating a multi-party system in the republic, legislative conditions were created for the transition from a one- party socio-political system to a real multi-party system, from the ideology of a monopoly to political pluralism, and legal guarantees were provided for the transition from electoral a system based on the “leading role” of one leading party, to a multi-party electoral system that is consistent with internationally a known standards. Article 12 of the Constitution of the Republic of Uzbekistan also states: "Social life in the Republic of Uzbekistan develops on the basis of diversity of political institutions, ideologies and opinions." [29,5]. The process of transition in the republic to a democratic state and civil society based on multi-party system has developed in a very complex political situation. One of the main goals of the state was to unite the efforts of political and public associations in the country to maintain peace and harmony in society, to involve them in the implementation of the basic principles of the reform strategy supported by the people. The Constitution of the Republic of Uzbekistan, the Laws "On Political Parties" [30] and "On Financing of Political Parties" [31], the Constitutional Law "On Renewal and Further Democratization of Public Administration and Strengthening the Role of Political Parties in Modernizing the Country" [32] defined the legal basis for the activities of political parties. As a result, during the years of independence there were political parties such as the People's Democratic Party of Uzbekistan, the Democratic Party of Uzbekistan "Erk", the Democratic Party of Uzbekistan "Vatan Taraqqiyoti", the Democratic Party of National Revival of Uzbekistan, the Social Democratic Party of Uzbekistan “Adolat”, the National Democratic Party of Uzbekistan "Fidokorlar", the Movement of Entrepreneurs and Businessmen - Liberal Democratic Party of Uzbekistan, the Ecological Party of Uzbekistan, and today five political parties are fighting in the political life of the country.

It is clear from the above processes that in the early years of independence there was some haste in implementing such a progressive idea as accelerating the construction of a democratic society, including artificially accelerating the formation of civil society organizations, especially political parties. Short- term history has shown that such a situation is wrong, contrary to the natural development of society. In particular, some parties that were forcibly formed without a social basis were not supported in society and joined other parties. In general, the formation of multiparty system in our country is a complex, multifaceted problem that requires not only knowledge of the current socio-political situation, but also the study of the historical experience of our republic and other countries. It has socio-philosophical, legal, sociological, economic and many other aspects. In short, the foundations of multi-party system have been formed in Uzbekistan, that is, it has the legal, economic and social conditions. At the same time, for the multiparty system to meet world demands, the political and legal consciousness of the society must be further developed, and the activities of the parties in this area must be intensified.

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