DOCSLIB.ORG

Obuchi Forms New Coalition to Press Legislative Agenda

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

Japan Information and Culture Center, EMBASSY OF JAPAN OBUCHI FORMS NEW COALITION TO PRESS LEGISLATIVE AGENDA Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi returned from a trip to Europe on Jan. 13, in time to reach agreement with the opposition P Liberal Party to form a new coalition government, which should speed reform legislation through the parliament. The Liberals hold 39 seats in the more powerful 500-seat lower house of the Diet. Added to the Liberal Democratic Partys (LDP) 265 seats, the new coalition should assure swift passage of Mr. Obuchis ambitious reform legislation, designed to cut taxes and regulation and reform the financial sector in order to jump-start the economy. It will also give the LDP a boost in the Upper House, where it lacks a JAN. 1999 majority when the Diet convenes on Jan. 19. The coalition partners 1 have also agreed on other structural reforms that will reduce the number of civil servants by 25 percent within ten years, cut the CONTENTS number of cabinet posts from 20 to 18 and abolish the system in Welcoming the Euro which senior bureaucrats speak on behalf of ministers during Diet The Prime Minister toured Europe as the new currency is launched; support debates. A last minute hitch over Japans international military role for the yen. 2 was resolved with an agreement that would allow Japans Self The Emperors New Year Defense Forces to actively participate and cooperate in U.N. greeting 2 peacekeeping missions if asked to do so by the United Nations. In talks with visiting U.S. Defense Secretary William Cohen, Ambassador Saitos message Mr. Obuchi and Defense Minister Hosei Norota also discussed the In his New Year remarks to Japan Now Japan-U.S. security alliance, and the possibility of cooperating on an readers, the Ambassador sees better times ahead. 3 anti-missile defense system, in light of North Koreas missile- development and nuclear programs. The new coalition cabinet 4 (see page 2) Trends in Japan Consumers are given vouchers in an effort to boost domestic spending. 4 Viewpoint The U.S. and Japan join forces to research arctic phenomena. 5 South Korea lifts ban Japanese popular culture is allowed in for the first time since 1945. 6 Beyond Differences There was a darker side to the emerging tea culture in Japan. 7 Artistic tour de force The Edo period (1615-1868) is on display in all its splendor at the 8 National Gallery of Art. Pope John Paul II receives from Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi a flower vase decorated with irises designed by Chuji Fukagawa of the Meiji period, before a private audience at the Vatican Jan. 9, 1999. (AP Photo/Pool, Paul Hanna) EMPERORS GREETING FOR 64,000 A crowd of 64,000 people waving Japanese flags gathered on the grounds of the Imperial Palace in central Tokyo Jan. 2 to hear a New Years greeting GREETING THE EURO, from the Emperor. On the occasion of the start of the New Year, I pray for happiness for our nation SUPPORTING THE YEN and the people in the world, Emperor Akihito said. The royal family, including Empress Michiko, Crown Prince Naruhito and his wife, Princess Masako, appeared on a balcony seven times during On his Jan. 9-13 visit to France, Italy, the the day and waved to the crowd of well-wishers Vatican and Germany, Prime Minister below. Some people in the crowd cheered, Long Obuchi welcomed the introduction of the live the Emperor. The palace grounds are generally O new pan-European currency, the euro. closed to the public, except for Jan. 2 and the Eleven member states of the European Emperors birthday on Dec. 23. Also, on Jan. 7 the Union adopted the euro on Jan. 1, and Mr. Obuchi Emperor marked his tenth anniversary on the Chrysanthemum Throne. Accompanied by Empress stressed that Japan will work with all 11 of them to Michiko, he visited, prayed and conducted minimize disruptive exchange-rate fluctuations commemorative rituals before his father Emperor against the yen. Hirohitos tomb at the Musashino Mausoleum on the FRANCE: Talks with French President Jacques outskirts of Tokyo. Chirac and Prime Minister Lionel Jospin centered on the need for exchange market stability among the euro, the yen and the dollar. The birth of the euro reform of the international financial system. We brings without a doubt a great chance, Prime should look into better ways of how the Minister Obuchi said in Paris. Tripartite international currency system should be, he said cooperation between Japan, Europe and the United at a joint news conference with German Prime States would allow for creation of a stable and Minister Gerhard Schroeder. They also called for developed international monetary system. It is in enhanced supervision of the financial sector, this direction that we must cooperate. He continued including tackling issues related to hedge funds. that Japan would like to increase the utility of the Mr. Obuchi again expressed his resolve to keep the yen as an international currency, and that all yen a key global currency, stressing that the three countries and people should benefit from economic poles Europe, the U.S. and Japan should globalization. In Paris, as in all his stops, Mr. cooperate for the sake of stabilizing the global Obuchi said that he is confident, that his vigorous currency system. It is desirable that the dollar, the policy of deregulation will result in stable growth euro and the yen remain as the key three in Japan for fiscal 1999 and beyond. currencies, he said, before returning to Tokyo. ITALY: In Rome, currency markets also dominated FOREIGN MINISTER TO THE MIDEAST the agenda in talks between the Prime Minister and Meanwhile, Foreign Minister Masahiko Koumura Italian Premier Massimo DAlema. We was engaged in high-stakes shuttle diplomacy in reaffirmed, the two said in a joint-statement, that the Mideast in mid-January. He met with Egyptian the stability of foreign-exchange markets is of key President Hosni Mubarak, Syrian President Hafez importance not only to each of our economies but el Assad in Damascus and Lebanese Prime to the entire world economy, and they pledged to Minister Salim Hoss in Beirut before traveling to cooperate in the future. Israel. Japan maintains a contingent of peacekeepers in the U.N. mission on the Golan VATICAN: While in Rome the Prime Minister met Heights. In Israel, he presented Prime Minister with Pope John Paul II and presented the Pope with Benjamin Netanyahu with a four-point plan for an a 19-century porcelain vase, while giving him his Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon, which senior best wishes for his health. Take care of yourself so Israeli officials termed impressive. Mr. Koumura that you can take care of the people of the world, also met with Palestinian leader Yassir Arafat, and Mr. Obuchi told the 78-year-old pontiff. The two signed a $12 million agreement to provide discussed church-state relations in Japan and the garbage-handling equipment to the Palestinian Asian financial crisis. They also talked about the Interim Self-Government Authority. This was a part plans to mark the 450th anniversary of St. Francis of the $200 million assistance package Japan had Xaviers landing at Kagoshima in Japan on Aug. JAPAN pledged last November for the coming two years. 15, 1549. As Mr. Obuchi departed the Pope said NOW Since 1993 Japan has extended a total of $350 Arigato, or thank you. 2 million to the Palestinian government, including BONN: The Prime Minister wrapped up his assistance through international organizations and week-long tour of Europe by again calling for direct grants in aid. AMBASSADOR SAITOS NEW YEAR MESSAGE Happy New Year! I am delighted to wish, on behalf of the Japanese people and the embassy staff, all the readers of Japan Now H from all over the United States, a happy and Ambassador Kunihiko Saito prosperous 1999 as we approach the new millennium. Last year was a momentous one, in which serious, Japan has a number of important assets, Japans efforts at economic recovery dominated such as the largest foreign currency reserves in the both domestic policy and foreign diplomacy. The world, the highest household savings and literacy stakes were high; Japan, the second largest rates, a well-trained workforce and a stable, economy in the world, urgently needed to revitalize disciplined social system. I am optimistic about the its economy for its own sake and to help Asia future of our economy and of Japan itself. We will emerge from its economic crisis. emerge from our current difficulties stronger for the My government addressed the issue by experience. codifying and implementing a series of economic Last year also saw the importance of the stimulus measures to bring about domestic bilateral political and security relationship between recovery, and by enacting bold financial- Japan and the U.S. reaffirmed. The turmoil in Iraq revitalization laws to eliminate the bad loan and in the former Yugoslavia makes it abundantly problem dragging down Japans financial clear that international stability has not fallen institutions. Last November, Prime Minister neatly into place in the aftermath of the Cold War Obuchis Cabinet announced a record $200 billion as had been predicted. Furthermore in the Asia- (almost 5 percent of GDP) stimulus package. Pacific region, the widespread financial crisis and The package, which consists of substantial North Koreas missile test of Aug. 31 left public investments to improve Japans instability, uncertainty and tension in their wake. infrastructure, ease the credit crunch, and Indeed, in these difficult times, the permanently reduce personal and corporate taxes, maintenance of a strong Japan-U.S.
Recommended publications
  • Japan and the United States in the Asian Financial Crisis Management

    Japan and the United States in the Asian Financial Crisis Management

    CHAPTER 8 Japan and the United States in the Asian Financial Crisis Management Not even the Asian countries, with their “miracle econo- mies,”could escape the µnancial turmoil of the twenty-µrst century.1 In 1997, Thailand, the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia, and Korea all experienced attacks on their currencies and stock markets, and their gov- ernments could not, on their own, manage these attacks or stabilize their economies. In response, the IMF, with the participation of Japan, the United States, and other governments, assembled international µnancial rescue packages in an effort to stabilize the international µnancial market. The com- bined total of aid committed through multilateral and bilateral channels reached more than $110 billion by the end of 1997. Japan’s involvement in the management of the Asian µnancial crisis2 presents a much more complex picture than its involvement in the series of Latin American crises analyzed in chapters 5 and 6. First, the Japanese gov- ernment’s actions and the style of leadership in managing the Asian crisis shifted over time from active and independent (early summer through fall 1997), to passive but cooperative (fall 1997 to mid-1998), to active with cau- tious independence (mid-1998 through 1999). Second, the Japanese govern- ment demonstrated ambivalence in cooperating with the United States and the IMF, by sometimes fully supporting their initiatives (e.g., in the second phase) and sometimes providing (or attempting to provide) alternative solu- tions to the crisis. This chapter analyzes the reasons for the variance in the Japanese government’s actions in Asian crisis management by applying the same theoretical framework as chapters 5 and 6: the importance of joint prod- uct and transnational linkages.
  • Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868

    Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868

    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky University of Kentucky UKnowledge Asian Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 5-15-2014 Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Georgia Institute of Technology Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Woodall, Brian, "Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868" (2014). Asian Studies. 4. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_asian_studies/4 Growing Democracy in Japan Growing Democracy in Japan The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Due to variations in the technical specifications of different electronic reading devices, some elements of this ebook may not appear as they do in the print edition. Readers are encouraged to experiment with user settings for optimum results. Copyright © 2014 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Woodall, Brian.
  • The Changing Nature of Bureaucracy and Governing Structure in Japan

    The Changing Nature of Bureaucracy and Governing Structure in Japan

    Washington International Law Journal Volume 28 Number 2 4-1-2019 The Changing Nature of Bureaucracy and Governing Structure in Japan Mayu Terada Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, President/Executive Department Commons, and the Public Law and Legal Theory Commons Recommended Citation Mayu Terada, The Changing Nature of Bureaucracy and Governing Structure in Japan, 28 Wash. L. Rev. 431 (2019). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj/vol28/iss2/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at UW Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington International Law Journal by an authorized editor of UW Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Compilation © 2019 Washington International Law Journal Association THE CHANGING NATURE OF BUREAUCRACY AND GOVERNING STRUCTURE IN JAPAN Mayu Terada* Abstract: This paper analyzes and criticizes changes in the relationship between politics and the bureaucracy, in Japan up to the present from the viewpoint of administrative organizations and related public law system. Drastic changes in the legal system, or legal reform, may sometimes undermine the true intention of the policy and its implementation. Thus, bringing political leadership in administrative decision-making bodies cannot be easily concluded as better or worse than the complete separation of administration and government. To analyze this matter in
  • The Limits of Forgiveness in International Relations: Groups

    The Limits of Forgiveness in International Relations: Groups

    JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations E-ISSN: 1647-7251 [email protected] Observatório de Relações Exteriores Portugal del Pilar Álvarez, María; del Mar Lunaklick, María; Muñoz, Tomás The limits of forgiveness in International Relations: Groups supporting the Yasukuni shrine in Japan and political tensions in East Asia JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations, vol. 7, núm. 2, noviembre, 2016, pp. 26- 49 Observatório de Relações Exteriores Lisboa, Portugal Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=413548516003 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative OBSERVARE Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa e-ISSN: 1647-7251 Vol. 7, Nº. 2 (November 2016-April 2017), pp. 26-49 THE LIMITS OF FORGIVENESS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: GROUPS SUPPORTING THE YASUKUNI SHRINE IN JAPAN AND POLITICAL TENSIONS IN EAST ASIA María del Pilar Álvarez [email protected] Research Professor at the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Salvador (USAL, Argentina) and Visiting Professor of the Department of International Studies at the University T. Di Tella (UTDT). Coordinator of the Research Group on East Asia of the Institute of Social Science Research (IDICSO) of the USAL. Postdoctoral Fellow of the National Council of Scientific and Technical Research (CONICET) of Argentina. Doctor of Social Sciences from the University of Buenos Aires (UBA). Holder of a Master Degree on East Asia, Korea, from Yonsei University. Holder of a Degree in Political Science (UBA).
  • Japanese Electoral Politics: Reform, Results, and Prospects for the Future

    Japanese Electoral Politics: Reform, Results, and Prospects for the Future

    Japanese Electoral Politics: Reform, Results, and Prospects for the Future Author: Joe Michael Sasanuma Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/470 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2004 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. BOSTON COLLEGE JAPANESE ELECTORAL POLITICS: REFORM, RESULTS AND PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE A SENIOR HONORS THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE HONORS PROGRAM OF THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND THE COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES BY JOE M. MICHAEL SASANUMA April 2004 - 1 - Table of Contents Part I: Introduction 3 Chapter 1: The Lost Ten Years 4 Part II: Revolution, Realignment, and the Man Named Ozawa 12 Chapter 2: Money and Machine Politics 13 Chapter 3: Ozawa Ichiro’s Reform, Revolt, and Revolution 15 Chapter 4: Hosokawa’s Fall, LDP’s Return, and Ozawa Again 21 Chapter 5: Realignment 24 Part III: The Electoral System: Before and After 38 Chapter 6: The Medium Size Election District System 39 Chapter 7: The Mixed System 43 Chapter 8: Analyzing the New Electoral System 49 Part IV: Previous Elections 66 Chapter 9: The Election of 1996 67 Chapter 10: The Election of 2000 69 Part V: The Election of 2003 77 Chapter 11: Results and Analysis 78 Chapter 12: Predictions and Results 88 Chapter 13: District Analysis 102 Part VI: Conclusion 132 Chapter 14: Prospects for the Future 133 - 2 - Part I Introduction - 3 - Chapter 1: The Lost Ten Years In an interview conducted by the Yomiuri Shinbun newspaper in May of 2003, then- vice-speaker of the Lower House Watanabe Kozo called the past decade of Japanese politics “The Lost Ten Years.”1 Although the term is used more commonly to describe the Japanese economic stagnation of the 1990s, in many ways his use of the term to describe politics was equally appropriate.
  • The Birth and Consequences of the Bank of Japan's Quantitative

    The Birth and Consequences of the Bank of Japan's Quantitative

    Bound by a Hidden Agenda: The Birth and Consequences of the Bank of Japan’s Quantitative Monetary Easing Tetsufumi Arita July 2007 THE WALTER H. SHORENSTEIN ASIA-PACIFIC RESEARCH CENTER (Shorenstein APARC) is a unique Stanford University institution focused on the interdisciplinary study of contemporary Asia. Shorenstein APARC’s mission is to produce and publish outstanding interdisciplinary, Asia-Pacific– focused research; educate students, scholars, and corporate and governmental affiliates; promote constructive interaction to influence U.S. policy toward the Asia-Pacific; and guide Asian nations on key issues of societal transition, development, U.S.-Asia relations, and regional cooperation. The Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Stanford University Encina Hall Stanford, CA 94306-6055 http://shorenstein.stanford.edu 2 About the Author Tetsufumi Arita has been a reporter for the Japanese newspaper, Asahi Shimbun, since 990. He has extensive experience in reporting business and political news. Arita was a visiting fellow at the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center between 2004 and 2005. 2 3 4 Abstract For the past five years, the Bank of Japan (BOJ) has employed an unconventional monetary easing policy, called quantitative monetary easing. Under a zero interest rate regime, the BOJ shifted its tool for monetary easing from interest rates to quantity of money, thus providing the money market with much more money than it needs. It is difficult to find evidence that this monetary easing has contributed to the current economic recovery. What we can show is that this quantitative easing diluted the functions of interest rates in the money market, with the following consequences: quantitative easing hid the risks of the huge amount of fiscal debt and supported troubled commercial banks.
  • Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia

    Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia

    PROTEST AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS Chiavacci, (eds) Grano & Obinger Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia East Democratic in State the and Society Civil Edited by David Chiavacci, Simona Grano, and Julia Obinger Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia Between Entanglement and Contention in Post High Growth Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia Protest and Social Movements Recent years have seen an explosion of protest movements around the world, and academic theories are racing to catch up with them. This series aims to further our understanding of the origins, dealings, decisions, and outcomes of social movements by fostering dialogue among many traditions of thought, across European nations and across continents. All theoretical perspectives are welcome. Books in the series typically combine theory with empirical research, dealing with various types of mobilization, from neighborhood groups to revolutions. We especially welcome work that synthesizes or compares different approaches to social movements, such as cultural and structural traditions, micro- and macro-social, economic and ideal, or qualitative and quantitative. Books in the series will be published in English. One goal is to encourage non- native speakers to introduce their work to Anglophone audiences. Another is to maximize accessibility: all books will be available in open access within a year after printed publication. Series Editors Jan Willem Duyvendak is professor of Sociology at the University of Amsterdam. James M. Jasper teaches at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia Between Entanglement and Contention in Post High Growth Edited by David Chiavacci, Simona Grano, and Julia Obinger Amsterdam University Press Published with the support of the Swiss National Science Foundation.
  • Prime Minister Mori's Controversial “Divine

    Prime Minister Mori's Controversial “Divine

    ISSA Proceedings 2006 – Prime Minister Mori’s Controversial “Divine Nation” Remarks: A Case Study Of Japanese Political Communication Strategies The 2000 general election was of great significance because it would decide the direction Japan was to take in the twenty-first century. Prior to the general election, on the funeral day of his predecessor, Obuchi Keizo, Prime Minister Mori Yoshiro made a toast at a party of the pro- Shinto parliamentary organization. In his speech, Mori described Japan as a “divine nation,” and sparked controversy across the country. To play to the pro-Shinto religious side, Mori did not just magnify Japan’s pride and self-regard, but also intensified the sentiment of its national identity by calling in Japanese cultural uniqueness (Hobsbawm & Ranger 1983).[ii] For his pro-Shinto audience, Mori’s cultural assertiveness and defiance was a common sense support for the traditional values of Japanese society. To the public ear, however, the strong-sounding words sounded very conservative. Mori’s pronouncement adversely affected public trust both in his cabinet and in his leadership of the ruling coalition consisting of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), new Komeito, and the newly-born Conservative Party. Controversy over his “private” remarks at the party spread from the political sphere to the public sphere. Troubled by the emotional trauma of loss for more than a half century after World War II, many Japanese people questioned his capacity as the Prime Minister.[iii] Following a decade of dissatisfaction with empty promises of administrative reform in the 1990s, public cynicism now seemed to run so deep that public desire for strong leadership appeared to seek even authoritarian alternatives.
  • RELIGIÃO E SEGURANÇA NO JAPÃO: Padrões Históricos E Desafios No Século XXI

    RELIGIÃO E SEGURANÇA NO JAPÃO: Padrões Históricos E Desafios No Século XXI

    UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL INSTITUTO DE FILOSOFIA E CIÊNCIAS HUMANAS PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM CIÊNCIA POLÍTICA LORENZO DE AGUIAR PERES RELIGIÃO E SEGURANÇA NO JAPÃO: Padrões Históricos e Desafios no Século XXI Porto Alegre – RS 2010 LORENZO DE AGUIAR PERES RELIGIÃO E SEGURANÇA NO JAPÃO: Padrões Históricos e Desafios no Século XXI Dissertação de Mestrado apresentada ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciência Política da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Ciência Política. Orientador: Marco Aurélio Chaves Cepik Porto Alegre – RS 2010 2 Dedico esta Dissertação à minha mãe, Lícia Peres, cujo amor e estímulos diários me motivam a superar cada desafio. 3 AGRADECIMENTOS À Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) que financiou esta pesquisa. Ao programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciência Política da UFRGS por todo suporte acadêmico e técnico, possibilitando um ambiente propício para a elaboração do presente trabalho. Ao meu orientador e professor, Marco Cepik, pelo auxílio e rigor acadêmico, sempre buscando desenvolver meu senso crítico. Ao professor e amigo José Miguel Quedi Martins, que me estimulou a pesquisar este tema e sempre se dispôs a debatê-lo. Aos professores do Mestrado em Ciência Política, pelos ensinamentos e pela busca constante da excelência. Aos colegas e amigos Igor Castellano da Silva, Fernando Sebben, Julio Rodriguez, Rodrigo Cardoso, Gustavo Dullius, Luiza Schneider, Lucas Kerr, Fabrício Ávila, Nilo de Castro, Márcio Guimarães, Eduardo Bueno e João Chiarelli, que sempre se colocaram à disposição para debater assuntos relacionados às Relações Internacionais e à Ciência Política.
  • Local Government Reform and the Demise of the LDP*

    Local Government Reform and the Demise of the LDP*

    Local Government Reform and the Demise of the LDP* Jun Saito Abstract The Liberal Democratic Party maintained its electoral dominance largely by means of its divide-and-conquer tactics over the local government. The LDP’s political control over the local government was so tight that anti-LDP political movements in the early 1990s were based on the idea of decentralization. The LDP took advantage of coalition partners to retain its government party status, but the policy concessions due to coalition bargaining resulted in the erosion of the party’s support base. In particular, the series of municipal mergers toward March 2006 resulted in magnified volatility of the LDP’s seat winning capacities and resulted in a decisive electoral defeats in the 2007 upper house and the 2009 lower house elections. Key words: local government, Liberal Democratic Party, fiscal federalism, decentralization, municipal mergers I. Introduction The 2009 general election generated an unprecedented defeat of the LDP. This was unprecedented because it was the first lower house election where the LDP failed to secure the plurality status. In addition, this was the first election in which the LDP suffered two consecutive defeats in national elections. The 2007 upper house election was a serious defeat for the LDP, but whenever the party suffered a serious loss in upper house elections, the party successfully rebounded in the next round of the upper house and lower house elections. This obviously did not happen in 2009. Observers have attributed the LDP’s historic loss to growing dissatisfaction among voters with the LDP’s policy performance.
  • How Japan's Ministry of Finance Orchestrates Its Own Reformation

    How Japan's Ministry of Finance Orchestrates Its Own Reformation

    Fordham International Law Journal Volume 22, Issue 1 1998 Article 5 Master of Puppets: How Japan’s Ministry of Finance Orchestrates Its Own Reformation Gregory D. Ruback∗ ∗ Copyright c 1998 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Master of Puppets: How Japan’s Ministry of Finance Orchestrates Its Own Reformation Gregory D. Ruback Abstract This Comment analyzes Japan’s effort to create a competitive securities market that is free, transparent, and reliable. Part I describes Japan’s regulatory environment, emphasizing the power and authority of the Ministry and its influence within the Japanese government and over the secu- rities industry. Part II details elements of the Big Bang reforms and describes the current political situation that will influence the effectiveness of the reforms. Part III addresses the probable effec- tiveness of the reforms in the context of Japan’s regulatory structure, past scandals and reforms, and current political environment. Finally, this Comment argues that the Ministry has the ability to control the reformation of the securities industry because of the Ministry’s extensive influence within the government and over the securities industry. In addition, this Comment argues that the reforms initiated by the Japanese government will be ineffective in changing the regulation of the securities industry because the reforms threaten to reduce the Ministry’s authority over the securities industry. MASTER OF PUPPETS:
  • Remarks with Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa of Japan to the Presidential Business Delegation in Tokyo January 8, 1992

    Remarks with Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa of Japan to the Presidential Business Delegation in Tokyo January 8, 1992

    Administration of George Bush, 1992 / Jan. 8 And lastly, and this is the end, you’ll be every one of you. happy to know, I just want to thank all of the people in this wonderful city who have given Barbara Bush, over here, and me such Note: The President spoke at 4:10 p.m. In a warm welcome. When we got off that hel- his remarks, he referred to Yoshiya icopter here and came by those wonderfully Kakimoto, Governor of Nara; Taro Miura, warm, smiling faces, extending to us a Mayor of Kashihara; Michio Watanabe, Jap- warm, Japanese welcome, we felt very, very anese Minister of Foreign Affairs; and grateful and very emotional. And that said Charles Lazarus, chairman and chief execu- an awful lot about the friendship between tive officer of Toys-R-Us. A tape was not Japan and the United States of America. available for verification of the content of Thank you. And may God bless each and these remarks. Remarks With Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa of Japan to the Presidential Business Delegation in Tokyo January 8, 1992 The President. Let me just say to those beat of our country in jobs in small busi- on the American side and this very distin- ness, independent business. And so, the guished delegation of American business head of the Independent Business Associa- people that are here, led by our able Sec- tion is here, the National Association of retary of Commerce, how pleased we are Manufacturing. And in these discussions, to be in Japan and, Mr. Prime Minister, your friends and colleagues are talking to how much we appreciate your hospitality.