DOCSLIB.ORG

Wang Yi and Han Dynasty Classical Commentary

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Wang Yi and Han Dynasty Classical Commentary CHAPTER ONE Wang Yi and Han Dynasty Classical Commentary David Hawkes in his Th e Songs of the South wrote, “Th e Later Han was an age of great scholars and exegetes, but Wang Yi was emphatically not of their number.” Hawkes was not alone in his judgment.1 Th e philosopher Zhu Xi began challenging Wang Yi’s work as early as the Song dynasty. By the Ming and Qing dynasties, the Chinese words for “strained”, “arbitrary”, and “mis- taken” pullulated in the sub-commentaries to Wang Yi’s Chu ci Commentary. Th ose who sought to correct Wang Yi of course often disagreed with each other, but on one point virtually everyone agreed: the fourth line of the Li sao spoke of the birth of Qu Yuan. Below is Hawkes’ translation, refl ecting the traditional interpretation, of the fi rst four lines of the poem: 帝高陽之苗裔兮，朕皇考曰伯庸。 攝提貞於孟陬兮，惟庚寅吾以降。 Scion of the high Lord Gao Yang Bo Yong was my father’s name When She-Ti pointed to the fi rst month of the year On the day geng-yin I passed from the womb.2 What Hawkes translates as “I passed from the womb” in the fourth line trans- lated literally reads simply “I descended.” Th e verb for “descend” is jiang 降. Without indication of where from or where to, jiang usually means to descend from the sky. A reasonable translation of the line would be “I descended from the sky on the gengyin day.” Wang Yi, however, gives jiang a literal meaning it never had before; according to him jiang in this line means “I was born.”3 Hawkes like almost everyone else has followed his gloss by translating “I passed from the womb.” He is thus following Wang Yi very closely, as we shall see. 39 © 2012 State University of New York Press, Albany 40 Th e Shaman and the Heresiarch Wang Yi equated the verb jiang with the verb xia 下, a near synonym in that it means to descend; however, it never refers to human birth. Wang Yi nevertheless says that it does, but the only example he gives of xia occurring in that meaning is from the Xiao jing 孝經 (Classic of Filial Piety): “Gu qin sheng zhi xi xia 故親生之膝下.” Th e standard interpretation of the line is: “Th erefore the feeling of kinship is born when one is still a toddler at one’s parent’s knees.” Wang Yi, however, appears to interpret it diff erently, something like: “Th e mother gives birth to it below the knees.”4 But even if interpreted according to Wang Yi, the word xia in this passage means “below”, not “gives birth” or even “descend.” Th e word for “gives birth” in the line is not xia but the usual sheng 生. Wang Yi seems to believe that the proximity of the two words somehow makes them synonymous. Since xia does not mean to be born in this passage, it can- not be used as the synonym that justifi es claiming that jiang means to be born. Besides, as I have said before, during the Warring States period neither xia nor jiang literally meant to be born, at least when referring to humans. How Wang Yi’s strange gloss passed muster under the critical gaze of David Hawkes and other modern scholars is explainable either by a desire to avoid controversy or an unwillingness to look too closely at the goings on inside the sausage factory of Han commentary. Th e same may well be true of Zhu Xi and the kaozheng scholars, but they have the additional excuse of still being in the thrall of a tradition that required that Qu Yuan act as the patron saint of loyal dissent; many of these same scholars, Zhu Xi included, partici- pated in the creation and re-creation of that saint as they drew consolation from him in times of need. Moreover, despite their railing against the Han commentarial tradition, neither Zhu Xi nor kaozheng scholars ever critically dissected its methods to expose its failings. Th ey therefore never fully recov- ered from Han hermeneutic infl uence. For both the traditional scholars in the post-Song era and modern Western scholars, Wang Yi’s absurdities are the result of the misapplication of an essentially sound method, a method not very diff erent from the one they themselves subscribe to. Th e Chinese scholars see it as the Han method, the foundation of all classical scholarship, whereas the Western scholars think that it has something to do with philological methods as they are generally practiced in modern times. When Hawkes passed judg- ment on Wang, he was using the standard of modern philological practice to distinguish Wang Yi from the “great scholars and exegetes.” But how was Wang Yi judged by his Later Han dynasty contemporaries? It should be recalled that some of the greatest of the scholars to whom Hawkes alludes, also wrote commentaries (now mostly lost) on the Li sao, e.g., Ban Gu, Jia Kui 賈逵 (30‒101) and Ma Rong 馬融 (79‒166). Yet the commentary of Wang Yi, an obscure man from the provinces, eclipsed them all, and even launched him on a brilliant career at court.5 It would appear then that Wang Yi was counted a good scholar, if not a great one, by Later Han standards. Th is means, at the very least, that none of Wang Yi’s commentarial methods, © 2012 State University of New York Press, Albany Wang Yi and Han Dynasty Classical Commentary 41 including that which he deployed to arrive at his gloss on jiang, were consid- ered defective by the general scholarly community. To get a better perspective on what was considered acceptable commen- tarial method during the Han dynasty, let us sample the work of scholars who are unequivocally ranked among the great. Th e best place to start is with one of Wang Yi’s contemporaries, He Xiu 何休 (129–182), who was called by Jacques Gernet “the only important representative of the jinwen traditions in the Later Han.”6 He Xiu wrote a very famous subcommentary to the Gongyang commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals. Th e passage in the Annals that would prove to be one of the most important in debates concerning the meta- physical basis of Han imperial power is its last and most mysterious entry: 十有四年。春。西狩獲麟。 Fourteenth year [of Duke Ai], Spring: In the west he went hunting and caught a unicorn.7 Th e year is 481 BCE; the place is the western part of the state of Lu. Th e person hunting is not made clear, though it was probably the reigning Duke Ai. Nothing in the text suggests this except the special word for hunt, shou 狩, which usually indicates that a royal personage is hunting. “Unicorn” is the common but inaccurate rendering of the Chinese word lin 麟, which is a fabu- lous one-horned animal whose appearance scholars of the Gongyang tradition thought to be the harbinger of a sage king’s appearance in the world. During the Former Han, offi cial Gongyang scholars thought that the sage king “prophesied” in the Annals was in fact Confucius and by extension his legitimate scholarly heirs, meaning of course the Gongyang scholars. During the Later Han, the imperial family exerted pressure on the Gongyang scholars to interpret the appearance of the unicorn as presaging Liu Bang, the founder of the Han dynasty. He Xiu was one of the scholars who bowed to that pres- sure. Th e following is from his subcommentary on the passage: Th e fact that it [the unicorn] was captured during a hunt in the west shows that the king who would reign over the west would come from the east. But the east is under the cyclic sign mao 卯. Th e west is ruled by jin 金 [metal]. To say that the unicorn was captured calls to mind a dao 刀 [weapon]. All of which shows that someone with the name Liu 劉, which character is made up of mao, jin, and dao would conquer the world.8 Here He Xiu tells us that the last entry of the Annals records an event in which is encoded a prophecy. Th e decoded prophecy spells out, as it were, the family name of the founder of the Han dynasty. Th e direction to which the hunters go is ruled by the cyclic sign mao, the direction from which they came © 2012 State University of New York Press, Albany 42 Th e Shaman and the Heresiarch is ruled by jin (metal), and metal is what weapons are made of. Th e elements taken together compose the character for Liu, the surname of the founder of the Han dynasty. Th ose who have been to an astrologer, tarot reader, and certain other fortune-tellers will immediately recognize the divinatory logic of this commentary. Th ose who are familiar with Biblical hermeneutics will see here something very like typological allegory. Th e assumption behind such exegetical practice is that whatever Confu- cius wrote must pertain to the fate of the empire since he, according to the Gongyang scholars, had received the mandate (ming 命) from Heaven. Th e Annals, thought to be edited or written by him, therefore, must contain a secret code just below its dull lapidary surface. In point of fact, however, the decoding method creates the code, and it was a diff erent code depending on the method and the commentator. Th e oldest method that we know of was the “praise and blame (bao-bian 褒貶)” method, according to which Confucius revealed his judgment of a person or his reaction to an event indirectly through his choice of words or even their placement or omission.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Body in Packaging Culture: Researching Cosmetic Surgery Within Korea’S Neo-Confucian Culture
    The Body in Packaging Culture: Researching Cosmetic Surgery within Korea’s Neo-Confucian Culture By Eunji Choi Submitted to Utrecht University Graduate Gender Studies Program Main Supervisor: Prof. dr. Anne-Marie Korte Support Supervisor: Dr. Mark Johnson Utrecht, The Netherlands 2015 The Body in Packaging Culture: Researching Cosmetic Surgery within Korea’s Neo-Confucian Culture By Eunji Choi Submitted to Utrecht University Graduate Gender Studies Program Main Supervisor: Prof. dr. Anne-Marie Korte Support Supervisor: Dr. Mark Johnson Approved by: Utrecht, The Netherlands 2015 2 Abstract Contemporary developments within the current global self-care regime have increased the potential of many individuals to control their own bodies, and to have their bodies surveilled by others (Shilling, 2003). The body is understood as a project that needs to be “worked at and accomplished as part of an individual’s self-identity” (Shilling, 2003:4) in this time of ‘high modernity’ (Giddens, 1991). The project of cosmetic surgery is one example of how modern individuals attribute significance both to their bodies and the way their bodies look. In a South Korean context, the cosmetic surgery scene is especially interesting to examine in the light of the uniquely Korean practice of giving cosmetic surgery as a gift, especially to daughters. Ironically, the body has to remain unaltered from how it has been received at birth according to the Neo-Confucian tradition, which continues to form the ideological base of contemporary Korean society. Moreover, this tradition teaches that inward goodness does not depend upon one’s outer appearance, something that is quite opposite to “popular physiognomic assumptions that the body, especially the face, is a reflection of the self” (Featherstone, 2010:195).
    [Show full text]
  • The Old Master
    INTRODUCTION Four main characteristics distinguish this book from other translations of Laozi. First, the base of my translation is the oldest existing edition of Laozi. It was excavated in 1973 from a tomb located in Mawangdui, the city of Changsha, Hunan Province of China, and is usually referred to as Text A of the Mawangdui Laozi because it is the older of the two texts of Laozi unearthed from it.1 Two facts prove that the text was written before 202 bce, when the first emperor of the Han dynasty began to rule over the entire China: it does not follow the naming taboo of the Han dynasty;2 its handwriting style is close to the seal script that was prevalent in the Qin dynasty (221–206 bce). Second, I have incorporated the recent archaeological discovery of Laozi-related documents, disentombed in 1993 in Jishan District’s tomb complex in the village of Guodian, near the city of Jingmen, Hubei Province of China. These documents include three bundles of bamboo slips written in the Chu script and contain passages related to the extant Laozi.3 Third, I have made extensive use of old commentaries on Laozi to provide the most comprehensive interpretations possible of each passage. Finally, I have examined myriad Chinese classic texts that are closely associated with the formation of Laozi, such as Zhuangzi, Lüshi Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Lü), Han Feizi, and Huainanzi, to understand the intellectual and historical context of Laozi’s ideas. In addition to these characteristics, this book introduces several new interpretations of Laozi.
    [Show full text]
  • An Explanation of Gexing
    Front. Lit. Stud. China 2010, 4(3): 442–461 DOI 10.1007/s11702-010-0107-5 RESEARCH ARTICLE XUE Tianwei, WANG Quan An Explanation of Gexing © Higher Education Press and Springer-Verlag 2010 Abstract Gexing 歌行 is a historical and robust prosodic style that flourished (not originated) in the Tang dynasty. Since ancient times, the understanding of the prosody of gexing has remained in debate, which focuses on the relationship between gexing and yuefu 乐府 (collection of ballad songs of the music bureau). The points-of-view held by all sides can be summarized as a “grand gexing” perspective (defining gexing in a broad sense) and four major “small gexing” perspectives (defining gexing in a narrow sense). The former is namely what Hu Yinglin 胡应麟 from Ming dynasty said, “gexing is a general term for seven-character ancient poems.” The first “small gexing” perspective distinguishes gexing from guti yuefu 古体乐府 (tradition yuefu); the second distinguishes it from xinti yuefu 新体乐府 (new yuefu poems with non-conventional themes); the third takes “the lyric title” as the requisite condition of gexing; and the fourth perspective adopts the criterion of “metricality” in distinguishing gexing from ancient poems. The “grand gexing” perspective is the only one that is able to reveal the core prosodic features of gexing and give specification to the intension and extension of gexing as a prosodic style. Keywords gexing, prosody, grand gexing, seven-character ancient poems Received January 25, 2010 XUE Tianwei ( ) College of Humanities, Xinjiang Normal University, Urumuqi 830054, China E-mail: [email protected] WANG Quan International School, University of International Business and Economics, Beijing 100029, China E-mail: [email protected] An Explanation of Gexing 443 The “Grand Gexing” Perspective and “Small Gexing” Perspective Gexing, namely the seven-character (both unified seven-character lines and mixed lines containing seven character ones) gexing, occupies an equal position with rhythm poems in Tang dynasty and even after that in the poetic world.
    [Show full text]
  • Study and Uses of the I Ching in Tokugawa Japan
    Study Ching Tokugawa Uses of and I Japan the in Wai-ming Ng University Singapore National of • Ching $A (Book Changes) The of 1 particular significance has been book of a history. interest and in Asian East Divination philosophy basis its and derived from it on integral of Being civilization. Chinese within parts orbit the Chinese of the cultural were sphere, Japan traditional Ching development indebted for the the 1 of of its to aspects was culture. Japan The arrived in later sixth than the and little studied text in century no was (539-1186). Japan ancient readership expanded major It literate such Zen to groups as high-ranking monks, Buddhist courtiers, and period warriors medieval in the (1186- 1603). Ching scholarship 1 during reached Tokugawa its period the (1603-1868) apex Ching when the became 1 popular of the influential and Chinese This 2 most texts. one preliminary is provide work aims which brief Ching of overview 1 to essay a a scholarship highlighting Tokugawa Japan, in popularity themes: several of the the text, major writings, schools, the scholars, of/Ching and characteristics the and scholarship. 3 Popularity Ching The of the I popularity Ching Tokugawa of the The Japan in acknowledged I has been by a t• •" :i• •b Miyazaki Japanese number scholars. of Michio Tokugawa scholar of a thought, has remarked: "There by [Tokugawa] reached Confucians consensus was a pre-Tokugawa historical of the For overview Wai-ming in Japan, Ng, Ching "The 1 in text a see Japan," Quarterly Ancient (Summer Culture 1996), 26.2 Wai-ming 73-76; Asian and Ng pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Recent Approaches to Confucian Filial Morality1 Forthcoming in Philosophy Compass
    Recent Approaches to Confucian Filial Morality1 Forthcoming in Philosophy Compass Hagop Sarkissian Department of Philosophy The City University of New York Graduate Center | Baruch College ABSTRACT: A hallmark of Confucian morality is its emphasis on duties to family and kin as weighty features of moral life. The virtue of ‘filiality’ or ‘filial piety’ (xiao 孝), for example, is one of the most important in the Confucian canon. This aspect of Confucianism has been of renewed interest recently. On the one hand, some have claimed that, precisely because it acknowledges the importance of kin duties, Confucianism should be seen as an ethics rooted in human nature that remains a viable system of morality today. On the other hand, some have argued that the extreme emphasis on filial duties is precisely the aspect of Confucian moral philosophy that ought to be jettisoned in favor of greater impartialism; without mitigating its emphasis on filial piety, Confucianism risks irrelevance to modern concerns. In this paper, I will outline the nature of filial morality in the Confucian tradition and discuss these recent contributions to the literature. A hallmark of Confucian morality is its emphasis on duties to family and kin as weighty features of moral life. The virtue of ‘filiality’ or ‘filial piety’ (xiao 孝), for example, is one of the most important in the Confucian canon. This aspect of Confucianism has been of renewed interest recently. On the one hand, some have claimed that, precisely because it acknowledges the importance of kin duties, Confucianism should be seen as an ethics rooted in human nature that remains a viable system of morality today.
    [Show full text]
  • CHING, Julia 1976 to Acquire Wisdom： the Way of Wang Yang-Ming
    The Idea of God in Nakae T5ju Julia Ching INTRODUCTION Nakae T5ju (1608-48) is acknowledged to be the founder of the Wang Yang-ming (Oy5m ei) school of philosophy in Japan—a school which produced such great men as Kuma- za w a Banzan (1619-91), an immediate disciple and chief minister to Ikeda Mitsumasa, feudal lord of Okayama, and Yoshida Shoin (1830-59), a fiery young reformer who paid with his life for his determination to learn from Western science in order to "modernize" Japan. In contrast to these men, Toju led a retiring life, distinguishing himself chiefly as a village teacher, and extending the doctrine and prac­ tice of filial piety beyond the family, to the belief in and worship of a supreme deity. In this study, I should like to focus on Toju's idea of God, and compare it to the Chris­ tian idea. The various influences on the formation and evolution of this idea, whether Confucian, Taoist, Shinto, Buddhist, or even possibly Christian, will also be discussed, in order that we might better understand this idea of God and perceive its uniqueness. LIFE AND THOUGHT Nakae Toju was born in the village of O g aw a, in the pro­ vince of O m i，on the west bank of Lake Biwa, in a quiet and beautiful place which would become known mainly because of his own later fame. From the age of six on, the child lived, not with his parents in O g aw a, but with his grandparents in Shikoku. His sensitivity was probably enhanced by the successive tragic losses, during Toju!s early youth, of his grandmother (1621), grandfather (1622), and father (1625)，which effectively left his mother alone and his only close adult kin by the time Toju was age seventeen.
    [Show full text]
  • Virtuous Life, Honored Afterlife and the Evolution of Confucianism
    History in the Making Volume 10 Article 7 January 2017 Virtuous Life, Honored Afterlife and the Evolution of Confucianism Jasmyn Murrell CSUSB Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making Part of the Asian History Commons Recommended Citation Murrell, Jasmyn (2017) "Virtuous Life, Honored Afterlife and the Evolution of Confucianism," History in the Making: Vol. 10 , Article 7. Available at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making/vol10/iss1/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History at CSUSB ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in History in the Making by an authorized editor of CSUSB ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Jasmyn Murrell Virtuous Life, Honored Afterlife and the Evolution of Confucianism By Jasmyn Murrell Abstract: Confucius states that we must not focus on the afterlife, because we know so little of it, and we must focus on everyday life. However, Confucianism holds a philosophy of afterlife, even if it is not outright said or depicted. This paper will aim to prove just that. First, through Confucian ideals of being a dutiful person, to grant yourself an honored afterlife, and second, through how Confucianism influenced other religions such as Buddhism and Daoism, which will show a clear depiction of afterlife by considering death rituals, festivals, commune with ancestors, prayers, tomb decor, and the ideology of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism – you will begin to see the depiction of afterlife within Confucianism. But also, you will get to see how Confucianism has evolved and took on traits of both Daoism and Buddhism, which in turn is called Neo-Confucianism.
    [Show full text]
  • 1975 (Unit: 1,000 Volumes)
    Current Status of East Asian Collections in American Libraries Tsuen-Hsuin Tsien The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 36, No. 3. (May, 1977), pp. 499-514. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-9118%28197705%2936%3A3%3C499%3ACSOEAC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-I The Journal of Asian Studies is currently published by Association for Asian Studies. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/journals/afas.html. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers, and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community take advantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org Fri Oct 26 15:15:14 2007 VOL.XXXVI, NO.
    [Show full text]
  • Relationship Between Confucian Ethics and Care Ethics: a Reflection, Rejection, and Reconstruction
    RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CONFUCIAN ETHICS AND CARE ETHICS: A REFLECTION, REJECTION, AND RECONSTRUCTION Qingjuan Sun Abstract: This essay first refutes two extant views on the relationship between Confucian ethics and care ethics, that is, 1) Confucian ethics is a care ethics, and 2) Confucian ethics and care ethics are virtue ethics. It then proposes that a better accommodation of Confucian ethics and care ethics into a single value system is to put them under relation ethics. While Confucian ethics is relation-oriented, care ethics is relation-constituted. Regarding the relationship between Confucian ethics and care ethics, there are two kinds of mainstream opinions. One is represented by Chenyang Li (1994; 2008) and characterizes Confucian ethics, Mencius ethics included, as a care ethics. The other is hold by scholars such as Daniel Star (2002) and Raja Halwani (2003) and regards Confucian ethics and care ethics as virtue ethics. This essay in the following will reject both views and propose a new approach that can accommodate Confucian ethics and care ethics in a single value system. To avoid confusion and ambiguity, two points should be clarified beforehand. First, by Confucian ethics, this essay does not refer to the broad and prolonged ethical tradition of Confucianism, which is far beyond its coverage. Rather, it succeeds previous discussions pertinent to the topic and focuses on Confucius ethics as well as Mencius ethics in elaborating Confucian ethical points. Second, when talking about care ethics, instead of referring it broadly as a cluster of normative ethical theories, this essay, following Li’s arguments, draws support from Carol Gilligan and Nel Noddings’s works.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter Three
    526 Chapter Three 經學昌明時代 The Period of Advancement of Classical Scholarship [3/1 SVA Introductory Comments: In the opening section of Chapter Three, Pi Xirui quotes extensively from the "Rulin zhuan" chapter of the Shi ji so as to support his position that during the reign of Emperor Wu (141-87 B.C.), Classical Scholarship was in its purest and most orthodox form. He also uses the lack of information in the "Rulin zhuan" regarding the Old Script Documents, Zhouli, Mao Shi, and Zuozhuan to argue that Sima Qian did not have access to these texts, which are texts of the "Old Script" school.] 3/11 The "Rulin zhuan" chapter of the Shi ji states, "When the present emperor2 ascended the throne, there were men such as Zhao Wan 趙綰 and Wang Zang 王臧3 who clearly understood Confucian learning and the 1[SVA: Section 3/1 corresponds to pp.69-72 of the Zhonghua ed. and to pp.60-64 of the Yiwen ed.] 2(3/1, n.1) Zhou Yutong comments: In the Chinese jinshang 今上, "the present emperor," refers to Emperor Wu of the Han. 3(3/1, n.2) Zhou Yutong comments: Zhao Wan 趙綰 was a native of Dai 代 and Wang Zang 王臧 was a native of Lanling 蘭陵. They both studied the Lu 527 emperor himself was also inclined toward it.4 He thereupon issued an order recruiting scholar-officials in the recommendation categories of Straightforward and Upright, Worthy and Excellent, and Learned.5 After this, as for giving instruction in the Songs, in Lu it was Master Shen Pei 申 培公, in Qi it was Master Yuan Gu 轅固生, and in Yan, it was Grand Tutor Han Ying 韓(嬰)太傅.
    [Show full text]
  • Proclaiming Intellectual Authority Through Classification: the Case of the Seven Epitomes
    Knowl. Org. 38(2011)No.1 25 H.-L. Lee and W.-Ch. Lan. Proclaiming Intellectual Authority Through Classification: The Case of the Seven Epitomes Proclaiming Intellectual Authority Through Classification: The Case of the Seven Epitomes Hur-Li Lee* and Wen-Chin Lan** * School of Information Studies, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, 3210 N. Maryland Ave., Bolton Hall #510, Milwaukee, WI 53211, USA, <[email protected]> **Department of Library and Information Science, National Taiwan University, No.1, Sec. 4, Roosevelt Road, Taipei 106, Taiwan, Republic of China, [email protected] Hur-Li Lee is an Associate Professor in the School of Information Studies at the University of Wis- consin-Milwaukee. Her major research interests include classification theory; users’ interactions with structures of information systems; and social and cultural aspects of information and information ser- vices. In 2006, she received a Fulbright Scholar Research Award to study traditional Chinese bibliog- raphy at Peking University (Beijing, China) for five months. The long-term research project, “Tradi- tional Chinese Bibliographic Classification,” on which she and Dr. Wen-Chin Lan have since collabo- rated, is in a Website available online at https://pantherfile.uwm.edu/hurli/www/Chinese.htm. Wen-Chin Lan is an assistant professor of the Department of Library and Information Science, Na- tional Taiwan University. He earned his doctoral degree from the School of Information and Library Science, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. His research interests include information or- ganization, metadata, Chinese bibliography, classification theory, and history of books. Lee, Hur-Li and Lan, Wen-Chin. Proclaiming Intellectual Authority Through Classification: The Case of the Seven Epitomes.
    [Show full text]
  • Supplementary Materials
    Supplementary Materials: Linsheng Zhong 1, 2 and Dongjun Chen 1, 2, * 1 Institute of Geographic Sciences and Natural Resources Research, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing 100101, China 2 College of Resources and Environment, University of Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing 100049, China * Correspondence: [email protected] 272 Individual Relevant Core Articles 1. Bai Qinfeng, Huo Zhiguo, He Nan, et al. Analysis of human body comfort index of 20 tourist cities in China. J. Chinese Journal of Ecology. 2009, 28(8): 173–178. 2. Bao Jigang, Deng Lizi. Impact of climate on vacation–oriented second home demand: a comparative study of Tengchong and Xishuangbanna. J. Tropical Geography. 2018, 38(5): 606–616. 3. Cai Bifan, Meng Minghao, Chen Guisong. Construction of the performance evaluation system for rural tourism region and its application. J. Tourism Forum. 2009, 2(5): 81–88. 4. Cai Meng, Ge Linsi, Ding Yue. Research progress on countermeasures for tourism emission reduction in overseas. J. Ecological Economy. 2014, 30(10): 28–33. 5. Cao Hui, Zhang Xiaoping, Chen Pingliu. The appraising of tourism climate resource in Fuzhou National Forest Park. J. Issues of Forestry Economics. 2007, (1): 36–39. 6. Cao Kaijun, Yang Zhaoping, Meng Xianyong, et al. An evaluation of tourism climatic suitability in Altay Prefecture. J. Journal of Glaciology and Geocryology. 2015, 37(5): 1420–1427. 7. Cao Weihong, He Yuanqing, Li Zongsheng, et al. A correlation analysis between climatic comfort degree and monthly variation of tourists in Lijiang. J. Scientia Geographica Sinica. 2012, 32(12): 1459– 1464. 8. Cao Weihong, He Yuanqing, Li Zongsheng, et al.
    [Show full text]