Running Head: MULTIPLE MATCHING, IDEOLOGY, and PARTY IDENTITY 1
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The Decline of Collective Responsibility in American Politics
MORRIS P. FIORINA The Decline of Collective Responsibility inAmerican Politics the founding fathers a Though believed in the necessity of establishing gen to one uinely national government, they took great pains design that could not to lightly do things its citizens; what government might do for its citizens was to be limited to the functions of what we know now as the "watchman state." Thus the Founders composed the constitutional litany familiar to every schoolchild: a they created federal system, they distributed and blended powers within and across the federal levels, and they encouraged the occupants of the various posi tions to check and balance each other by structuring incentives so that one of to ficeholder's ambitions would be likely conflict with others'. The resulting system of institutional arrangements predictably hampers efforts to undertake initiatives and favors maintenance of the status major quo. Given the historical record faced by the Founders, their emphasis on con we a straining government is understandable. But face later historical record, one two that shows hundred years of increasing demands for government to act positively. Moreover, developments unforeseen by the Founders increasingly raise the likelihood that the uncoordinated actions of individuals and groups will inflict serious on the nation as a whole. The of the damage by-products industri not on on al and technological revolutions impose physical risks only us, but future as well. Resource and international cartels raise the generations shortages spectre of economic ruin. And the simple proliferation of special interests with their intense, particularistic demands threatens to render us politically in capable of taking actions that might either advance the state of society or pre vent foreseeable deteriorations in that state. -
Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980
Bonikowski, Bart, and Paul DiMaggio. 2016. “Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980. Publisher’s version: http://asr.sagepub.com/content/81/5/949 Varieties of American Popular Nationalism Bart Bonikowski Harvard University Paul DiMaggio New York University Abstract Despite the relevance of nationalism for politics and intergroup relations, sociologists have devoted surprisingly little attention to the phenomenon in the United States, and historians and political psychologists who do study the United States have limited their focus to specific forms of nationalist sentiment: ethnocultural or civic nationalism, patriotism, or national pride. This article innovates, first, by examining an unusually broad set of measures (from the 2004 GSS) tapping national identification, ethnocultural and civic criteria for national membership, domain- specific national pride, and invidious comparisons to other nations, thus providing a fuller depiction of Americans’ national self-understanding. Second, we use latent class analysis to explore heterogeneity, partitioning the sample into classes characterized by distinctive patterns of attitudes. Conventional distinctions between ethnocultural and civic nationalism describe just about half of the U.S. population and do not account for the unexpectedly low levels of national pride found among respondents who hold restrictive definitions of American nationhood. A subset of primarily younger and well-educated Americans lacks any strong form of patriotic sentiment; a larger class, primarily older and less well educated, embraces every form of nationalist sentiment. Controlling for sociodemographic characteristics and partisan identification, these classes vary significantly in attitudes toward ethnic minorities, immigration, and national sovereignty. Finally, using comparable data from 1996 and 2012, we find structural continuity and distributional change in national sentiments over a period marked by terrorist attacks, war, economic crisis, and political contention. -
Parental Socialization and Rational Party Identification
Political Behavior, Vol. 24, No. 2, June 2002 ( 2002) PARENTAL SOCIALIZATION AND RATIONAL PARTY IDENTIFICATION Christopher H. Achen This article constructs a rational choice model of the intergenerational transmission of party identification. At a given time, identification with a party is the estimate of average future benefits from candidates of that party. Experienced voters constantly update this expectation using political events since the last realignment to predict the future in accordance with Bayes Rule. New voters, however, have no experience of their own. In Bayesian terms, they need prior beliefs. It turns out that under certain specified conditions, these young voters should rationally choose to employ parental experience to help orient themselves to politics. The resulting model predicts several well–known features of political socialization, including the strong correlation be- tween parents’ and children’s partisanship, the greater partisan independence of young voters, and the tendency of partisan alignments to decay. Key words: socialization; party identification; political parties; party systems; Bayesian; retrospective voting. All I know is we’re not Republicans. My father isn’t.—Judith, age 10 (Greenstein, 1969, p. 23) INTRODUCTION The predictive power of “party identification” in American elections is well- nigh overwhelming, and, after some initial setbacks, evidence has accumulated that, properly measured, it does well elsewhere, too (Converse and Pierce, 1985, 1986; Green, Palmquist, and Schickler, 2002; Johnston, 1988; Miller and Shanks, 1996; Shively, 1980). Partisanship remains the central factor in explaining not just how people vote, but also how they see the political world, just as Campbell, Converse, Miller, and Stokes (1960/1980) asserted 40 years ago and as sophisticated recent investigations have confirmed (Bartels, 2001b). -
Chapter One: Postwar Resentment and the Invention of Middle America 10
MIAMI UNIVERSITY The Graduate School Certificate for Approving the Dissertation We hereby approve the Dissertation of Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff Doctor of Philosophy ________________________________________ Timothy Melley, Director ________________________________________ C. Barry Chabot, Reader ________________________________________ Whitney Womack Smith, Reader ________________________________________ Marguerite S. Shaffer, Graduate School Representative ABSTRACT TALES FROM THE SILENT MAJORITY: CONSERVATIVE POPULISM AND THE INVENTION OF MIDDLE AMERICA by Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff In this dissertation I show how the conservative movement lured the white working class out of the Democratic New Deal Coalition and into the Republican Majority. I argue that this political transformation was accomplished in part by what I call the "invention" of Middle America. Using such cultural representations as mainstream print media, literature, and film, conservatives successfully exploited what came to be known as the Social Issue and constructed "Liberalism" as effeminate, impractical, and elitist. Chapter One charts the rise of conservative populism and Middle America against the backdrop of 1960s social upheaval. I stress the importance of backlash and resentment to Richard Nixon's ascendancy to the Presidency, describe strategies employed by the conservative movement to win majority status for the GOP, and explore the conflict between this goal and the will to ideological purity. In Chapter Two I read Rabbit Redux as John Updike's attempt to model the racial education of a conservative Middle American, Harry "Rabbit" Angstrom, in "teach-in" scenes that reflect the conflict between the social conservative and Eastern Liberal within the author's psyche. I conclude that this conflict undermines the project and, despite laudable intentions, Updike perpetuates caricatures of the Left and hastens Middle America's rejection of Liberalism. -
Ronald Reagan, Louisiana, and the 1980 Presidential Election Matthew Ad Vid Caillet Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Master's Theses Graduate School 2011 "Are you better off "; Ronald Reagan, Louisiana, and the 1980 Presidential election Matthew aD vid Caillet Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Caillet, Matthew David, ""Are you better off"; Ronald Reagan, Louisiana, and the 1980 Presidential election" (2011). LSU Master's Theses. 2956. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses/2956 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Master's Theses by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ―ARE YOU BETTER OFF‖; RONALD REAGAN, LOUISIANA, AND THE 1980 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in The Department of History By Matthew David Caillet B.A. and B.S., Louisiana State University, 2009 May 2011 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am indebted to many people for the completion of this thesis. Particularly, I cannot express how thankful I am for the guidance and assistance I received from my major professor, Dr. David Culbert, in researching, drafting, and editing my thesis. I would also like to thank Dr. Wayne Parent and Dr. Alecia Long for having agreed to serve on my thesis committee and for their suggestions and input, as well. -
Presented to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University In
371 /V8 A/O 'oo THE "VIVA KENNEDY" CLUBS IN SOUTH TEXAS THESIS Presented to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS By Joan Traffas, B.A. Denton, Texas December, 1972 Traffas, Joan, The "Viva Kennedy" Clubs in South Texas. Master of Arts (History), December, 1972, 132 pp., 2 tables, bibliography, 115 titles. This thesis analyzes the impact of the Mexican-American voters in south Texas on the 1960 presidential election. During that election year, this ethnic minority was strong enough to merit direct appeals from the Democratic presiden- tial candidate, and subsequently, allowed to conduct a unique campaign divorced from the direct control of the conservative state Democratic machinery. Formerly, the Democratic politicos in south Texas manipulated the Mexican-American vote. In 1960, however, the Chicanos voted for a man with whom they could empathize, rather than for a party label. This strong identification with the Democratic candidate was rooted in psychological rather than ideological, social rather than political, factors. John F. Kennedy seemed to personify machismo and simpatla. Perhaps even more impres- sive than the enthusiasm, the Kennedy candidacy generated among the Mexican-Americans was the ability of the Texas Democratic regulars to prevent a liberal-conservative rup- ture within the state party. This was accomplished by per- mitting the Mexican-American "Viva Kennedy" clubs quasi- independence. Because of these two conditions, the Mexican- American ethnic minority became politically salient in the 1960 campaign. 1 2 The study of the Mexican-American political behavior in 1960 proceeds in three stages. -
WHY COMPETITION in the POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA a Strategy for Reinvigorating Our Democracy
SEPTEMBER 2017 WHY COMPETITION IN THE POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA A strategy for reinvigorating our democracy Katherine M. Gehl and Michael E. Porter ABOUT THE AUTHORS Katherine M. Gehl, a business leader and former CEO with experience in government, began, in the last decade, to participate actively in politics—first in traditional partisan politics. As she deepened her understanding of how politics actually worked—and didn’t work—for the public interest, she realized that even the best candidates and elected officials were severely limited by a dysfunctional system, and that the political system was the single greatest challenge facing our country. She turned her focus to political system reform and innovation and has made this her mission. Michael E. Porter, an expert on competition and strategy in industries and nations, encountered politics in trying to advise governments and advocate sensible and proven reforms. As co-chair of the multiyear, non-partisan U.S. Competitiveness Project at Harvard Business School over the past five years, it became clear to him that the political system was actually the major constraint in America’s inability to restore economic prosperity and address many of the other problems our nation faces. Working with Katherine to understand the root causes of the failure of political competition, and what to do about it, has become an obsession. DISCLOSURE This work was funded by Harvard Business School, including the Institute for Strategy and Competitiveness and the Division of Research and Faculty Development. No external funding was received. Katherine and Michael are both involved in supporting the work they advocate in this report. -
Transatlantic Relations for the Biden Era and Beyond by Ian Bond
Transatlantic relations for the Biden era and beyond by Ian Bond Most European leaders responded to Joe Biden’s election victory on November 3rd with undisguised enthusiasm. They expect him to repair some of the damage that the transatlantic partnership suffered in Hurricane Donald, but pre-Trump America no longer exists, and European policy must reflect that. Following Biden’s win, the EU published ‘A new shown by his January 25th announcement of EU-US agenda for global change’ in December, protectionist ‘Buy American’ measures, which setting out a number of topics for possible among other things increase domestic content collaboration: global health, climate change, trade requirements for government procurement. and technology, and strengthening democracy. The Biden administration’s first moves in these European representatives in the US should work areas – rejoining the World Health Organisation harder on influencing opinions in the South and the Paris Agreement, for example – have and the Midwest, where Trump’s fans are most been encouraging. But the EU must also learn the numerous. The EU delegation in Washington has lessons of the last four years, in case relations run various outreach programmes, mostly through into trouble again after Biden. universities; it should target these regions more. The larger European states should use their The first lesson is that the US remains a deeply networks of consulates in support of the general divided society. More people voted for Trump in European interest, not just national objectives. 2020 than for any other presidential candidate Though outside the EU, the UK can still use in history, with one exception – Joe Biden. -
DISSERTATION Presented to the Graduate Council of the North
4Z SAM RAYBURN: TRIALS OF A PARTY MAN DISSERTATION Presented to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY By Edward 0. Daniel, B.A., M.A. Denton, Texas May, 1979 Daniel, Edward 0., Sam Rayburn: Trials of a Party Man. Doctor of Philosophy (History), May, 1979, 330 pp., bibliog- raphy, 163 titles. Sam Rayburn' s remarkable legislative career is exten- sively documented, but no one has endeavored to write a political biography in which his philosophy, his personal convictions, and the forces which motivated him are analyzed. The object of this dissertation is to fill that void by tracing the course of events which led Sam Rayburn to the Speakership of the United States House of Representatives. For twenty-seven long years of congressional service, Sam Rayburn patiently, but persistently, laid the groundwork for his elevation to the speakership. Most of his accomplish- ments, recorded in this paper, were a means to that end. His legislative achievements for the New Deal were monu- mental, particularly in the areas of securities regulation, progressive labor laws, and military preparedness. Rayburn rose to the speakership, however, not because he was a policy maker, but because he was a policy expeditor. He took his orders from those who had the power to enhance his own station in life. Prior to the presidential election of 1932, the center of Sam Rayburn's universe was an old friend and accomplished political maneuverer, John Nance Garner. It was through Garner that Rayburn first perceived the significance of the "you scratch my back, I'll scratch yours" style of politics. -
CHAPTER 9 Political Parties and Electoral Systems
CHAPTER 9 Political Parties and Electoral Systems MULTIPLE CHOICE 1. Political scientists call the attachment that an individual has to a specific political party a person’s a. party preference. b. party patronage. c. party identification. d. party dominance. e. dominant party. 2. Which best describes the difference between a one-party system and a one-party dominant system? a. In a one-party system, the party is ideological, coercive, and destructive of autonomous groups. In a one-party dominant system, it is less ideological and does not desire to destroy autonomous groups. b. In one-party dominant systems, only one party exists. In one-party systems, other political parties are not banned, and smaller parties may even receive a sizable percentage of the vote combined, but one party always wins elections and controls the government. c. In a one-party dominant system, the party is ideological, coercive, and destructive of autonomous groups. In a one-party system, it is less ideological and does not desire to destroy autonomous groups. d. In one-party systems, one large party controls the political system but small parties exist and may even compete in elections. In one-party dominant systems, different parties control the government at different times, but one party always controls all branches of government, i.e., there is never divided government. e. In one-party systems, only one party exists. In one-party dominant systems, other political parties are not banned, and smaller parties may even receive a sizable percentage of the vote combined, but one party always wins elections and controls the government. -
The American Presidency: Jimmy Carter Transcript
The American Presidency: Jimmy Carter Transcript Date: Tuesday, 25 November 2008 - 12:00AM FROM ROOSEVELT TO BUSH THE AMERICAN PRESIDENCY: TRANSFORMATION AND CHANGE GERALD FORD AND JIMMY CARTER Professor Vernon Bogdanor Just as Nixon is the only American President to have resigned before completing his term, Ford is the only accidental American President; that is, the only American President never to have been elected either as President or as Vice-President. He became President in a fairly curious way, because around ten months before Nixon himself resigned, his Vice-President, Spiro Agnew, was also forced to resign because he was accused of having taken bribes in a previous position as Governor of Maryland. Agnew plea-bargained, and they said they would not take it further if he resigned the office. This meant that Nixon had to choose someone who could replace Agnew as Vice-President, and he chose the popular Gerald Ford, who was the leader of the Republicans in the House of Representatives, the Minority Leader. He had been a member of the House of Representatives since 1949, was much liked and respected, and it was very easy to secure confirmation for him; there were no problems as Nixon might have had with many others. Gerald Ford was thought to be of only modest attainments, and Lyndon Johnson said that his problem was he must have played American football once too often without his helmet. Johnson also said that Ford was incapable of walking and chewing gum at the same time. Whereas one motive of Nixon's to get Ford in was that it would be an easy confirmation, people thought a second motive might be that no one would want to replace him with Ford and therefore that Nixon would be safe, but that of course turned out not to be the case, and Gerald Ford succeeded to the Presidency. -
Intraparty in the US Congress.Pages
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Intraparty Organization in the U.S. Congress Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2cd17764 Author Bloch Rubin, Ruth Frances Publication Date 2014 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California ! ! ! ! Intraparty Organization in the U.S. Congress ! ! by! Ruth Frances !Bloch Rubin ! ! A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley ! Committee in charge: Professor Eric Schickler, Chair Professor Paul Pierson Professor Robert Van Houweling Professor Sean Farhang ! ! Fall 2014 ! Intraparty Organization in the U.S. Congress ! ! Copyright 2014 by Ruth Frances Bloch Rubin ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! Abstract ! Intraparty Organization in the U.S. Congress by Ruth Frances Bloch Rubin Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Eric Schickler, Chair The purpose of this dissertation is to supply a simple and synthetic theory to help us to understand the development and value of organized intraparty blocs. I will argue that lawmakers rely on these intraparty organizations to resolve several serious collective action and coordination problems that otherwise make it difficult for rank-and-file party members to successfully challenge their congressional leaders for control of policy outcomes. In the empirical chapters of this dissertation, I will show that intraparty organizations empower dissident lawmakers to resolve their collective action and coordination challenges by providing selective incentives to cooperative members, transforming public good policies into excludable accomplishments, and instituting rules and procedures to promote group decision-making.