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Picking the Vice President
Picking the Vice President Elaine C. Kamarck Brookings Institution Press Washington, D.C. Contents Introduction 4 1 The Balancing Model 6 The Vice Presidency as an “Arranged Marriage” 2 Breaking the Mold 14 From Arranged Marriages to Love Matches 3 The Partnership Model in Action 20 Al Gore Dick Cheney Joe Biden 4 Conclusion 33 Copyright 36 Introduction Throughout history, the vice president has been a pretty forlorn character, not unlike the fictional vice president Julia Louis-Dreyfus plays in the HBO seriesVEEP . In the first episode, Vice President Selina Meyer keeps asking her secretary whether the president has called. He hasn’t. She then walks into a U.S. senator’s office and asks of her old colleague, “What have I been missing here?” Without looking up from her computer, the senator responds, “Power.” Until recently, vice presidents were not very interesting nor was the relationship between presidents and their vice presidents very consequential—and for good reason. Historically, vice presidents have been understudies, have often been disliked or even despised by the president they served, and have been used by political parties, derided by journalists, and ridiculed by the public. The job of vice president has been so peripheral that VPs themselves have even made fun of the office. That’s because from the beginning of the nineteenth century until the last decade of the twentieth century, most vice presidents were chosen to “balance” the ticket. The balance in question could be geographic—a northern presidential candidate like John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts picked a southerner like Lyndon B. -
Few Americans in the 1790S Would Have Predicted That the Subject Of
AMERICAN NAVAL POLICY IN AN AGE OF ATLANTIC WARFARE: A CONSENSUS BROKEN AND REFORGED, 1783-1816 Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Jeffrey J. Seiken, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2007 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor John Guilmartin, Jr., Advisor Professor Margaret Newell _______________________ Professor Mark Grimsley Advisor History Graduate Program ABSTRACT In the 1780s, there was broad agreement among American revolutionaries like Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and Alexander Hamilton about the need for a strong national navy. This consensus, however, collapsed as a result of the partisan strife of the 1790s. The Federalist Party embraced the strategic rationale laid out by naval boosters in the previous decade, namely that only a powerful, seagoing battle fleet offered a viable means of defending the nation's vulnerable ports and harbors. Federalists also believed a navy was necessary to protect America's burgeoning trade with overseas markets. Republicans did not dispute the desirability of the Federalist goals, but they disagreed sharply with their political opponents about the wisdom of depending on a navy to achieve these ends. In place of a navy, the Republicans with Jefferson and Madison at the lead championed an altogether different prescription for national security and commercial growth: economic coercion. The Federalists won most of the legislative confrontations of the 1790s. But their very success contributed to the party's decisive defeat in the election of 1800 and the abandonment of their plans to create a strong blue water navy. -
The Election of 1800: a Study in the Logic of Political Change
The Election of 1800: A Study in the Logic of Political Change Joanne B. Freemant To an extraordinary degree, early national politics operated in a climate of crisis. The spirit of political experimentation that fueled the nascent American republic was as disquieting as it was invigorating; keenly aware that they were creating the first polity of its kind in the modem world, politicians believed that anything could happen. This crisis mentality is essential to understanding the logic of political change in the early republic, yet the detachment of hindsight makes it difficult to recapture. Aware of the eventual emergence of an institutionalized two-party system, we search for its roots in this period, projecting our sense of political order onto a politics with its own distinct logic and integrity. In We the People: Transfornations, Bruce Ackerman discusses the broader implications of this present-mindedness, suggesting that it has blinded us to the true nature of American constitutional governance. As he explains at the opening of his argument, "the professional narrative" propounded by judges and lawyers-a story of declining constitutional creativity-has cut Americans off from "the truth about the revolutionary character of their higher lawmaking effort."' By using the present as a standard of measurement, Ackerman suggests, this storyline depicts constitutional change as a downslide from the creative to the familiar, the entrenched, the now, obscuring the spirit of "unconventional adaptation" at its core.' The same insight holds true for the early republic. By using our present two-party system as a standard of measurement, we have obscured the distinctive and often unexpected features of early national politics, thereby blinding ourselves to the logic of political change. -
The Constitution, Congressional Control, and Campaign Spending After Colorado Republican Federal Campaign Committee V
Marquette Law Review Volume 81 Issue 4 Summer 1998: Symposium: Commemorating Article 12 150 Years of Wisconsin Law Sending the Parties "PAC-ing"? The onsC titution, Congressional Control, and Campaign Spending After Colorado Republican Federal Campaign Committee v. Federal Elections Commission Kurt D. Dykstra Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr Part of the Law Commons Repository Citation Kurt D. Dykstra, Sending the Parties "PAC-ing"? The Constitution, Congressional Control, and Campaign Spending After Colorado Republican Federal Campaign Committee v. Federal Elections Commission, 81 Marq. L. Rev. 1201 (1998). Available at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr/vol81/iss4/12 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Marquette Law Review by an authorized administrator of Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SENDING THE PARTIES "PAC-ING"? THE CONSTITUTION, CONGRESSIONAL CONTROL, AND CAMPAIGN SPENDING AFTER COLORADO REPUBLICAN FEDERAL CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE V. FEDERAL ELECTIONS COMMISSION I. INTRODUCTION Politicians, a wit once said, are so good at campaigning and so lousy at governing because they have so much experience with the former and so little experience with the latter. All humor aside, to many, one of the least desirable effects of the American Experiment begun over two hundred years ago is the advent of the campaign. The complaints about campaigns range from them being too long' to them being too nasty.2 Many of the complaints, however, distill to these two related charges: too much money is "in politics" and, as a result, those with money play too large a role in the political process.3 In essence, the suspicion is that 1. -
Meet John Adams – a Lively and Revolutionary Conversation with America's Second President
MEET JOHN ADAMS – A LIVELY AND REVOLUTIONARY CONVERSATION WITH AMERICA'S SECOND PRESIDENT CLE Credit: 1.0 Friday, May 13, 2016 12:30 p.m. - 1:30 p.m. Cascade Ballroom B Kentucky International Convention Center Louisville, Kentucky A NOTE CONCERNING THE PROGRAM MATERIALS The materials included in this Kentucky Bar Association Continuing Legal Education handbook are intended to provide current and accurate information about the subject matter covered. No representation or warranty is made concerning the application of the legal or other principles discussed by the instructors to any specific fact situation, nor is any prediction made concerning how any particular judge or jury will interpret or apply such principles. The proper interpretation or application of the principles discussed is a matter for the considered judgment of the individual legal practitioner. The faculty and staff of this Kentucky Bar Association CLE program disclaim liability therefore. Attorneys using these materials, or information otherwise conveyed during the program, in dealing with a specific legal matter have a duty to research original and current sources of authority. Printed by: Evolution Creative Solutions 7107 Shona Drive Cincinnati, Ohio 45237 Kentucky Bar Association TABLE OF CONTENTS The Presenter .................................................................................................................. i John Adams .................................................................................................................... 1 Interesting -
The Development of the American Ideal in the Early Republic Andrew S
James Madison University JMU Scholarly Commons Senior Honors Projects, 2010-current Honors College Spring 2016 Identity to be determined: The development of the American ideal in the Early Republic Andrew S. Mills James Madison University Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/honors201019 Part of the Political History Commons, Social History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Mills, Andrew S., "Identity to be determined: The development of the American ideal in the Early Republic" (2016). Senior Honors Projects, 2010-current. 149. https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/honors201019/149 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College at JMU Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Honors Projects, 2010-current by an authorized administrator of JMU Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Identity To Be Determined: The Development of the American Ideal in the Early Republic _______________________ An Honors Program Project Presented to the Faculty of the Undergraduate College of Arts and Letters James Madison University _______________________ by Andrew Steven Mills May 2016 Accepted by the faculty of the Department of History, James Madison University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Honors Program. FACULTY COMMITTEE: HONORS PROGRAM APPROVAL: Project Advisor: J. Chris Arndt, Ph.D. Bradley R. Newcomer, Ph.D., Associate Dean, College of Arts and Director, Honors Program Letters Reader: P. David Dillard, Ph.D. Associate Professor, History Reader: Alison Sandman, Ph.D. Associate Professor, History Reader: Kevin Hardwick, Ph.D. Associate Professor, History PUBLIC PRESENTATION This work is accepted for presentation, in part or in full, at Phi Alpha Theta Region Conference on March 19, 2016. -
Lin Manuel Miranda's Hamilton: a Revolutionary(?) Musical by Kehley
Lin Manuel Miranda’s Hamilton: A Revolutionary(?) Musical by Kehley Coleman There is no denying that Lin Manuel Miranda’s Hamilton is something special. Vibrant and powerful, it has taken the world by storm and become arguably Broadway’s most popular musical to date. According to Caitlin Huston, reporting for Broadway News, the show has twice broken the Broadway box office record, with tickets regularly selling for hundreds of dollars. Praised for its musical soundtrack, its choreography, and its fresh interpretation of its historical subject matter, Hamilton is often called a revolutionary musical. And this is indeed true, in more than one sense of the word. Much of the show’s subject matter, after all, deals with an actual revolution—namely, the American Revolutionary War. Likewise, the show’s music, choreography, costume design, and many other theatrical elements have received critical acclaim and have been heralded as the beginning of a new age of Broadway theatre. The show’s color- blind casting policy has allowed it to become one of the most diverse shows Broadway has ever seen, allowing people of color to see themselves represented on the Broadway stage. Additionally, its extensive use of musical styles such as rap and hip hop rather than exclusively traditional musical theatre styles has again redefined what is “allowed” in a Broadway show. There is no doubt that Hamilton has indeed shattered traditional narratives of what a Broadway show should look like. Applying the term “revolutionary” to the show in its historical context, however, is troubling. Some may argue that through its use of contemporary musical styles and colorblind casting, among other aspects of the production, the show has radically altered (for the better, implicitly) the way its average audience member views history. -
Political Parties
Advanced Economic History (Master PPD & APE) (EHESS & Paris School of Economics) Thomas Piketty Academic year 2017-2018 Lecture 10: Property Regimes and Political Systems in Historical Perspective (II): Party Systems and Inequality in Electoral Democracies (check on line for updated versions) • Advanced Economic History (12 lectures): full syllabus here • Lectures 1-8 and 11-12 are taught by E. Monnet/L. Kesztenbaum, F. Alvaredo, D. Cogneau and J. Bourdieu • In lectures 9-10, I develop a long-run perspective on the joint evolution of property regimes and political systems. • Lecture 9: Property Regimes & Political Systems in Historical Perspective (I): From Ternary Societies to Proprietary Societies (Wednesday November 29th 2017) • Lecture 10: Property Regimes & Political Systems in Historical Perspective (II): Party Systems & Inequality in Electoral Democracies (Wednesday December 6th 2017) • I assume you are familiar with the material presented in the “Introduction to Economic History" course. Students who have not taken this course (or need to refresh their memory) are encouraged to go through the syllabus and slides used in this course. Property regimes & political systems in historical perspective • Property regimes = set of legal and practical rules defining property rights: what can be owned or not, what are the rights of owners and non-owners, etc. E.g. slaves or serves? Private intellectural property or public property? • Political system = set of rules defining political rights & the organization of governement: constitution, voting rights, judiciary vs executive, etc. • In ancient societies, property rights & political rights were inextricably linked. Typically, local property owners also exert political, military and judicial power. Landlord = lord of the land… and lord of the people living on the land. -
1790-1824 First Party System
History of American Political History of American Parties Parties • Six “party systems” or historical eras • Changes in the nature of the two parties – Which voters support which party – What issues each party adopts • This change called a realignment 1848 Whig Party candidates Zachary Taylor & Millard Fillmore First Party System: First Party System: 1790-1824 1790-1824 Federalist Party Democratic-Republican Party • No parties in Constitution • Develop at elite level • Issues – National bank – Relations with France and England Alexander Hamilton Thomas Jefferson James Madison Strong national government Strong state governments 1 First Party System: Constituencies 1790-1824 • Develop inside Congress • Constituency – Loose coalition of supporters or opponents to – Limited electorate Hamilton versus Jefferson/Madison – Weakly organized • facilitates passage of legislation • Federalists: New England, English ancestry, – Coordination needed to win presidency commercial interests • Democratic-Republican: South and Mid-Atlantic, Irish/Scot/German ancestry, farmers and artisans, prosperity through western expansion First Party System: 1790-1824 All election maps from nationalatlas.gov • Electoral outcomes Source: http://nationalatlas.gov/elections/elect01.gif – 1796 John Adams (Federalist) • Thomas Jefferson, Vice President – 1800 tied vote and 12th Amendment – Democratic-Republican won next three • Madison, Monroe, John Quincy Adams 2 Second Party System: Federalists disappear by 1820 1828-1852 • Policy disputes within party • Old Democratic-Republican -
Jeffersonian Republicanism and Hamiltonian Federalism in the Progressive Era: Herbert Croly and the Struggle for Ideology
Jeffersonian Republicanism and Hamiltonian Federalism in the Progressive Era: Herbert Croly and the Struggle for Ideology Michail Zontos-3594319 Scholar of the State Scholarships Foundation of Greece Supervisor: Jack M. Thompson Second Reader: Jaap Verheul MA Thesis American Studies Program Utrecht University 2010-2011 This thesis is dedicated to Eleni for her endless patience and support. I would like to thank the State Scholarships Foundation of Greece for granting me the scholarship that gave me the opportunity to attend the MA program and conduct the research for this thesis. 22 Contents Introduction …...........................................................................................................................4 1. Jeffersonian Republicanism and Hamiltonian Federalism in the American Political Tradition...............................................................................................................11 a. The Establishment of the American Ideological Dualism....................................................... 11 b. The American Ideological Dualism from the Time of the Founders to the Progressive era.......................................................................................................................................17 2. The Making of an American Intellectual.............................................................................21 3. The American Ideological Dualism in Herbert Croly........................................................28 a. The Promise of American Life.......................................................................................................28 -
Jeffrey L. Pasley
Jeffrey L. Pasley History Department 1015 College Park Dr. 102 Read Hall Columbia, MO University of Missouri (573) 446-2724 Columbia, MO 65211 (573) 529-3163 e-mail: [email protected] Twitter: @jlpasley EDUCATION Ph.D., History of American Civilization, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., November 1993. Dissertation: “`Artful and Designing Men': Political Professionalism in the Early American Republic, 1775-1820.” Adviser, Professor Bernard Bailyn. A.M., History, Harvard University, 1990. B.A., History, magna cum laude, Carleton College, Northfield, Minn., 1986. ACADEMIC EMPLOYMENT June 2014-present, Associate Director, Kinder Institute on Constitutional Democracy, University of Missouri, http://democracy.missouri.edu Aug. 2013-present, Professor of History, University of Missouri (with courtesy appointment from Missouri School of Journalism, beginning Aug. 2014) Aug. 2002-July 2013, Associate Professor of History, University of Missouri Aug. 1999-July. 2002, Assistant Professor of History, University of Missouri Aug. 1993-Aug. 1999, Assistant Professor of History, Florida State University (granted promotion and tenure, May 1999, but took a one-year leave of absence and resigned in 2000) Sept. 1990-June 1993, Teaching Fellow in History and Literature, Harvard University PUBLICATIONS Books The First Presidential Contest: The Election of 1796 and the Beginnings of American Democracy. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2013. (Paperback edition, 2016.) Winner of the 2014 Missouri Conference on History book prize. Finalist for the 2014 George Washington Book Prize. Beyond the Founders: New Approaches to the Political History of the Early American Republic (edited, with David Waldstreicher and Andrew W. Robertson). Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004. 1 “The Tyranny of Printers”: Newspaper Politics in the Early American Republic. -
The Other Presidency: Thomas Jefferson and the American Philosophical Society1
The Other Presidency: Thomas Jefferson and the American Philosophical Society1 PATRICK SPERO WITH RESEARCH ASSISTANCE BY ABIGAIL SHELTON AND JOHN KENNEY American Philosophical Society et us begin with the simple facts. In 1780, the American Philo- sophical Society elected Thomas Jefferson to its membership, the L beginning of a relationship that would last until Jefferson’s death in 1826. During those 46 years, Jefferson served as a member of the Society’s Council (its governing board), held the office of Vice President from 1793 to 1795, and finally was its President from 1797 to 1814. His election to the APS presidency, Jefferson remarked, was “the most flattering incident of my life,” and he held onto this appointment even while serving as Vice President and President of the United States. After resigning from the APS presidency in 1814, he continued to stay involved in Society business through an extensive correspondence network, as an elected Councilor from 1818 until his death, and by contributing important collections, nominating new Members, and providing general guidance to Society officers and committees that ran the Society’s affairs. Needless to say, on at least this superficial level, the APS was a large part of Jefferson’s life.2 Biographers, however, have largely overlooked this aspect of Jeffer- son’s life. Merrill D. Peterson’s magisterial biography—with over 1,000 pages of text—mentions the APS only a handful of times, and offers no 1 This paper was previously published by the American Philosophical Society for distri- bution at the November 2018 Annual Meeting on the occasion of the Society’s 275th anniversary.